ash-Sha'bī

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Abū ʿAmr ʿĀmir ibn Sharāhīl al-Shabī ( Arabic أبو عمرو عامر بن شراحيل الشعبي, DMG Abū ʿAmr ʿĀmir ibn Šarāḥīl aš-Šaʿbī born. between 637 and 652 in Kufa , died between 721 and 729 ibid) was a Fiqh scholar, mufti , traditionalist , prince educator and poet of South Arabian descent. Although he was involved in two uprisings, he was entrusted with important offices by the caliphs ʿAbdallāh ibn az-Zubair and ʿAbd al-Malik ibn Marwān, as well as the Umaiyad governor in Iraq, al-Hajjaj ibn Yūsuf . During the reign of ʿUmar ibn ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz , he served as the Qādī of Kufa.

On the religious-political level, al-Shabei represented very moderate views, which is why William Montgomery Watt classified him as a representative of a "central party" within the Islamic camp. In the area of fiqh , al-Sha'bī was a bitter opponent of qiyā . As a traditionarian, he not only narrated hadiths , but also many historical accounts. A large part of the reports about the Umayyad period go back to him.

Origin and dates of life

ʿĀmir asch-Shaʿbī belonged to the Banū Hassān ibn ʿAmr, a division of the Himyar tribe , which traced back to the Yemeni petty prince ( qail ) Hassān ibn ʿAmr Dhū asch-Schaʿbain. The Banū Hassān ibn ʿAmr in Kufa named themselves after him as asch-Shaʿbīyūn . The group of the Banū Hassān ibn ʿAmr, who belonged to ash-Shabī, had already joined the Hamdān tribe in Yemen. The group within the Banū Hassān ibn ʿAmr, who belonged to ash-Shaʿbī, was sometimes called the "little Hamdān people "( šaʿb Hamdān aṣ-ṣuġrā ) denotes, in contrast to the" great Hamdān ", which traced back to Kahlān, the brother of Himyar.

Ash-Shaʿbīs father fought in the battle of Jalūlā '(637) in Iraq. His mother was captured in that battle and given as booty to his father. There is great uncertainty about the year of his birth. Ash-Sha'bī himself is quoted as saying that he was born in the year of the battle of Jalūlā. Others dated his birth to the sixth year of the reign of ʿUmar ibn al-Chattāb (i.e. the year 640/41 AD), to the year 21 (= 641/42 AD) or 28 (= 648/49 AD) or 31 (= 651/52 AD). The fact that he had seen ʿAlī ibn Abī Tālib and was able to describe him, but had not heard any traditions from him, suggests a late date of birth . He himself remembered that ʿAlī had once expelled him from the courtyard of the mosque when he was playing with other boys there. Ash-Sha'bī was a twin, and with the tightness in the womb he is said to have explained his own slimness.

There are also very different statements about the date of Ash-Shebī's death, which vary between the years 103 and 110 of the Hijra (= 721 to 729 AD). According to a relatively precise statement given by Ibn ʿAsākir , he died at the beginning of the year 106 (= May / June 724 AD), in which Hishām ibn ʿAbd al-Malik was made caliph. This fits well with another tradition, according to which he died shortly before al-Hasan al-Basrī , whose death is dated to the year 728. The only information we have about the circumstances of his death is that his death came as a surprise to those around him.

There are also different statements about the age of Ash-Sha'bī at his death. In a poem that various authors quote from him, he complains about his own physical weakness and gives his age at 77 years and 9 months. This can be seen as the minimum age at his death.

Political life

Change of camp during the Second Civil War

All accounts of al-She'bī's life agree that he was heavily involved in politics. Ibn Qutaiba reports that during the Second Civil War he initially served the governors of Kufa ʿAbdallāh ibn Yazīd al-Chatamī (684-685) and ʿAbdallāh ibn Mutīʿ al-ʿAdawī (685.) As secretary, who were appointed by ʿAbdallāh ibn az-Zubair . However, al-Sha'bī took part in the Shiite uprising of al-Muchtār ibn Abī ʿUbaid from the very beginning . He and his father were among the most important supporters of al-Muchtār and were among the first to answer his call. Together they attended the meetings to plan the uprising. Ash-Shabī was also on al-Muchtār's wage roll ( dīwān ), participated in his Ghazw activities and became a downright Shiite.

But when al-Muchtār's movement became radicalized, he took offense at its "exaggeration" ( ifrāṭ ), broke away from it and began to criticize it. In this context, the saying goes from him: "If the Shiites were birds, they would be vultures. But if they were mounts, they would be donkeys". One of the things that Ash-Shaʿbī criticized the followers of the Kaisānīya was their hatred of ʿĀ'isha bint Abī Bakr , who they regarded as the most vile of Muhammad's wives. Ash-Sha'bī saw this as a violation of the Sunnah of their Prophet. The break with al-Muchtār occurred when he presented an alleged letter from Muhammad ibn al-Hanafīya calling for action against the Umayyads, and asking al-Shabī's father to confirm the authenticity of the letter. Ash-Shabī then fled via al-Madāʾin to Medina , where he had frequent contact with ʿAbdallāh ibn ʿUmar .

Eight or ten months later, when the Muchtār rebellion had collapsed, al-She'bī returned to Kufa. Ibn Qutaiba reports that ʿAbdallāh ibn az-Zubair appointed him as his governor over Kufa.

In the service of al-Hajjaj

After al-Hajjaj ibn Yūsuf moved into Kufa as governor of Iraq in 694, he made al-Sha'bī due to his abilities as head ( ʿarīf ) of the Shaʿbīyūn and leader of the Hamdān. He increased his endowment and sent him to the head of several delegations to the Caliph ʿAbd al-Malik ibn Marwān . He also sent him as an envoy to Rutbīl , the non-Muslim ruler in what is now Afghanistan. On this occasion, he was offended by the fact that Ash-She'be had dyed his beard red. Ash-Sha'bī, however, defended himself by saying that this was Sunnah .

Participation in the uprising of Ibn al-Ashʿath and pardon

In the year 699 al-Sha'bī was drawn into the rebellion of Ibn al-Ash'ath. He went out against al-Hajjaj together with the readers of the Koran ( qurrāʾ ) and also attended the battle of Dair al-Jamājim. When addressing the two opposing armies, he showered al-Hajjaj with accusations.

After the collapse of the uprising, al-Sha'bī hid for fear of al-Hajjaj's vengeance. When he learned that he had granted amnesty to all those who joined the army of Qutaiba ibn Muslim in Khorasan , he traveled east on a donkey. Together with Qutaiba's army he moved to Fergana , where he initially remained undetected. After a while, however, Qutaiba employed him as his secretary and partner. Here he was quoting a book about the conquests without any documents .

Al-Hajjaj learned, however, of al-Sha'bī's stay with Qutaiba and demanded his extradition. Thereupon Qutaiba had him taken to Wāsit. After al-Sha'bī had shown Tauba , he was pardoned by al-Hajjaj. Al-Hajjaj's milk brother and secretary Yazīd ibn Abī Muslim, who was on friendly terms with him, played an important role in the rehabilitation of al -Sha'bī . He and al-Hajjaj's son advised him on the excuses that he should make. But when he was brought before al-Hajjaj, he silently endured his accusations of badly paid favors, and then openly admitted his guilt. Al-Hajjaj pardoned him thereupon.

As a prince educator and scholar at the court of ʿAbd al-Malik

At an unknown point in time, ʿAbd al-Malik asked al-Hajjaj a well-educated scholar to educate his son, whereupon the al-Shabbi sent him to him. He traveled to Syria with Muhriz, the son of Abū Huraira , and arrived there when ʿAbd al-Malik was on a pilgrimage and his brother ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz ibn Marwān was taking his place. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz took in al-Shabī and had him recite hadiths. In addition, al-Sha'bī in the presence of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz entered a poetry contest with ʿAbd al-Malik's Christian court poet al-Akhtal.

ʿAbd al-Malik was initially not very satisfied with al-Sha'bī, but al-Sha'bī was able to favor him through his poetry and extensive knowledge of hadith. As planned, he also gave him his children for upbringing. It is also reported that al-Sha'bī recited hadith to the caliph while he was eating. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, who highly valued al-Shay'bī's cleverness and wit, later asked his brother for him from Egypt. ʿAbd al-Malik consented to this request, but demanded that al-Sha'bī should return from Egypt within a month at the latest.

According to an anecdote that has come down to us in various Arabic works, ʿAbd al-Malik also sent al-Shebī as an ambassador to the Emperor of Byzantium . In the report it is said that the emperor al-Shebaʿbī did not let go for many days, received him frequently and at the end of his stay gave him a missed note ( ruqʿa ) for the caliph in addition to the official letter . Ash-Sha'bī, who did not know the contents of the note, gave it to the caliph on his return. The latter opens the note and summarizes the contents of al-Sha'bī: In it, the emperor asks the astonished question why no-Sha'bī was made caliph instead of ʿAbd al-Malik. Ash-Sha'bī replied in a gesture of humility : The emperor said this probably only because he had not seen ʿAbd al-Malik. ʿAbd al-Malik finally explains to al-Sha'bī the actual intention of the emperor: The emperor envied the caliph for al-Sha'bī and tried to induce him to kill him. No information is given about the consequences of the embassy.

As Qādī in Kufa

During the caliphate of al-Walid I , al-Hajjaj called asch-Shaʿbī to take over the Qādī office of Kufa. It is not known, however, whether al-She'bī complied with this request. What is certain is that ʿAbd al-Hamīd ibn ʿAbd ar-Rahmān, who was governor of Iraq during the caliphate of ʿUmar ibn ibAbd al-ʿAzīz (717–720), appointed him Qādī of Kufa.

Ash-Sha'bī fulfilled his judicial function in a corner ( zāwiya ) at the elephant gate ( bāb al-fīl ) or in the mosque. She was dressed in a red, wide robe and had a red turban on her head. He was also seen performing the hadd sentences in the mosque . In one case in which the daughter of a certain ʿĪsā ibn al-Jarrād was involved, al-Shay'bī found herself confronted with the accusation of partiality. He was said to have been seduced by her beauty and therefore treated her opponent unfairly. The accusation was spread through a poem, the first and best known verse of which was: "Ash-Shabei was infatuated when he raised his eyes to her." ( futina š-Šaʿbī lammā rafaʿa ṭ-ṭarfa ilai-hā ). Ash-Sha'bī is said to have asked to be dismissed from his post after a year and was then actually dismissed.

ʿUmar ibn Hubaira, who served as governor of Iraq under Yazid II from 720 to 723, reappointed al-Sha'bī to Qādī and wanted him to serve as entertainer at home at the same time. Ash-Shaʿbī rejected this dual function.

Traditional political statements

A motto, which has been handed down by Ash-Shabī, shows his attitude towards the four different religious-political movements of his time, the Qadarites , Shiites , Murji'a and Kharijites . It reads: "Know that the good deed comes from God and the bad deed from you, but do not be a Qadarite. Love the family of the Prophet of God, but do not be a Shiite. Refrain from the dubious things of judgment, but do not procrastinate '(= Murji'it). Act according to the Koran, but do not be a Harurit (= Kharijit). " Ash-Sha'bī therefore meant that the principles followed by the various movements of his time were fundamentally correct, but that their sectarianism deserved no imitation. Because of this stance, William Montgomery described Watt asch-Sha'bī as a representative of a "moderate" or "central party" in early Islamic history.

On another occasion, in the presence of the Shiite al-Mughīra ibn Saʿīd , al-Sha'bī is said to have said that the people split into four groups: 1. those who love ʿAlī and hates ʿUthmān, 2. those who love ʿUthmān and hates ʿAlī , 3. the one who loves both, and 4. the one who hates both. When asked what group he belonged to, he hit al-Mughīra on the thigh and said that he was an opponent of his. Then he added: "I am one of those who love both and ask forgiveness for both of them." Ash-Shaʿbī's disciple ʿAlī al-Ghudānī quoted him as saying that he had met 500 companions of the Prophets who said "Abū Bakr, ʿUmar, ʿUthmān and ʿAlī". This certainly did not mean the chronological order, but the ranking of the four people in the Fadl . The love for Abū Bakr and ʿUmar ibn al-Chattāb and the knowledge of their precedence was held by al-Shay'bī to be part of the Sunnah .

But there is also a traditional statement from asch-Shaʿbī, in which he praises the strength of the masses: "How excellent is the cause of the masses ( al-ġauġāʾ ). They stop the flood, put out the source of the fire and lean against the rulers of evil ( wulāt as-sūʾ ). " It may come from the time when Ibn al-Ash Aath had joined the revolt. The superiority of the Syrians over the Iraqis in battle was explained by al-Shaybī by the fact that the Iraqis had split up into sects, while the Syrians had remained a community ( ǧamāʿa ).

His activity as a mufti and legal scholar

The basrische scholar Muhammad Ibn Sirin (d. 729) is quoted as saying that al-Sha'bi early as the time when ibn Ziyad Abi Sufyaan was governor of Kufa, so in the years 670-673, fatwa issued -Auskünfte. This was a time when many Companions of the Prophets were still alive. Ibn Sīrīn saw for himself how al-Sha'bī was asked for legal advice in Kufa and was surrounded by a "large circle" ( ḥalqa ʿaẓīma ) of people. Ash-Sha'bī usually held his fatwa session between afternoon and evening prayers. According to his own statement, these sessions made him so happy that he was more than happy to forego a dessert. He had no fixed place for his meetings, but sat where he saw people.

Makhūl ibn Abī Muslim is said to have particularly praised al- Shabī 's fiqh competence and his knowledge of the "established sunna " ( as-sunna al-māḍiya ). In addition, asch- Schaʿbī was well versed in arithmetic ( al-ḥisāb ), so that he could solve problems of calculating the inheritance ( farāʾiḍ ) well. He is said to have left a book of his own with the title al-Farāʾiḍ wa-l-ǧirāḥāt for calculating the inheritance . Little is known about al-Shabbi's training. He himself is quoted as saying that he had received his training from the disciples of ʿAbdallāh ibn Masʿūd , who in his youth were considered "the lights of the mosque" ( qanādīl al-masǧid ). His teacher in arithmetic was a certain al-Hārith al-Aʿwar, who was one of the companions of ʿAlīs.

Like ʿAbdallāh ibn ʿUmar , al-Sha'bī was known to openly admit it when he did not know something. In this context, the saying goes from him: "To say: 'I don't know' is half of knowing" ( lā adrī niṣf al-ʿilm ). To people who criticized his frequent admission of ignorance, he relied on the fact that Sura 2:32 reports that the angels were not ashamed to admit their ignorance either. Ash-Sha'bī was also known for having liked to joke while working as a legal scholar.

Position among scholars

The great role that asch-Shaʿbī had as a mufti for Kufa is expressed in a statement narrated by the Syrian scholar az-Zuhrī. Accordingly, there were a total of four great scholars in his time: Saʿīd ibn al-Musaiyab in Medina, ʿĀmir asch-Schaʿbī in Kufa, al-Hasan al-Basrī in Basra and Makhūl ibn Abī Muslim in Syria. Some even considered ash-Sha'bī to be the leading scholar of the Muslims between ʿAbdallāh ibn ʿAbbās and Sufyān ath-Thaurī . However, asch-Shaʿbī competed in later times with other legal scholars from the Mawālī , who were also active in the mosque of Kufa. In a report it is reported that al-Shaʿbī left the mosque in resignation when he saw Hammād ibn Abī Sulaimān, the teacher of Abū Hanīfa , or al-Hakam ibn ʿUtba (d. 733) teaching there.

Asch-Sha'bī rivaled Ibrāhīm an-Nachaʿī (d. 717) particularly strongly. He contested his place in the mosque and often made disparaging remarks about him. So he accused him of coming to him in the evening and questioning him and then acting as a mufti himself that day. When both got together, Ibrāhīm an-Nachaʿī was silent. Al-Aʿmasch reports that al-Shabī despised the Mawālī and once addressed him because of his origins as a slave ( ʿabd ). While Ibrāhīm an-Nachaʿī respected him, al-Shaʿbī made fun of his appearance.

Assessment of qiyās and ra'y

Unlike his colleague Ibrahim an-Nakha'i, the mainly on Qiyas assisted, to al-Sha'bi intended primarily to traditions ( ATAR have supported). He also tried to convince other scholars that the qiyās is not a good argument. The saying goes on from him: "Beware of qiyās. For when you use it, you make what is allowed forbidden and what is forbidden allowed."

Regarding the assessment of the Ra'y , very different statements are passed down from al-She'bī. He is supposed to have said that there are three kinds of men: whole men, half men, and those who are not men at all. All the men are those who have a judgment ( raʾy ) and also ask for advice, and half men are those who have no judgment but ask for advice. But whoever has no judgment and does not ask for advice is not a man at all. When he was once asked to decide in his judicial office according to what God showed him, he is said to have replied that he did not make decisions according to the "judgment of his master" ( raʾy rabbī ), but according to his own judgment. On the other hand, several negative statements about Ra'y are handed down from him. For example, when he was once asked to express his opinion on a matter, he is said to have said: "What do you want to do with my Ra'y? Piss on my Ra'y!" ( wa-mā taṣnaʿ bi-raʾyī bul ʿalā raʾyī ). Similarly disparaging of the Ra'y is a saying that his student Mālik ibn Mighwal passed on from him: "Record what they tell you about the Prophet. But what they teach on the basis of their Ra'y, throw into the toilet." In another tradition it is reported that it was the presence of Ra'y followers ( raʾyīyūn , aṣḥāb ar-raʾy ) that made him stay in the mosque of Kufa.

Joseph Schacht suspected that the image of asch-Shaʿbī as "the sharpest critic of Ra'y and Qiyās among the Iraqis" was first invented by later traditionists, while the sayings in favor of Ra'y were invented by later Iraqis. The fact is that in the traditional collections, especially in the Musannaf works of ʿAbd ar-Razzāq as-Sanʿānī (d. 827) and Ibn Abī Shaiba (d. 849), hundreds of doctrinal statements ( aqwāl ) asch-Shabīs are preserved, which not based on hadiths.

His role as a traditionalist and a poet

Ash-Sha'bi traditional among others by Abu Huraira , Abd Allah ibn Abbas , Abdullah ibn Umar ,'Adī ibn Haatim (d. 687), Anas ibn Maalik , al-Ash'ath ibn Qais , Abu Musa Ashaari and al-Hasan ibn'Alī . He had seen ʿAlī ibn Abī Tālib and was able to describe him, but had heard nothing from him. Altogether he is said to have passed down from 48 companions of the prophet . Those who, in turn, narrated from al-Shabī were Qatāda ibn Diʿāma , ʿAbdallāh ibn ʿAun , Makhūl ibn Abī Muslim , Abū Hanīfa . and al-Aʿmash .

In terms of the number of traditions, al-Sha'bī is said to have stood on the same level as ʿUrwa ibn az-Zubair . However, he mainly passed on Maghāzī reports. ʿAbdallāh ibn ʿUmar is said to have particularly praised his knowledge in this area. It appears in the Isnād of numerous historical accounts ( aḫbār ) by Saif ibn ʿUmar and other historians of the conquest of Iraq. Many of these accounts belong to the Awā'il genre. In traditions that al-Shaʿbī traced back to Mohammed, he very often named the long-lived tribal leader ʿAdī ibn Hātim (d. 687) as his direct contact. GHA Juynboll suspects, however, that these reports do not really go back to the Prophet and that asch-Sha'bī only later based them on an isnād, which leads back to the Prophet via ʿAdī.

Ash-Sha'bī himself was very proud of his memory. He is said to have boasted that he could recite poetry every day for a month without repeating himself. He also claimed that he had never recorded anything in "black and white". He recommended to his contemporaries to break away from written records of the traditions of earlier narrators. Some even said that he was illiterate ( ummī ). However, this contradicts the tradition that he was secretary of various governors. He had no objection to the written fixation of his own traditions. The traders' criticism later classified him as "trustworthy" ( ṯiqa ). However, ʿAbdallāh ibn ʿAun said that he only handed down hadiths in a general sense.

Ash-Sha'bī was also a gifted poet. He was known for composing unusual rhymes ( awābid ) and refined poetry, and also performing poetry in the mosque. When asch-Shaʿbī was staying with ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz ibn Marwān in Syria, he entered a poetry contest with ʿAbd al-Malik's Christian court poet al-Akhtal in the presence of the ruler . Al-Akhtal is said to have praised his versatility on this occasion: while he himself only draws from one vessel, asch-Sha'bī draws from numerous vessels.

literature

Arabic sources
  • Abū Nuʿaim al-Iṣfahānī: Ḥilyat al-Auliyāʾ wa-ṭabaqāt al-aṣfiyāʾ . 10 vol. Dār al-kutub al-ʿilmīya, Beirut, undated vol. IV, pp. 310–338. Digitized
  • Shams ad-Dīn aḏ-Ḏahabī : Siyar aʿlām an-nubalāʾ. Ed. Shuʿaib al-Arnāʾūṭ. 11th edition. Muʾassasat ar-Risāla, Beirut, 1996. Vol. IV, pp. 294-319. Digitized
  • Abū Yūsuf Yaʿqūb Ibn Sufyān al-Fasawī: Kitāb al-Maʿrifa wa-t-tārīḫ. Ed. Akram Ḍiyāʾ al-ʿUmarī. 3 Vols. Baghdad: Maṭbaʿat Aršād 1975. Vol. II, pp. 592–604. Digitized
  • Al-Ḫaṭīb al-Baġdādī: Tārīḫ Baġdād . Ed. Baššār ʿAuwār Maʿrūf. Dār al-Ġarb al-islāmī, Beirut, 2001. Vol. XIV, pp. 143–151. Digitized
  • Ibn ʿAsākir : Taʾrīḫ madīnat Dimašq . Ed. ʿUmar ibn Ġarāma al-ʿUmarī. Dār al-Fikr, Beirut, 1996. Vol. XXV, pp. 335-430. Digitized
  • Ibn Ḥaǧar al-ʿAsqalānī : Tahḏīb at-tahḏīb . Dāʾirat al-Maʿārif an-Niẓāmīya, Hyderabad, 1907. Vol. V, pp. 65-69. Digitized
  • Ibn Qutaiba : Kitāb al-Maʿārif . Ed. Ṯarwat ʿUkāša. Cairo 1960. pp. 449-451.
  • Muhammad ibn Saʿd : Kitāb aṭ-Ṭabaqāt al-kabīr . Ed. E. Sachau. 9 vols. Leiden 1904–1940. Vol. VI, pp. 171-178 digitized
  • Al-Mizzī : Tahḏīb al-kamāl fī asmāʾ ar-riǧāl . Ed. Baššār ʿAuwād Maʿrūf. Muʾassasat ar-Risāla, Beirut, 1988. Vol. XIV, pp. 28-40. Digitized
  • Abū Saʿd as-Samʿānī: Kitāb al-Ansāb. Ed. Muḥammad ʿAuwāḍ. Maktabat Ibn Taimīya, Cairo, 1976. Vol. VII, pp. 341f. Digitized
  • Al-Wakīʿ Muḥammad ibn Ḫalaf: Aḫbār al-quḍāt . Cairo 1947–1950. Vol. II, pp. 413-428.
Secondary literature
  • Steven C. Judd: Religious Scholars and the Umayyads. Piety-minded supporters of the Marwānid caliphate . Routledge, Abingdon 2014. pp. 41-50.
  • GHA Juynboll: Art. "Al- Sh aʿbī" in The Encyclopaedia of Islam. New Edition . Vol. IX, pp. 162b-163b.
  • M. Yaşar Kandemir: Art. "Şaʿbî" in Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm ansiklopedisi . Vol. XXXVIII, pp. 217b-218c. Digitized
  • F. Krenkow: Art. "Al- Sh aʿbī" in Encyclopedia of Islam . Brill, Leiden, 1913-1936. Vol. IV, pp. 260a-261b.
  • Redwan Sayed: The revolt of Ibn al-Ašʿaṯ and the Koran readers. A contribution to the religious and social history of the early Umayyad period . Freiburg / Br. 1977. pp. 353-355. Digitized
  • Joseph Schacht : The Origins of Muhammadan Jurisprudence . Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1950. pp. 230f.
  • Fuat Sezgin : History of Arabic Literature . Vol. 1. Qurānwissenschaften, Ḥadīṯ, Geschichte, Fiqh, Dogmatik, Mystik up to approx. 430 H. Brill, Leiden, 1967. S. 277.

Individual evidence

  1. See Krenkow: Art. "Al- Sh aʿbī" in EI 1 vol. IV, p. 261a.
  2. Cf. Ibn Saʿd: Kitāb aṭ-Ṭabaqāt al-kabīr . Vol. VI, p. 171.
  3. Cf. Ibn Saʿd: Kitāb aṭ-Ṭabaqāt al-kabīr . Vol. VI, p. 172.
  4. Cf. Al-Mizzī: Tahḏīb al-kamāl . 1988, Vol. XIV, pp. 33f.
  5. Cf. al-Ḫaṭīb al-Baġdādī: Tārīḫ Baġdād . 2001, Vol. XIV, p. 143.
  6. Cf. Ibn Ḥaǧar al-ʿAsqalānī: Tahḏīb at-tahḏīb . 1907, Vol. V, p. 68.
  7. So aṭ-Ṭabarī : Taʾrīḫ al-rusul wa-l-mulūk. Ed. MJ de Goeje. Leiden, 1879-1901. Vol. I, p. 2646.
  8. So aḏ-Ḏahabī: Siyar aʿlām an-nubalāʾ. 1996, Vol. IV, p. 295.
  9. So in as-Samʿānī: Kitāb al-Ansāb. 1976, Vol. VII, pp. 341f.
  10. Cf. Ibn Saʿd: Kitāb aṭ-Ṭabaqāt al-kabīr . Vol. VI, p. 172.
  11. Cf. al-Wakīʿ Aḫbār al-quḍāt . 1947-50, Vol. II, p. 421.
  12. Cf. Ibn Saʿd: Kitāb aṭ-Ṭabaqāt al-kabīr . Vol. VI, p. 172.
  13. Cf. Ibn Ḥaǧar al-ʿAsqalānī: Tahḏīb at-tahḏīb . 1907, Vol. V, p. 68.
  14. Cf. Ibn ʿAsākir: Taʾrīḫ madīnat Dimašq . 1996, Vol. XXV, pp. 342, 429.
  15. Cf. Ibn Ḥaǧar al-ʿAsqalānī: Tahḏīb at-tahḏīb . 1907, Vol. V, p. 68.
  16. Cf. Ibn Saʿd: Kitāb aṭ-Ṭabaqāt al-kabīr . Vol. VI, p. 178.
  17. Cf. Ibn ʿAsākir: Taʾrīḫ madīnat Dimašq . 1996, Vol. XXV, pp. 420f.
  18. Cf. Ibn Qutaiba: Kitāb al-Maʿārif . 1960, p. 450.
  19. See Judd: Religious Scholars . 2014, p. 41.
  20. Cf. Ibn Saʿd: Kitāb aṭ-Ṭabaqāt al-kabīr . Vol. VI, p. 173.
  21. Cf. Ibn Saʿd: Kitāb aṭ-Ṭabaqāt al-kabīr . Vol. VI, p. 173.
  22. Cf. aḏ-Ḏahabī: Siyar aʿlām an-nubalāʾ. 1996, Vol. IV, p. 300.
  23. See Judd: Religious Scholars . 2014, p. 41.
  24. Cf. Ibn Saʿd: Kitāb aṭ-Ṭabaqāt al-kabīr . Vol. VI, p. 172f.
  25. Cf. Ibn Saʿd: Kitāb aṭ-Ṭabaqāt al-kabīr . Vol. VI, p. 172f.
  26. Cf. Ibn Qutaiba: Kitāb al-Maʿārif . 1960, p. 450.
  27. Cf. Ibn ʿAsākir: Taʾrīḫ madīnat Dimašq . 1996, Vol. XXV, pp. 394f. and aḏ-Ḏahabī: Siyar aʿlām an-nubalāʾ. 1996, Vol. IV, p. 304.
  28. Cf. Ibn Saʿd: Kitāb aṭ-Ṭabaqāt al-kabīr . Vol. VI, p. 173.
  29. Cf. Ibn Saʿd: Kitāb aṭ-Ṭabaqāt al-kabīr . Vol. VI, p. 173.
  30. Cf. Ibn ʿAsākir: Taʾrīḫ madīnat Dimašq . 1996, Vol. XXV, p. 398.
  31. See Krenkow: Art. "Al- Sh aʿbī" in EI 1 Vol. IV, p. 260b.
  32. See Krenkow: Art. "Al- Sh aʿbī" in EI 1 Vol. IV, p. 260b.
  33. Cf. aḏ-Ḏahabī: Siyar aʿlām an-nubalāʾ. 1996, Vol. IV, pp. 304f.
  34. See Krenkow: Art. "Al- Sh aʿbī" in EI 1 Vol. IV, p. 260b.
  35. Cf. Ibn ʿAsākir: Taʾrīḫ madīnat Dimašq . 1996, Vol. XXV, pp. 384f.
  36. Cf. al-Fasawī: Kitāb al-Maʿrifa wa-t-tārīḫ. 1975, Vol. II, pp. 595-97.
  37. Cf. Ibn ʿAsākir: Taʾrīḫ madīnat Dimašq . 1996, Vol. XXV, pp. 385f.
  38. Cf. al-Wakīʿ Aḫbār al-quḍāt . 1947-50, Vol. II, pp. 421f.
  39. Cf. al-Fasawī: Kitāb al-Maʿrifa wa-t-tārīḫ. 1975, Vol. II, p. 597.
  40. Cf. Ibn ʿAsākir: Taʾrīḫ madīnat Dimašq . 1996, Vol. XXV, p. 342.
  41. Cf. Andreas Kaplony: Constantinople and Damascus: legations and treaties between emperors and caliphs 639-750; Investigations into customary international law and intercultural diplomacy . Schwarz, Berlin, 1996. pp. 343-347. Digitized
  42. Cf. Ibn ʿAsākir: Taʾrīḫ madīnat Dimašq . 1996, Vol. XXV, p. 403.
  43. Cf. Ibn Saʿd: Kitāb aṭ-Ṭabaqāt al-kabīr . Vol. VI, pp. 175f.
  44. Cf. al-Wakīʿ Aḫbār al-quḍāt . 1947-50, Vol. II, p. 415.
  45. Cf. Ibn ʿAsākir: Taʾrīḫ madīnat Dimašq . 1996, Vol. XXV, pp. 405-408.
  46. Cf. al-Wakīʿ Aḫbār al-quḍāt . 1947-50, Vol. II, p. 413.
  47. Cf. al-Wakīʿ Aḫbār al-quḍāt . 1947-50, Vol. II, p. 414.
  48. Cf. Ibn ʿAsākir: Taʾrīḫ madīnat Dimašq . 1996, vol. XXV, p. 372f and Ibn Saʿd: Kitāb aṭ-Ṭabaqāt al-kabīr . Vol. VI, p. 173.
  49. Cf. W. Montgomery Watt, Michael Marmura: Der Islam II. Political developments and theological concepts. Kohlhammer, Stuttgart, 1985. pp. 61-63.
  50. Quoted from Ibn ʿAsākir: Taʾrīḫ madīnat Dimašq . 1996, Vol. XXV, p. 371. See aḏ-Ḏahabī: Siyar aʿlām an-nubalāʾ. 1996, Vol. IV, p. 301.
  51. Cf. aḏ-Ḏahabī: Siyar aʿlām an-nubalāʾ. 1996, Vol. IV, p. 301.
  52. Cf. aḏ-Ḏahabī: Siyar aʿlām an-nubalāʾ. 1996, Vol. IV, p. 310.
  53. Cf. aḏ-Ḏahabī: Siyar aʿlām an-nubalāʾ. 1996, Vol. IV, p. 312.
  54. See Abū Nuʿaim: Ḥilyat al-Auliyāʾ . Vol. IV, p. 315.
  55. Cf. Ibn ʿAsākir: Taʾrīḫ madīnat Dimašq . 1996, Vol. XXV, p. 342.
  56. Cf. aḏ-Ḏahabī: Siyar aʿlām an-nubalāʾ. 1996, Vol. IV, p. 300.
  57. Cf. al-Wakīʿ Aḫbār al-quḍāt . 1947-50, Vol. II, p. 421.
  58. Cf. Ibn ʿAsākir: Taʾrīḫ madīnat Dimašq . 1996, Vol. XXV, pp. 361f.
  59. Cf. Ibn ʿAsākir: Taʾrīḫ madīnat Dimašq . 1996, Vol. XXV, p. 380.
  60. Cf. Al-Mizzī: Tahḏīb al-kamāl . 1988, Vol. XIV, p. 35.
  61. Cf. al-Ḫaṭīb al-Baġdādī: Tārīḫ Baġdād . 2001, Vol. XIV, p. 146.
  62. Cf. al-Ḫaṭīb al-Baġdādī: Tārīḫ Baġdād . 2001, Vol. XIV, p. 148.
  63. Cf. aḏ-Ḏahabī: Siyar aʿlām an-nubalāʾ. 1996, Vol. IV, pp. 309f.
  64. Cf. aḏ-Ḏahabī: Siyar aʿlām an-nubalāʾ. 1996, Vol. IV, p. 318.
  65. Cf. Ibn ʿAsākir: Taʾrīḫ madīnat Dimašq . 1996, Vol. XXV, p. 366.
  66. See Krenkow: Art. "Al- Sh aʿbī" in EI 1 vol. IV, p. 261a.
  67. Cf. al-Ḫaṭīb al-Baġdādī: Tārīḫ Baġdād . 2001, Vol. XIV, pp. 144f.
  68. Cf. Ibn Saʿd: Kitāb aṭ-Ṭabaqāt al-kabīr . Vol. VI, p. 175.
  69. Cf. Ibn ʿAsākir: Taʾrīḫ madīnat Dimašq . 1996, Vol. XXV, p. 362.
  70. Cf. aḏ-Ḏahabī: Siyar aʿlām an-nubalāʾ. 1996, Vol. IV, p. 299.
  71. Cf. aḏ-Ḏahabī: Siyar aʿlām an-nubalāʾ. 1996, Vol. IV, p. 302.
  72. Cf. aḏ-Ḏahabī: Siyar aʿlām an-nubalāʾ. 1996, Vol. IV, p. 303.
  73. Cf. al-Wakīʿ Aḫbār al-quḍāt . 1947-50, Vol. II, p. 421.
  74. Cf. aḏ-Ḏahabī: Siyar aʿlām an-nubalāʾ. 1996, Vol. IV, p. 307.
  75. Cf. aḏ-Ḏahabī: Siyar aʿlām an-nubalāʾ. 1996, Vol. IV, p. 303.
  76. Cf. aḏ-Ḏahabī: Siyar aʿlām an-nubalāʾ. 1996, Vol. IV, p. 311.
  77. Cf. Ibn Qutaiba : Taʾwīl muḫtalif al-ḥadīṯ Ed. Muḥammad Muḥyī d-Dīn al-Aṣfar. al-Maktab al-Islāmī, Beirut, 1999. p. 110. Digitized
  78. Cf. Al-Mizzī: Tahḏīb al-kamāl . 1988, Vol. XIV, pp. 36f.
  79. Cf. al-Wakīʿ Aḫbār al-quḍāt . 1947-50, Vol. II, p. 427.
  80. Cf. Ibn Saʿd: Kitāb aṭ-Ṭabaqāt al-kabīr . Vol. VI, p. 174.
  81. Cf. aḏ-Ḏahabī: Siyar aʿlām an-nubalāʾ. 1996, Vol. IV, p. 319.
  82. Cf. Ibn ʿAsākir: Taʾrīḫ madīnat Dimašq . 1996, Vol. XXV, p. 362.
  83. See Schacht: The Origins of Muhammadan Jurisprudence . 1950, pp. 131, 230.
  84. Cf. Ibn Saʿd: Kitāb aṭ-Ṭabaqāt al-kabīr . Vol. VI, p. 172.
  85. Cf. aḏ-Ḏahabī: Siyar aʿlām an-nubalāʾ. 1996, Vol. IV, p. 301.
  86. Cf. Al-Mizzī: Tahḏīb al-kamāl . 1988, Vol. XIV, pp. 32f.
  87. Cf. Ibn ʿAsākir: Taʾrīḫ madīnat Dimašq . 1996, Vol. XXV, p. 335.
  88. Cf. Ibn ʿAsākir: Taʾrīḫ madīnat Dimašq . 1996, Vol. XXV, p. 346.
  89. Cf. al-Ḫaṭīb al-Baġdādī: Tārīḫ Baġdād . 2001, Vol. XIV, p. 146.
  90. Cf. Juynboll: Art. "Al- Sh aʿbī" in EI² Vol. IX, p. 163b.
  91. Cf. al-Ḫaṭīb al-Baġdādī: Tārīḫ Baġdād . 2001, Vol. XIV, p. 146.
  92. Cf. al-Wakīʿ Aḫbār al-quḍāt . 1947-50, Vol. II, p. 420.
  93. Cf. Ibn ʿAsākir: Taʾrīḫ madīnat Dimašq . 1996, Vol. XXV, pp. 364f.
  94. Cf. aḏ-Ḏahabī: Siyar aʿlām an-nubalāʾ. 1996, Vol. IV, p. 301.
  95. Cf. Ibn Saʿd: Kitāb aṭ-Ṭabaqāt al-kabīr . Vol. VI, p. 174.
  96. Cf. Ibn Ḥaǧar al-ʿAsqalānī: Tahḏīb at-tahḏīb . 1907, Vol. V, p. 67.
  97. Cf. Ibn Saʿd: Kitāb aṭ-Ṭabaqāt al-kabīr . Vol. VI, p. 174.
  98. Cf. aḏ-Ḏahabī: Siyar aʿlām an-nubalāʾ. 1996, Vol. IV, p. 312.
  99. Cf. al-Fasawī: Kitāb al-Maʿrifa wa-t-tārīḫ. 1975, Vol. II, pp. 595-97.
  100. See Abū Nuʿaim: Ḥilyat al-Auliyāʾ . Vol. IV, p. 310.