Anas ibn Mālik

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Abū Hamza Anas ibn Mālik ( Arabic أبو حمزة أنس بن مالك, DMG Abū Ḥamza Anas ibn Mālik b. between 612 and 614 in Medina , died between 708 and 714 near Basra ) was a companion and servant of the Prophet Mohammed until his death, to whom a particularly large number of hadiths are attributed. During the rule of the caliphs ʿAbdallāh ibn az-Zubair , ʿAbd al-Malik and al-Walīd , he was one of the most respected and wealthy personalities in Basra. In the case of many of the traditions handed down in his name, it is assumed in modern western research on hadith that they were only ascribed to him at a later time. Gautier HA Juynboll has even cast doubt that Anas was ever in direct contact with the Prophet.

In addition to the Kunya Abū Hamza , which the Prophet is said to have given him, Anas ibn Mālik was also known under the Kunya Abū Thumāma after his eldest son Thumāma.

Tomb of Anas ibn Malik in the Iraqi port city of Basra

Life

Early years in Medina and Bahrain

Anas ibn Mālik was a son of Umm Sulaim bint Milhān and Mālik ibn an-Nadr, both of whom belonged to the Banū an-Najār, a clan of the Chazradsch tribe . When Mohammed moved to Medina , Anas was eight and ten years old, respectively. Anas is quoted as saying that Mohammed came to visit once and was fed by his mother and her sisters, while Anas herself gave him something to drink. On another occasion, Muhammad is said to have visited at home and with Anas, his mother and her sister Umm Haram outside regular prayer times a prayer have done.

It was also his mother who, according to tradition, gave him as a servant in Muhammad's household. It is reported that he was in charge of Mohammed's shoes ( naʿl ) and his washing vessel ( idāwa ). Mohammed is said to have given him the name Abū Hamza (Arabic ḥamza = herb) when he once plucked an herb from the ground. Anas was present at the Battle of Badr but did not fight. He remained in the service of Mohammed until his death.

According to a report that can be traced back to Anas' son Mūsā, Abū Bakr sent Anas to Siʿāya after his elevation to the position of caliph . H. to raise the Sadaqa , to Bahrain. After ʿUmar ibn al-Chattāb came to power , he returned to Medina and took the oath of allegiance to him . He was allowed to keep part of the amount Anas had earned in Bahrain.

Participation in the Arab campaigns of conquest

In 639 Anas ibn Mālik was delegated to Basra at the request of Abū Mūsā al-Ashʿarī . Together with his brother Barā 'ibn Mālik he took part in the conquest of the city of Tustar . While Barā 'commanded the right wing, Anas acted as leader of the cavalry. After conquering the city, he brought al-Hurmuzān, the Persian commander-in-chief of the city, to ʿUmar ibn al-Chattāb in Medina. Anas' son Mūsā is quoted as saying that his father took part in a total of eight campaigns.

The caliph ʿUmar gave Anas a slave named Sīrīn. This asked Anas to buy himself out of him, which Anas refused with the argument that he would like to inherit him if he died. Sīrīn then complained to ʿUmar, who ordered Anas to allow him to ransom. Anas then released Sīrīn for a sum of 40,000 dirhams. Sīrīn's son Muhammad served as secretary to Anas ibn Mālik in Persia. One of his descendants is quoted as saying that Anas was the most greedy of all Mohammed's companions ( aḥraṣ aṣḥāb Muḥammad ʿalā l-māl ).

As the outstanding personality of the city of Basra

Anas built a manorial house ( qaṣr ) near Basra . This was one and a half parasangen from Basra at a lookout point ( ṭaff ) and had a garden that bore fruit twice a year. In addition, Anas had three other houses in Basra itself. One was in the immediate vicinity of the Friday Mosque , another on Stephanusstrasse ( sikkat Iṣṭifānūs ).

Anas also struck his contemporaries with his pompous demeanor. Once, when he was seen at a funeral procession, he was dressed in such splendid clothing that he was thought to be a Persian nobleman ( Dehqan ). Mostly he wore silk clothes. His turban , which he let hang down loosely at the back, was made of black silk, his scarf and overgarment made of particularly precious yellow, red, or green silk. His robe had sleeves that were a cubit wide, and he dyed his beard yellow or red. He perfumed himself with Chalūq and wore a signet ring on which a lying lion was engraved on his finger . When asked why he himself wore silk while forbidding others to do so, he justified himself by saying that he had received these clothes from the rulers and that he was wearing them to please them.

In the year 65 of the Hijra (= 684 AD), shortly after the death of the Umayyad caliph Yazid I , the Meccan caliph ʿAbdallāh ibn az-Zubair Anas commissioned the inhabitants of Basra as prayer, a task he was responsible for forty days before Ibn Muʿammar (d. 701) took over the office of governor.

According to Ibn al-Athīr , Anas had a total of 80 sons and two daughters. He himself is quoted as saying that he has 106 or 120 children and that he is the companion of the Prophets of the Ansār with the most children and the greatest wealth at all. In the three-day plague of al-Järif in 688/89, in which around 200,000 people died, he lost 70 or 80 of his children. Until the conquest of Basra by al-Hajjaj ibn Yūsuf in 691, over 100 or 120 of his descendants were supposedly buried.

Confrontation with al-Hajjaj ibn Yūsuf

After al-Hajjaj ibn Yūsuf had conquered Basra and Medina for the Umayyads , he hung a lead seal around Anas' neck to humiliate him. Conversely, Anas supported the uprising of ʿAbdallāh ibn al-Jārūd against al-Hajjādj, his son ʿAbdallāh participated in the uprising and died in the process.

A new confrontation with al-Hajjaj arose in the uprising of ʿAbd ar-Rahmān ibn al-Ash Aath (701-703). Anas' son an-Nadr took part in this uprising, while Anas himself agitated against al-Hajjāj and sided with Ibn al-Ashʿath. His house was then attacked at night and brought before al-Hajjaj. The words ʿAtīq al-Ḥaǧǧāǧ ("The freed man of al-Hajjāj") were branded on Anas' arm . He then complained to the caliph, who reprimanded his general.

According to another tradition, cited by Ibn al-Athīr and Ibn ʿAbd Rabbih, al-Hajjaj also confiscated Anas' goods and accused him in a personal confrontation of having repeatedly participated in rebellious activities, initially at the side of ʿAlī ibn Abī Tālib , then together with ʿAbdallāh ibn az-Zubair and finally with Ibn al-Jārūd. Anas, who was insulted by al-Hajjaj, complained by letter to the caliph ʿAbd al-Malik . The latter apologized to him for the disrespectful behavior of his general and called on al-Hajjaj to treat Anas and his family with honor and to give him back his property, which al-Hajjaj did.

According to various reports cited by Ibn ʿAsākir, Anas visited Damascus several times during the caliphate of al-Walīd . He is said to have had contact with the caliph there and to have been questioned by various authorities such as Makhūl ibn Abī Muslim and Ibn Shihāb al-Zuhrī about various ritual problems. A visit to al-Walīd is said to have taken place shortly after his assumption of power in 86 (= 705 AD), another visit, which, however, can hardly be reconciled with his other life dates, is planned for the year 92 (= 710/11 AD) mentioned.

Death and burial

Anas ibn Mālik is said to have been the last remaining companion of the Prophet in Basra. He himself is quoted as saying that he is the last survivor of those who prayed towards the two qiblas (i.e. Jerusalem and Mecca). In several traditions it is reported how people who visited him kissed his eyes and hands because he had seen or touched the prophet with them.

In the year before Anas died, he no longer kept the law of fasting due to illness . To compensate for this, he fed bread and meat to 30 people in need every day. Muhammad ibn Saʿd quotes ʿAbdallāh ibn Yazīd al-Hudhalī with the statement that he himself was present when Anas ibn Mālik died in Basra in 92 (= 710/11 AD). Other dates for his death vary between the years 90 (AD 708/9) and 95 (AD 713/14). According to Ibn al-Athīr , Anas died in his own house and Qatan ibn Mudrik al-Kilābī said the funeral prayer for him. Muhammad ibn Saʿd, on the other hand, cites several traditions according to which, at Anas' orders, his former secretary Muhammad Ibn Sīrīn washed his corpse and said the funeral prayer for him. Since Muhammad Ibn Sīrīn was imprisoned for a guilt at that time, he received an exit from the governor ʿUmar ibn Yazīd al-Usaidī specifically to carry out this business.

Anas was buried in his house. A bundle of musk and a tuft of the prophet's hair were put into the kerchiefs. In the time of the geographer al-Istachrī (10th century) his grave was shown outside of Basra in the steppe.

His role as a traditionalist

According to an-Nawawī , a total of 2286 hadiths from Anas ibn Mālik are narrated. After Abū Huraira and ʿAbdallāh ibn ʿUmar, he is simply the most important traditionalist. Al-Buchari and Muslim ibn al-Hajjaj are said to have included 168 of his hadiths in their collections, a further 83 occur in al-Buchari and a further 71 in Muslim alone. Extensive collections of hadiths ascribed to Anas can also be found in the Musnad of at-Tayālisī (st. 819/20) and in the Musnad of Ahmad ibn Hanbal .

Anas narrated not from the Prophet himself, but also from Abū Bakr, ʿUmar, ʿUthmān, his mother Umm Sulaim, Abū Dharr al-Ghifārī , Abū Huraira and Fātima bint Muhammad . Those who narrated from Anas included his sons Mūsā, Mālik, ʿAbdallāh and an-Nadr, his secretary Muhammad Ibn Sīrīn, al-Hasan al-Basrī and Qatāda ibn Diʿāma in Basra as well as Makhūl ibn Abī Muslim and ʿUmar ibn ʿAbd ʿAzīz in Syria.

Several of Anas' hadith concern Muhammad's relationship with his wives. He is quoted by both al-Buchari and Muslim as saying that Muhammad only made the rounds of nine of his wives with a major ablution one morning . In addition, he is considered the most important authority for the dating and the occasion of revelation of the so-called Hijab verse ( Sura 33 : 53), with which the veil command was introduced for Muhammad's wives. Accordingly, this verse was revealed in connection with the marriage of Mohammed and Zainab bint Jahsch in March 627.

In addition, Anas ibn Mālik appears as the narrator of several miracle reports about the Prophet. There is a report that has come down to us in various versions, according to which Anas observed Mohammed at a meeting with the prophet Elias . In another miracle account, which Ibn al-Jawzī cites in his collection of fictional hadith, it is told how one night the Prophet al-Kidr waited for the Prophet to pay homage to him. There should not have been any direct contact between al-Chidr and Mohammed, rather Anas should have walked back and forth between the two prophets as a messenger and thus established communication between them. Anas is said to have explained his own long life, his great wealth and the great number of his descendants by saying that the Prophet had asked precisely this for him in a supplication .

Anas herself was also said to do miracles. For example, once during a summer drought, he is said to have caused his prayer to move a cloud and water his garden and fill his cistern with water.

Doubts about the authenticity of the hadith he has handed down

Even in premodern times, doubts were expressed as to the authenticity of the hadiths narrated by Anas. The Basrian traditionarian Abū l-ʿĀliya ar-Riyāhī (d. Between 708 and 714) was once asked whether Anas had really heard from the Prophet, which he indirectly affirmed. According to another report cited by Muhammad ibn Saʿd , Anas himself was asked once, while reciting a hadith, whether he had actually heard it from the Messenger of God. He then got very angry and said: "No, by God, not everything that we tell you as hadith we have heard from the Messenger of God, but we do not suspect one another".

In modern western criticism of hadiths it is assumed that the hadiths handed down in the name of Anas ibn Mālik are largely later attributions. This is tied to the fact that in none of these hadith Anas acts as a common link , i.e. H. as an informant, in whom all later lines of tradition converge. Hadiths based on Anas did not spread until sixty to one hundred years after his death.

GHA Juynboll has also questioned the authenticity of the accounts of Anas' servitude to the Prophet. He asserts that the earliest Arabic collections of historical accounts ( aḫbār ) such as the sīra of Ibn Ishāq (d. 767) do not mention this relationship with the Prophet. According to the results of his research, the earliest datable hadith in which Anas is presented as a servant of the Prophet comes from the Basrian traditionalist Shuʿba ibn al-Hajjaj (d. 777). Since all later isnāde converge with him, he can be regarded as the common link , i.e. H. as the person responsible for spreading the tradition. Juynboll regards Anas as a typical case of artificial " age-stretching " by later traditionarians, who, in order to obtain the shortest possible isnaad, inserted him into the chain of narration and ascribed to him an old age that went back to the Prophet. According to Juynboll, the endeavor to produce isnaads as short as possible in the hadiths based on him is also evident in the fact that Humaid ibn Abī Humayd at-Tawīl (d. 759/60), an informant, was inserted in these isnaads immediately after him never supposed to have passed down directly from Anas in secured hadiths. How important it was for later generations to bridge the period up to the prophet with the shortest possible chain of people can be seen from an alleged prophetic word, whose narrator, curiously, Anas ibn Mālik again appears. It reads: "Happy is the one who saw me, the one who saw someone who saw me, and the one who saw someone who saw someone who saw me."

Juynboll suspects that Anas was only born around 641. He considers At-Tabarī's report on Anas' delegation to Basra in 639 to be bogus. The other reports of Anas' activities under Abū Bakr and ʿUmar were apparently not known to him.

literature

Arabic sources
Secondary literature
  • GHA Juynboll: Art. "Anas b. Mālik" in Encyclopaedia of Islam, THREE. Edited by: Kate Fleet, Gudrun Krämer, Denis Matringe, John Nawas, Everett Rowson. First published in 2011. Brill Online. On-line
  • Jean Périer: Vie d'al-Hadjdjâdj Ibn Yousof (41-95 de l'hégire = 661 - 714 de J.-C.) d'après les sources arabes . Librairie Émile Bouillon, Paris 1904. pp. 87-91. Digitized
  • AJ Wensinck, J. Robson: Art. "Anas b. Mālik" in The Encyclopaedia of Islam. New Edition . Vol. I, p. 482a.
  • Salim, Abdol-Amir; Negahban, Farzin: Art. "Anas b. Mālik" in Encyclopaedia Islamica. Editors-in-Chief: Wilferd Madelung and, Farhad Daftary. Brill Online. First published in 2008. Online

Individual evidence

  1. Cf. Ibn ʿAsākir: Taʾrīḫ madīnat Dimašq . Vol. IX, p. 340.
  2. Cf. Ibn al-Aṯīr: Usd al-ġāba . Vol. I, p. 73b.
  3. Cf. Ibn ʿAsākir: Taʾrīḫ madīnat Dimašq . Vol. IX, p. 341.
  4. Cf. Ibn ʿAsākir: Taʾrīḫ madīnat Dimašq . Vol. IX, p. 341.
  5. Cf. Ibn Qutaiba: Kitāb al-Maʿārif . 1960, p. 308 and Ibn Saʿd: Kitāb aṭ-Ṭabaqāt al-kabīr . Vol. VII / 1, p. 10.
  6. Cf. Ibn ʿAsākir: Taʾrīḫ madīnat Dimašq . Vol. IX, p. 358.
  7. Cf. Ibn ʿAsākir: Taʾrīḫ madīnat Dimašq . Vol. IX, p. 340.
  8. Cf. Ibn al-Aṯīr: Usd al-ġāba . Vol. I, p. 74a.
  9. Cf. Ibn Ḥaǧar al-ʿAsqalānī: Tahḏīb al-tahḏīb . Vol. I, p. 378.
  10. Cf. Ibn Saʿd: Kitāb aṭ-Ṭabaqāt al-kabīr . Vol. VII / 1, p. 13, lines 7-11.
  11. Cf. Ibn ʿAsākir: Taʾrīḫ madīnat Dimašq . Vol. IX, p. 369f and aḏ-Ḏahabī: Siyar aʿlām an-nubalāʾ. 1996, p. 401.
  12. Cf. aṭ-Ṭabarī: Taʾrīḫ ar-rusul wa-l-mulūk . 1879-1901, Vol. I, p. 2531. Digitized
  13. Cf. Al-Balādhurī : Kitāb Futūḥ al-Buldān. Ed. Michael Jan de Goeje . Brill, Leiden, 1866. pp. 380f. Digitized
  14. Cf. aḏ-Ḏahabī: Siyar aʿlām an-nubalāʾ. 1996, p. 400.
  15. Cf. Muḥammad ibn Ḥabīb: al-Muḥabbar. Ed. Ilse Lichtenstädter. Reprint. Dār al-Āfāq al-Ǧadīda, Beirut, approx. 1985. p. 344. Digitized
  16. Cf. Ibn Qutaiba: Kitāb al-Maʿārif . 1960, p. 309 and Muḥammad ibn Ḥabīb: al-Muḥabbar. P. 379.
  17. Cf. Ibn Saʿd: Kitāb aṭ-Ṭabaqāt al-kabīr . Vol. VII / 1, p. 11, line 11f.
  18. Cf. Ibn al-Faqīh: Kitāb al-buldān . Ed. MJ de Goeje. Brill, Leiden, 1885. p. 189.
  19. Cf. Ibn al-Aṯīr: Usd al-ġāba . Vol. I, p. 75a.
  20. Cf. an-Nawawī: Tahḏīb al-asmāʾ wa-l-luġāt . P. 166.
  21. Cf. Ḫalīfa ibn Ḫaiyāṭ al-ʿUṣfurī: Kitāb aṭ-Ṭabaqāt . Ed. Akram Ḍiyāʾ al-ʿUmarī. Baġdād: Maṭbaʿat al-ʿĀnī, 1967. p. 91.
  22. Cf. Ibn Saʿd: Kitāb aṭ-Ṭabaqāt al-kabīr . Vol. VII / 1, p. 10f.
  23. Cf. Ibn Saʿd: Kitāb aṭ-Ṭabaqāt al-kabīr . Vol. VII / 1, p. 14f.
  24. Cf. aḏ-Ḏahabī: Siyar aʿlām an-nubalāʾ. 1996, p. 405.
  25. Cf. Ibn Saʿd: Kitāb aṭ-Ṭabaqāt al-kabīr . Vol. VII / 1, p. 11.
  26. Cf. Ibn Saʿd: Kitāb aṭ-Ṭabaqāt al-kabīr . Vol. VII / 1, p. 15, lines 1-5.
  27. Cf. aṭ-Ṭabarī: Taʾrīḫ ar-rusul wa-l-mulūk . 1879-1901, Vol. II, p. 465. Lines 14-15. Digitized
  28. Cf. Ibn ʿAsākir: Taʾrīḫ madīnat Dimašq . Vol. IX, p. 370.
  29. Cf. Ibn al-Aṯīr: Usd al-ġāba . Vol. I, p. 74b.
  30. Cf. Ibn ʿAsākir: Taʾrīḫ madīnat Dimašq . Vol. IX, pp. 349, 354.
  31. Cf. Ibn Qutaiba: Kitāb al-Maʿārif . 1960, p. 308.
  32. Cf. aḏ-Ḏahabī: Siyar aʿlām an-nubalāʾ. 1996, p. 405.
  33. Cf. Ibn ʿAsākir: Taʾrīḫ madīnat Dimašq . Vol. IX, pp. 347f, 351-353.
  34. Cf. aṭ-Ṭabarī: Taʾrīḫ ar-rusul wa-l-mulūk . 1879-1901, Vol. II, p. 854, line 18 - p. 855, line 1 digitized .
  35. See Périer: Vie d'al-Hadjdjâdj Ibn Yousof . 1904, p. 87.
  36. Cf. Redwan Sayed: The revolt of Ibn al-Ašʿaṯ and the Koran readers. A contribution to the religious and social history of the early Umayyad period . Schwarz, Freiburg / Br., 1977. p. 351.
  37. Cf. aḏ-Ḏahabī: Siyar aʿlām an-nubalāʾ. 1996, p. 404.
  38. See Périer: Vie d'al-Hadjdjâdj Ibn Yousof . 1904, pp. 87-91.
  39. Cf. Ibn ʿAsākir: Taʾrīḫ madīnat Dimašq . Vol. IX, pp. 332, 334f.
  40. Cf. Ibn ʿAsākir: Taʾrīḫ madīnat Dimašq . Vol. IX, pp. 332, 334f.
  41. Cf. Ibn ʿAsākir: Taʾrīḫ madīnat Dimašq . Vol. IX, p. 378 and Ibn Saʿd: Kitāb aṭ-Ṭabaqāt al-kabīr . Vol. VII / 1, p. 16, lines 17-19.
  42. Cf. Ibn Saʿd: Kitāb aṭ-Ṭabaqāt al-kabīr . Vol. VII / 1, p. 12, lines 15-17.
  43. Cf. Ibn ʿAsākir: Taʾrīḫ madīnat Dimašq . Vol. IX, pp. 358f.
  44. Cf. Ibn Saʿd: Kitāb aṭ-Ṭabaqāt al-kabīr . Vol. VII / 1, p. 15.
  45. Cf. Ibn ʿAsākir: Taʾrīḫ madīnat Dimašq . Vol. IX, p. 379.
  46. Cf. Ibn Ḥaǧar l-ʿAsqalānī: Tahḏīb al-tahḏīb. Vol. I, pp. 378f.
  47. Cf. Ibn al-Aṯīr: Usd al-ġāba . Vol. I, p. 75a.
  48. Cf. Ibn Saʿd: Kitāb aṭ-Ṭabaqāt al-kabīr . Vol. VII / 1, p. 16, lines 2-11.
  49. Cf. an-Nawawī: Tahḏīb al-asmāʾ wa-l-luġāt . P. 166.
  50. Cf. Ibn Saʿd: Kitāb aṭ-Ṭabaqāt al-kabīr . Vol. VII / 1, p. 16, lines 11-13.
  51. See Abū Isḥāq al-Fārisī al-Iṣṭaḫrī: Kitāb al-Mamālik wa-l-masālik . Ed. MJ de Goeje. Brill, Leiden, 1870. pp. 80f. Digitized
  52. See Salim / Negahban: "Anas b. Mālik" 2008.
  53. Cf. an-Nawawī: Tahḏīb al-asmāʾ wa-l-luġāt . P. 165.
  54. Cf. aḏ-Ḏahabī: Siyar aʿlām an-nubalāʾ. 1996, p. 396.
  55. Cf. Ibn Qutaiba: Kitāb al-Maʿārif . 1960, p. 309.
  56. Cf. aḏ-Ḏahabī: Siyar aʿlām an-nubalāʾ. 1996, p. 396.
  57. Cf. aḏ-Ḏahabī: Siyar aʿlām an-nubalāʾ. 1996, p. 402.
  58. See Claudia Knieps: History of the veiling of women in Islam . Ergon, Würzburg 1993. pp. 185f.
  59. See also John Burton: An Introduction to the Hadith . Edinburgh University Press, Edinburg, 1994. pp. 98-100.
  60. Cf. Patrick Franke: Encounter with Khidr. Source studies on the imaginary in traditional Islam. Steiner, Beirut / Stuttgart 2000. pp. 138, 536-539.
  61. Cf. Franke: Encounter with Khidr. 2000, pp. 124, 397f.
  62. Cf. aḏ-Ḏahabī: Siyar aʿlām an-nubalāʾ. 1996, p. 398f.
  63. Cf. aḏ-Ḏahabī: Siyar aʿlām an-nubalāʾ. 1996, p. 400.
  64. Cf. aḏ-Ḏahabī: Siyar aʿlām an-nubalāʾ. 1996, p. 400.
  65. Cf. Ibn Saʿd: Kitāb aṭ-Ṭabaqāt al-kabīr . Vol. VII / 1, p. 13, lines 3-7. Anas' answer in the Arabic original is: lā wa-Llāhi mā kullu mā nuḥaddiṯu-kum samiʿnā min rasūli Llāhi ṣlʿm wa-lākinnā lā yattahimu baʿḍunā baʿḍan . See also the somewhat different traditions in Ibn ʿAsākir: Taʾrīḫ madīnat Dimašq . Vol. IX, p. 367.
  66. See Juynboll: Art. "Anas b. Mālik" in EI³ 2011.
  67. Quoted from Juynboll: Art. "Anas b. Mālik" in EI³ . 2011
  68. See Juynboll: Art. "Anas b. Mālik" in EI³ 2011.