Abū Dharr al-Ghifārī

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Abū Dharr Jundub ibn Junāda al-Ghifārī ( Arabic أبو ذر جندب بن جنادة الغفاري, DMG Abū Ḏarr Ǧundub ibn Ǧunāda al-Ġifārī d. 652/53) was a companion of the Prophet Mohammed and is one of the most discussed figures of early Islam . During the caliphate of ʿUthmān ibn ʿAffān he strongly criticized the self-enrichment of the Umayyads . Because of his humility and asceticism, he has been compared to Jesus . The Shiites consider Abū Dharr to be one of the earliest followers of ʿAlī ibn Abī Tālib and the founder of the Shiite community in Lebanon . In the 20th century, Abū Dharr was also stylized as a revolutionary and a prototype of “Islamic socialism”.

Name and parentage

Abū Dharr is best known by his Kunya . Its actual name ( ism ) is generally given as jundub, but there were also different traditions (Barīr, Burair). His father's name is said to have been Junāda, but there are also different traditions (Sakan, ʿIschriqa, ʿAbdallāh, etc.). Both his father and his mother, whose name is given as Ramla bint Waqīʿa, belonged to the small Arab tribe of the Ghifār, who had their territory at the time of Muhammad on the way between Mecca and Medina and lived there partly from road theft.

Life

Conversion to Islam

Abū Dharr joined Mohammed while he was still in Mecca. There are four different reports about the circumstances of his conversion to Islam: 1.) that of Chufāf ibn Īmāʾ, the head of the Banū Ghifār at the time of Abu Dharr, 2.) that of ʿAbdallāh ibn ʿAbbās , 3.) a longer report by Abū Dharrs nephew'Abdallāh ibn Samit, who ibn Humaid by a certain Hilāl passed and narrative was modeled, and finally 4) a of Nadschīh Abu Ma'shar, a Koranexegeten, who died at the 791st

According to Chufāf's report, Abū Dharr, like many other members of his tribe, initially acted as a mugger. He proceeded very bravely, alone in the early morning with his horse roused the herds of camels and then penetrated the camp, where he took what he found. During a stay in Mecca, Mohammed won him over to Islam. According to the other three reports, Abū Dharr worshiped Allah as a monotheistic god and rejected idolatry even before his contact with Mohammed . ʿAbdallāh ibn Sāmit reports that Abū Dharr had already performed the ritual prayer two years before he met Mohammed . According to his account, when asked who he prayed to, Abū Dharr said: To Allaah. When his nephew asked further: And where did you turn? he replied that he had no specific place, but that he sometimes prayed all night. Abū Dharr thus corresponds to the type of hemp , although he is not explicitly referred to as such in any of the sources.

An important role in Abū Dharr's conversion is also attributed to his brother Unais. According to the report of ʿAbdallāh ibn ʿAbbās, Abū Dharr, after hearing of Muhammad's new religion, sent him to Mecca to gather information about Mohammed. According to the report of ʿAbdallāh ibn Sāmits, it was Unais who first drew Abu Dharr's attention to Mohammed and his new religion. When Abū Dharr finally went to Mecca himself to get in contact with Mohammed, he is said to have been subjected to severe abuse by the Quraysh because they were already fighting Muhammad's religion.

When exactly Abū Dharr's conversion took place cannot be clearly determined. Al-Wāqidī mentions that he was the fourth or fifth Muslim, and he himself is quoted as saying that he was the fifth Muslim. In the list of the “first Muslims” ( Sābiqūn ) that Ibn Hishām made, however, he does not appear, even if Ibn Hajar al-ʿAsqalānī later assigned him to the Sābiqūn. Theodor Nöldeke considered Abū Dharr's membership of the first Muslims to be a "Shiite invention".

It is unanimously reported that Abū Dharr returned to the Ghifār after his conversion. According to the report of ʿAbdallāh ibn Sāmit, he succeeded in converting half of his tribe to Islam, with the chief ( saiyid ) of the tribe of Īmāʾ ibn Rahda taking over the position of prayer. The other half of the tribe adopted Islam when Muhammad immigrated to Yathrib from Mecca .

As a fighter in Medina, Egypt and Syria

Abu Dharr moved to the grave battle in 627 to Medina and took over in the spring 630 as a fighter and standard-bearer of Ghifar at the Battle of Hunain part. In the autumn of 630 he was one of those who took part in the campaign to Tabūk only very hesitantly .

After the Prophet's death, Abū Dharr was present at the conquest of Jerusalem in 638 and the famous speech of Umar ibn al-Chattāb in al-Jābiya . According to Ibn ʿAbd al-Hakam's report , he then took part in the campaigns of ʿAmr ibn al-ʿĀs , which led to the Islamic conquest of Egypt . He was present at both the battle of Heliopolis and the siege of the fortress of Babylon and the siege of Alexandria (641) . In the same year he was stationed in the new Fustāt military camp and received a piece of land. According to a tradition given by Ibn ʿAbd al-Hakam, Abū Dharr appears at the minbar in the mosque of Fustāt.

At an unknown point in time, Abū Dharr went to the Umayyad Muʿāwiya , who had been governor in Syria since 639. For example, at-Tabarī mentions him among the fighters with whom Muʿāwiya attacked the city of Amorion in 643/4 . Ibn ʿAsākir quotes a certain Jisr ibn Hasan as saying that Abū Dharr received a salary of 4,000 dirhams with which he bought twenty horses which he stationed in Homs ( yartabiṭu-hā bi-Ḥimṣ ).

Confrontation with the Umayyads

One of the events that occupy a particularly large space in the Islamic tradition about Abu Dharr is his conflict with the caliph ʿUthmān ibn ʿAffān and his family, the Umayyads . Again there are different traditions about this conflict. Of fundamental importance is an account given by al-Balādhurī in his work Ansāb al-Ashrāf . The Arab historian and geographer al-Masʿūdī later provided in his work Murūdsch adh-Dhahab an ornate and dramatically pointed version of this representation, which does not make the Umayyads appear in a particularly good light.

In his Kitāb ar-Ridda , the Islamic historiographer Saif ibn ʿUmar provides a report on Abū Dharr's conflict with the Umaiyads that differs in many respects . It later found its way into the world chronicle of at-Tabarī . At-Tabarī notes that he is being led by those who wanted to relieve ʿUthmān's governor in Syria Muʿāwiya . At-Tabarī deliberately limited himself to reproducing this report in his world chronicle, arguing that the other reports mentioned ugly things ( umūr šanīʿa ) which he did not want to repeat. One of the most important differences in Saif's report, which has a narrative design, is that it is here the arch heretic ʿAbdallāh ibn Sabaʾ who incites Abū Dharr to protest against the Umayyads.

Since the conflict between Abū Dharr and the Umayyads also revolved around the correct interpretation of a passage from the Koran (Sura 9:34), it is also dealt with in many Koran commentaries.

Clash with ʿUthmān

According to al-Balādhurīs report, Abū Dharr's conflict with the Umaiyads began after the Arab conquests of 647 in Tripolitania , when ʿUthmān from the "fifth" ( ḫums ) of the captured property 500,000 dirhams to his relative Marwān ibn al-Hakam , 300,000 dirhams his brother Harith ibn al-Hakam and paid 100,000 dirhams to Zaid ibn Thābit . Abū Dharr then preached against those who “amass money”, referring to the Quranic words of Sura 9:34: “But those who hoard gold and silver and do not spend it on the cause of God proclaim painful punishment to them.” Marwān complained himself with ʿUthmān, who sent his servant Nātil to Abū Dharr to warn him. However, Abu Dharr pleaded that he was only preaching the word of God. When Abū Dharr verbally attacked ʿUthmān's advisor, Kaʿb al-Ahbār , who had covered the caliph's free use of public money, ʿUthmān reprimanded him and asked him to return to Syria, where he was on the wage roll.

Arguments with Muʿāwiya

In Syria, Abū Dharr had further disputes with the Umayyad governor Muʿāwiya. At-Tabarī places the relevant events under the year 30 (651/652 AD), but the conflict began earlier, because according to a report cited by Ibn ʿAsākir with reference to Abū l-Qāsim at-Tabarānī , protested Abū Dharr as early as 649 during the distribution of booty after Muʿāwiya's campaign against Cyprus . When Muʿāwiya wanted to divide the booty here in such a way that a third should go to the ship's crew, a third to the Egyptians who had built the ships, and a third to the Muslims, Abū Dharr demanded that the booty should be given entirely to the Muslims, and was able to assert himself with Muʿāwiya.

According to al-Balādhurī's account, Abū Dharr rebuked Muʿāwiya primarily for building the palace of al-Chadrāʾ in Damascus, saying: “If this house was built by the fortune of God ( māl Allaah ), it is treason ( ḫiyāna ), but if it was established from your property, then it is a waste ( isrāf ). ”He also deplored the removal of general conditions from the commandments of the Koran and the Sunnah of the Prophet.

According to Saif's report, Abū Dharr, instigated by ʿAbdallāh ibn Sabaʾ, confronted Muʿāwiya about why he called the public property “the property of God” ( māl Allaah ). He saw it as an attempt by the caliph to usurp the property that is actually due to the Muslims and "to erase their names". The governor justified himself by saying that all people are servants of God. Abū Dharr admonished him not to use the expression “property of God” anymore, but to call it “property of the Muslims”, and afterwards called on the rich in sermons in Syria to support the poor, referring again to sura 9: 34f referred. When the poor in Syria tried to force the rich to act, they complained to the governor.

According to a report that various authors cite with reference to Zaid ibn Wahb (d. After 702), the dispute between Abū Dharr and Muʿāwiya revolved primarily around the interpretation of Sura 9:34: “But whoever hoards gold and silver and it not spend on the cause of God , proclaim painful punishment. ”While Muʿāwiya said that this Qur'anic statement only applied to the Ahl al-Kitāb, i.e. Christians and Jews, Abū Dharr said that this also applies to Muslims.

In various reports it is said that Muʿāwiya made various attempts to silence Abū Dharr by paying money. It is also reported that he forbade people to use Abu Dharr. When none of this worked, Muʿāwiya turned to the caliph and reported that Abu Dharr was inciting the people of Syria against him. According to al-Balādhurī's report, ʿUthmān then wrote Muʿāwiya to have Abū Dharr brought to Medina on the worst mount he had. Various authors go into the circumstances of the trip in more detail and emphasize that the Umayyads deliberately set out to torment Abū Dharr on this trip.

Exile to ar-Rabadha

When Abū Dharr continued to speak against ʿUthmān in Medina, the latter sent him into exile. Abū Dharr's own wish to go to Mecca, Jerusalem or Iraq, ʿUthmān rejected and sent him to the small town of ar-Rabadha north of Medina.

According to a report by Qatāda ibn Diʿāma , quoted by al-Balādhurī, ʿAlī ibn Abī Tālib accompanied Abū Dharr after his exile from Medina to ar-Rabadha from the city, whereupon there was a heated argument between him and Marwān. According to al-Masʿūdīs report, the real reason for Marwān's intervention was that ʿUthmān had previously forbidden all contact with Abū Dharr, but ʿAlī ignored this prohibition. On the occasion ʿAlī struck his whip between the ears of Marwān's mount, whereupon there was a violent argument between him and ʿUthmān. The caliph stated that he did not consider ʿAlī better than Abū Dharr. The people, Qatāda continued, disapproved of the words of ʿUthmān and eventually walked between them to settle the dispute.

In contrast to Balādhurī's report, Abū Dharr is not exiled to ar-Rabadha in Saif's report, but he immigrates there voluntarily, claiming that the Prophet had instructed him to leave Medina as soon as the buildings up to the hill of Sal reached. Saif's report is not alone in the fact that Abu Dharr voluntarily retired to ar-Rabadha. The Medinan scholar Saʿīd ibn al-Musaiyab (d. 714) is said to have denied that ʿUthmān forced him to go there. The traditionarian Muhammad Ibn Sīrīn (d. 728) is reported to have been upset every time someone mentioned to him that ʿUthmān had banished Abu Dharr to ar-Rabadha. He also insisted that Abu Dharr had gone there voluntarily.

Whether or not ʿUthmān had banished Abū Dharr was a big controversy after the outbreak of the first Fitna , because it was one of the things for which the murderers had demanded ʿUthmān's vengeance. In a brief report that Al-Baladhuri citing Qatada ibn Di'āma leads, Abu Dharr complains that'Uthmān him after the Hijrah through his exile in ar-Rabadha back to the Bedouin have made. This was a serious accusation against the caliph, because people who returned to Bedouin life after completing the hijra were considered apostates in early Islam . Saif's report, exonerating Uthmān, refers precisely to these accusations, because it says that Uthmān asked Abū Dharr to keep waiting in Medina so that he would not become a Bedouin again.

There are numerous accounts of Abū Dharr's life in ar-Rabadha that emphasize Abū Dharr's modesty. For example, a certain Salama ibn Nabata, who happened to be in Rabadha on the way to Mecca, reported that he saw him living there in community of property with his slaves .

The attacks on Kaʿb al-Ahbār

If Abū Dharr was exiled, his exile was unlikely to be final, as several authors have reported that he was present at the distribution of the inheritance of the wealthy merchant ʿAbd ar-Rahmān ibn ʿAuf in Medina, who died in 652. On this occasion, according to reports, he again clashed with Kaʿb al-Ahbār. The reason for this dispute is said to have been that ʿUthmān asked Kaʿb in this situation: "What do you say about a man who has accumulated this fortune, paid alms from it, worked in the way (of God) and cultivated his family relationships?" When the Kaʿb replied that he wished him well, Abū Dharr became angry and attacked Kaʿb with his stick and warned that such a man's salvation in the other world was by no means certain.

This anecdote can also be found in a slightly elaborated form in al-Masʿūdī. Here Abū Dharr rebukes the fact that ʿAbd ar-Rahmān ibn On such a wealth of wealth, referring to the Prophet who tried not to leave anything weighing more than a qīrāt behind. According to a report cited by Ibn ʿAsākir, Abū Dharr Kaʿb al-Ahbār countered several verses from the Koran to show that the rich man had not yet fulfilled his duty by paying zakāt , including sura 51:19: “and from theirs A share of belongings was intended for beggars and the needy. "

Another attack by Abū Dharr on Kaʿb al-Ahbār is mentioned in the Saif report. Accordingly, an argument broke out between the two when Abū Dharr, on one of his visits to Medina inaUthmān, admonished that he should not be satisfied with people staying away from what is wrong, but should encourage them to do what is good. The one who pays the Zakāt should not limit himself to this, but must also be generous towards neighbors, brothers and relatives. When Kaʿb al-Ahbār expressed the opinion that he who obeyed the commandment ( farīḍa ) had fully fulfilled his religious duties, Abū Dharr hit him with his stick, cursed him as “the son of a Jewess” and threatened further violence. With this behavior, Abū Dharr later became an important role model for the realization of the principle: Command the right and forbid the reprehensible . He is said to have told a visitor to ar-Rabadha that practicing this principle made him lonely.

Death and burial

According to general tradition, Abū Dharr died in Rabadha in the year 32 dH (652/653 AD). Only al-Balādhurī reports a different date of death: the end of the month Dhu l-qaʿda of the year 31 (July 652 AD). There are numerous accounts of the exact circumstances of his death. The companion of the Prophet ʿAbdallāh ibn Masʿūd , who was on his way to the pilgrimage to Mecca, said the funeral prayer for him. He himself died a few days later in Medina.

Impact history

Abū Dharr as a tradent and saint

Abū Dharr also plays an important role as a narrator of hadiths . In total, more than 280 traditions can be traced back to him. Ibn Saʿd quotes Abū Dharr's nephew ʿAbdallāh ibn Sāmit as saying that Mohammed instructed Abū Dharr to do seven things:

  • love for the poor and closeness to them,
  • to look to him who is below but not to who is above,
  • not to ask anyone for anything
  • to take care of female relatives, even if one gets angry,
  • to tell the truth, even if it is bitter,
  • not to fear criticism from God,
  • To say as often as possible “There is no power or strength except with God” ( lā ḥaula wa-lā qūwata illā bi-Llāh ), because these words belong to the treasure under the throne.

Ibn ʿAsākir expressed the view that Abū Dharr had remained lifelong to the Prophet's mission to love the poor and keep them company. In Egypt the following prophetic word was narrated from Abū Dharr: "If someone loves a companion, let him go to his house and tell him that he loves him."

The high esteem in which Abū Dharr was held is shown by the fact that his fadā'il were later collected. For example, Muslim ibn al-Hajjaj has dedicated a section in his hadith collection to the Fadā'il Abū Dharrs. An important basis for the Islamic worship of Abu Dharr are two traditional words of the prophet, which establish a connection between him and Jesus . One of them, narrated with reference to Abū Huraira , reads: “There is no one in this heaven and on this earth who speaks a truer language than Abū Dharr. Whoever looks forward to looking at the humility ( tawāḍuʿ ) of Jesus, the son of Mary, should look to Abū Dharr. ”In the other quoted by Ibn ʿAbd al-Barr it says:“ Abū Dharr is in mine Umma in terms of his renunciation of the world ( zuhd ) the counterpart of Jesus, the son of Mary. ”Similarly, Ibn ʿAsākir said that Abū Dharr resembles Jesus in terms of his worship ( ʿibāda ) and his devotion to God ( nask ).

Its importance in the Schia

Abū Dharr was considered a follower of ʿAlī ibn Abī Tālib and the family of the Prophet, the Ahl al-bait, from an early age . The starting point of this idea was the farewell convoy that Abū Dharr received from ʿAlī when he was exiled to ar-Rabadha. In the versions of the story cited by al-Yaʿqūbī and al-Masʿūdī , ʿAlī does not appear alone, but is accompanied by his two sons al-Hasan and al-Husain . At parting, Abū Dharr says blessings for the entire holy family. Also famous are the words sollAlī is said to have spoken to Abū Dharr when he said goodbye to him. They have been included in the well-known Shiite collection of Nahj al-Balāgha of sayings, speeches and letters of ʿAlī (there no. 130). The Iraqi Muʿtazilite scholar Ibn Abī l-Hadīd (d. 1258), who wrote a 20-volume commentary on the collection, dedicates a seven-page statement to the words of ʿAlī to Abū Dharr, in which he describes Abū Dharr's discussion of the Umayyads in detail treated.

The Shiite scholar at-Tūsī cites a tradition according to which Abū Dharr, when he was in Rabadha, refused a gift of money from ʿUthmān on the grounds that friendship with ʿAlī ibn Abī Tālib and his family was sufficient for him. A tradition quoted by Ibn Qutaiba has him say: “I am Abū Dharr al-Ghifārī. For those who don't know me: I am Jundub, the companion of the Messenger of God. I heard the Messenger of God say: My family is like Noah's ark. Whoever climbs them will be saved. "

The great importance of Abū Dharr in Shiite teaching is particularly evident in the fact that he is viewed as a member of a group of four prophet companions who were particularly loyal during the lifetime of the Prophet ʿAlī and thus form the actual founders of the Shia. The other three people belonging to this group are Miqdād ibn al-Aswad al-Kindī, Salmān al-Fārisī and ʿAmmār ibn Yāsir. The idea of ​​these four first representatives of the Shia can be found in the late 9th century with the Imamite doxographers an-Naubachtī and al-Qummī. As angelic beings, these four persons are also highly venerated by the Shiite Ghulāt sects. For example, in the work Umm al-Kitāb, which comes from Ghulāt circles, the first four characters of the Basmala are interpreted as secret references to them. The Bā ' corresponds to Abū Dharr, the Sīn Salmān, the Mīm Miqdād and the point below the Bā' ʿAmmār.

Abū Dharr Mosque in Mais al-Jabal, southern Lebanon

Abū Dharr also has a special identity for the Shiite community of Lebanon. Since the 17th century the opinion has been widespread that this community goes back to the work of Abū Dharr. It is generally assumed that the Arab tribe of ʿĀmila, after whom the Jabal ʿĀmil is named, immigrated to this area in pre-Islamic times and was then won over to Shiite Islam by Abū Dharr al-Ghifārī. Contrary to the general tradition, Abū Dharr is said to have spent the last years of his life in Jabal ʿĀmil. In two southern Lebanese towns, Mais al-Jabal and Sarafand, there were also shrines dedicated to Abū Dharr for a long time. At the site of the Sanctuary of Maize there is now an Abu Dharr mosque.

Modern debates

In the Arab countries

In the early 20th century, Abū Dharr again moved into the center of socio-political discussions in the Islamic world. The starting point of these discussions was his interpretation of Sura 9:34, according to which man has the duty to spend everything that goes beyond his own needs for the cause of God and not to accumulate wealth. While in the 19th century the Iraqi scholar Shihāb ad-Dīn al-Ālūsī (d. 1854) had rejected this view with the argument that it was in contradiction to the Koranic inheritance rules, at the beginning of the 20th century others saw it as an anticipation of the Ideas of socialism. One of the first scholars to find this thought was the Lebanese Shiite Ahmad Ridā (d. 1953). In 1910 he published an article in which he celebrated Abū Dharr as a socialist ( ištirākī ). Similarly, Leone Caetani also referred to in the seventh volume of his Annali dell 'Islam published in 1918 as a “true socialist agitator” ( vero agitatore socialista ).

From the 1940s onwards, this idea found more and more support among Egyptian intellectuals. Thus around 1945 the Egyptian journalist ʿAbd al-Ḥamīd Jūda as-Sahhār wrote a book in which he presented Abū Dharr as the “ascetic socialist” ( al-Ištirākī az-zāhid ) and as a model for “socialism in Islam”. In 1948 the Azhar had to deal with a book on "Communism in Islam" ( aš-Šuyūʿīya fī l-Islām ) on behalf of the Egyptian Ministry of Education , in which Abū Dharr was cited as evidence of the existence of an authentic Islamic communism. Another author, Qadrī al-Qalʿadschī, who wrote his own book on Abū Dharr in 1952, saw in him the “first revolutionary in Islam” ( auwal ṯāʾir fī l-islām ).

Conservative Muslim scholars rejected this Marxist and social revolutionary interpretation of Abu Dharr. After Azhar had already rejected Abū Dharr's view as absurd in 1948, a fierce controversy arose in Egypt in 1975 about Abū Dharr between the Marxist thinker ʿAbd ar-Rahmān al-Sharqāwī and the sheikh of Azhar ʿAbd al-Halīm Mahmūd . In order to completely eliminate Abū Dharr as a role model for Islamic socialism, the Sheikh al-Azhar went so far as to deny him membership of the Prophet's companions and to excommunicate him from Islam.

In Iran

The Iranian intellectual Ali Schariati created a Persian translation of as-Sahhār's book between 1951 and 1953, which he supplemented with his own reflections. The book was published in 1955 under the title "Abū Dharr al-Ghifārī, the socialist worshiper" ( Abū Dharr-e Ġifārī: Ḫodā-parast-e sosyālist ). Shariati presented Abū Dharr as the perfect role model for a pious socialist in the spirit of the Iranian People's Party ( Hezb-e Mardom-e Iran ), founded in 1954, as well as a hero who, through his lack of needs and disdain for the rich and powerful, was capable of authentic Islam To save the poor. With his demands against ʿUthmān, according to Shariati, Abū Dharr anticipated the egalitarian program of the French Revolution . Here, too, there were clergy who had such radical, revolutionary interpretations of Abu Dharr, such as the Shiite cleric Morteza Motahhari . Hajji Ashraf Kāshānī, a prominent Tehran preacher, stated that Abū Dharr was just a common thief and only criticized ʿUthmān for wanting a share of his property.

Abū Dharr nonetheless remained one of the most important reference persons for Sharia’s thought even later. He felt so close to Abū Dharr that he described himself as his follower or his reincarnation. When describing his own life experiences, he repeatedly reverted to the vocabulary that he had also used in his book on Abu Dharr. After his death many called him the "Abu Dharr of his time".

literature

Arabic sources
Secondary literature
  • Mahmoud Ayoub : The crisis of Muslim history: religion and politics in early Islam . Oneworld, Oxford, 2003. pp. 58-62.
  • Leone Caetani : Annali dell 'Islam . 10 vols. Milan-Rome 1905-1918. Vol. VII, pp. 365-379. Digitized
  • Alan John Cameron: Abū Dharr al-Ghifārī: An Examination of His Image in the Hagiography of Islam . Royal Asiatic Society, London, 1973.
  • Werner Ende : Arab Nation and Islamic History. The Umayyads as Judged by 20th Century Arab Authors. Franz Steiner, Beirut-Wiesbaden: 1977.
  • Mounsef Gouja: La grande discorde de l'Islam: le point de vue des kharéjites . Islamoccident, Paris, 2006. pp. 157-168.
  • Ulrich Haarmann : “Abū Dharr: Muhammad's Revolutionary Companion” in Muslim World 68 (1978) 285-289.
  • Pohl-Schöberlein: The Shiite community of southern Lebanon . Berlin 1986. pp. 20-26.
  • Ali Rahnema: An Islamic Utopian. A Political Biography of Ali Shariʿati . IB Tauris, London 1998. pp. 57-60.
  • Mohammad Rihan: Politics and culture of an Umayyad tribe: conflict and factionalism in the early Islamic period . Tauris, London, 2014.
  • J. Robson: Art. "Abū Dh arr" in The Encyclopaedia of Islam. New Edition Vol. I, pp. 114b-115a.
  • Eberhard Serauky: History of Islam. Origin, development and effect from the beginning to the middle of the XX. Century . Deutscher Verlag der Wissenschaften, Berlin, 1991. pp. 55-57, 142-144.
  • Aloys Sprenger : The life and teachings of Moḥammad, according to largely unused sources . 2nd edition Nicolaische Verlagsbuchhandlung, Berlin, 1869. Vol. I, pp. 454-456. Digitized
  • Abdulkader I. Tayob: Art. "Abū Dharr al-Ghifārī" in John L. Esposito (ed.) The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Islamic World . 6 Vols. Oxford 2009. Vol. I, pp. 23b-24b.

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ See Ibn Qutaiba 252 and the overview in Ibn ʿAbd al-Barr 1652.
  2. ↑ See Ibn ḤaḤar 61.
  3. ↑ Cf. Ibn ʿAsākir 185.
  4. ↑ See the summary in Sprenger 456.
  5. ↑ a b Cf. Ṣaḥīḥ Muslim No. 2473, Muhammad ibn Saʿd 162f. and the summary in Sprenger 454f.
  6. ↑ See the overview of the reports in Cameron 7f.
  7. ↑ Cf. Muḥammad ibn Saʿd, lines 163, lines 8-12.
  8. ↑ Cf. Ibn Saʿd 163, lines 24-26 and Cameron 152.
  9. ↑ See Cameron 9.
  10. ↑ See Sprenger 454 and 456.
  11. ↑ As quoted in at-Tabarī: Taʾrīḫ ar-rusul wa-l-mulūk . Edited by MJ de Goeje. Leiden 1879–1901. Prima Series, 3 pp. 1168, lines 18-19
  12. ↑ Cf. Cameron 152 after Ibn Saʿd 164, line 23.
  13. ↑ Cf. Ibn Ḥaǧar 61, line 5.
  14. ↑ Cf. Theodor Nöldeke: "On the tendentious design of the prehistory of Islam" in the magazine of the Deutsche Morgenländische Gesellschaft 52 (1898) 16-33, p. 21.
  15. ↑ Cf. Ibn Saʿd 163 and Sprenger 455.
  16. ↑ See Cameron 35 and Ibn ʿAsākir 186.
  17. ↑ Cf. Ibn Ḥaǧar 62, Ibn ʿAsākir 186 and Cameron 14.
  18. ↑ Cf. Ibn ʿAsākir 174.
  19. ↑ Cf. Cameron 42, Ibn ʿAbd al-Hakam 94, 109 and Ibn ʿAsākir 176.
  20. ↑ Cf. Ibn ʿAbd al-Hakam 284, line 18.
  21. ↑ See Cameron 43.
  22. ↑ Cf. Ibn ʿAsākir 209.
  23. ↑ See the overview in Cameron 62-119.
  24. ↑ Cf. al-Balāḏurī 541f.
  25. ↑ Cf. al-Masʿūdī 268-274.
  26. ↑ At-Tabārī 2858, line 14, engl. Transl. 64.
  27. ↑ Cf. at-Tabarī 2862, lines 13-14, engl. Transl. 68.
  28. ↑ See Sean W. Anthony: The caliph and the heretic: Ibn Sabaʾ and the origins of Shīʿism . Brill, Leiden u. a., 2012. pp. 52-57.
  29. ↑ Cf. al-Balāḏurī 541f and the summary in Cameron 79f.
  30. ↑ Cf. Ibn ʿAsākir 193.
  31. ↑ Al-Balādhurī 542. Cf. also Rihan 153.
  32. ↑ Cf. at-Tabarī 2858f., Engl. Transl. 64f.
  33. ↑ Cf. Ibn Shabba 1038 and Ibn Saʿd 166, lines 13-18.
  34. ↑ Cf. Caetani 369.
  35. ↑ Cf. Ibn ʿAsākir 194 after al-Ahnaf ibn Qais.
  36. ↑ Cf. Ibn Shabba 1040, al-Balādhurī 542f.
  37. ↑ Cf. al-Balādhurī 542f.
  38. ↑ Cf. al-Balādhurī 543 and al-Masʿūdī 269.
  39. ↑ Cf. al-Balāḏurī 542f. and the summary at Cameron 80.
  40. ↑ Cf. al-Masʿūdī 272.
  41. ↑ Cf. al-Balādhurī 544 and Caetani: Annali dell'Islam. P. 373f.
  42. ↑ Cf. at-Tabarī 2860, engl. Translated from p. 66.
  43. ↑ Cf. al-Balādhurī p. 545, lines 7-9.
  44. ↑ See Ibn Shabba p. 1037.
  45. ↑ Cf. Gouja 157-168 and Ibn Abī l-Hadīd 357.
  46. ↑ See al-Balādhurī p. 544.
  47. ↑ See Patricia Crone: "The First Century Concept of Hiǧra" in Arabica 41 (1994) 356-388.
  48. ↑ Cf. at-Tabarī 2860, engl. Transl. 66.
  49. ↑ Cf. at-Tabarī, engl. Transl. 66-68.
  50. ↑ See Ibn Shabba 1037.
  51. ↑ Cf. al-Masʿūdī 270.
  52. ↑ Cf. Ibn ʿAsākir 197.
  53. ↑ See Michael Cook : Commanding right and forbidding wrong in Islamic thought. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge 2000, p. 62.
  54. ↑ Cf. Ibn Saʿd 174, line 4.
  55. ↑ See e.g. B. Ibn ʿAsākir 222f ,.
  56. ↑ Cf. al-Balāḏurī 545
  57. ↑ See Cameron 120-125.
  58. ↑ Cf. Ibn ʿAsākir 222.
  59. ↑ See Robson 114b.
  60. ↑ Cf. Ibn Saʿd 168, lines 25 - 169, line 2 In a deviating tradition (cf. Ibn ʿAsākir 187) there were only five things that Mohammed Abū Dharr asked.
  61. ↑ Cf. Ibn ʿAsākir 176.
  62. ↑ Cf. Ibn ʿAbd al-Hakam p. 284, lines 13-16.
  63. ↑ Cf. Ṣaḥīḥ Muslim No. 2473.
  64. ↑ Ibn Saʿd 168, lines 1-3.
  65. ↑ Cf. Ibn ʿAbd al-Barr p. 255, lines 11-13.
  66. ↑ Cf. Ibn ʿAsākir 176 and 190 (here further statements).
  67. ↑ Cf. al-Masʿūdī 271f and Cameron 86-90.
  68. ↑ Cf. Ibn Abī l-Hadīd: Sharḥ Nahǧ al-Balāġa. 20 vols. Ed. Muhammad Abū l-Faḍl Ibrāhīm. Beirut 2001. Vol. VIII, pp. 357-364.
  69. ↑ Cf. aṭ-Ṭūsī 36.
  70. ↑ Ibn Qutaiba 252, lines 10-14. See the expanded version at aṭ-Ṭūsī 35.
  71. ↑ a b cf. Rihan 137f.
  72. ↑ Cf. Al-Hasan ibn Mūsā an-Naubachtī: Kitāb Firaq aš-šīʿa. Ed. Hellmut Ritter. Istanbul: Maṭbaʿat ad-daula 1931. 15, lines 15 - 16, line 3 and Saʿd ibn ʿAbdallāh al-Ašʿarī al-Qummī: Kitāb al-Maqālāt wa-l-firaq. Ed. Muḥammad Ǧawād Maškūr. Maṭbaʿat-i Ḥaidarī, Tehran, 1963. p. 15.
  73. ↑ Cf. Heinz Halm: The Islamic Gnosis. The extreme Schia and the Alawites. Zurich / Munich 1982. p. 140.
  74. ↑ See Rihan 137.
  75. ↑ See Rihan 1.
  76. ↑ See Pohl-Schöberlein 20-26 and Rihan.
  77. ↑ See Rihan 138.
  78. ↑ See Cameron 77.
  79. ↑ Cf. Caetani 369, Nota 2.
  80. ↑ See Cameron 76-78.
  81. ↑ See Haarmann 286.
  82. ↑ See Haarmann 286 and Tayob 24a.
  83. ↑ See Rahnema 57-59.
  84. ↑ See Tayob 24a.
  85. ↑ a b See Rahnema 60.
personal data
SURNAME Abū Dharr al-Ghifārī
ALTERNATIVE NAMES Abū Dharr Jundub ibn Junāda al-Ghifārī (full name); أبو ذرجندب بن جنادة الغفاري (Arabic)
BRIEF DESCRIPTION Companion of the Prophet Mohammed
DATE OF BIRTH 6th century or 7th century
DATE OF DEATH 652 or 653