Özgün Müzik
Özgün müzik ( Turkish , "original music"), also protest müzik ("protest music"), is a popular style of music that emerged in Turkey in the 1980s from the Anadolu rock of the 1960s and the arabesque ( arabesk müzik ) music style, the elements which combines Turkish folk music with western pop music. As a generic term for a song-based music with mostly left-critical political content, özgün müzik combines stylistically different ensembles, whose line-up often includes the long-necked lute saz or other Turkish folk instruments together with guitar, keyboard and drums.
origin
The wide range of Anatolian folk songs due to the regional cultural heterogeneity has been summarized as Turkish folk music ( Türk halk müziği ) since the nationalization efforts after the founding of the Republic of Turkey in 1923 . Research into this music in the 20th century focused on looking for its Central Asian roots. The songs of folk poetry are known as turku and are differentiated from the epic chants of the bards ( aşık müziği ). The Central and Eastern Anatolian aşıklar are honored as the narrators of the Turkish national tradition. Türkü often stands for all Turkish folk songs. Dance songs ( sözlü oyun havalar ) and instrumental dance melodies are mostly known by their regional names. Recourse to a Turkish tradition after 1923 occurred as a reversal of cultural policy in the Ottoman Empire , whose upper class was shaped by Arab-Persian influences and who knew the word "Turk" as a dirty word for uneducated peasants from the country. The theoretical foundations of Turkishization , by which Mustafa Kemal Ataturk was particularly influenced, go back to the sociologist Ziya Gökalp .
The distinction between the own and the critical, Ottoman-Arabic ( arap tarzi , eastern) tradition lay within a three-part framework to which the European (western) culture also belonged. The distance from the east went hand in hand with a turn to the west, towards "our new civilization", as Gökalp put it. In the field of music, this meant the European-classical polyphony . The desired synthesis should consist in rearranging the Anatolian folk songs according to the musical laws of European polyphony. Corresponding radio broadcasts and educational opportunities in “people's houses” ( halkevleri ) were used as a means of spreading the musical taste of the new elite. In spite of the state's efforts to persuade the public, the polyphonic works of modern Turkish composers found little approval among the people. Instead, from the point of view of Kemalist ideology , it appeared as an alarming sign that at the end of the 1960s the arabesque music style, which emerged from folk music, not only spread, but also developed into a kind of cultural counter-concept of the people against the music prescribed from above.
Socially, the arabesque was associated with the inhabitants of the “overnight built” ( gecekondu ) informal settlements on the outskirts of the big cities. Despite cheap housing and a lack of infrastructure, the gecekondu initially provided the newcomers with the basis for integrating into the urban culture and at the same time maintaining contact with their home village. The military coup of September 1980 was preceded by a period of political unrest, caused by economic problems and social alienation of the broad urban underclass. In Istanbul and other cities, up to 60 percent of the population lived in informal settlements in the 1970s . When the gecekondu lost their integrating power for this part of the urban population, the arabesque changed musically and in its social role. Their importance in the 1970s is evident in the epithets gececondu müziği ("slum music") and dolmuş müziği ("shared taxi music"). Kemalist opponents of the arabesque saw this music as a threatening cultural problem or as a social disease that needed to be cured. Orthodox Muslims disturbed at the venues of arabesque - the taverns ( meyhane ) with Rakı -Ausschank and brothels. For some time after 1980, arabesque music was banned from broadcasting and arabesque films were no longer allowed to be shown. In 1980 the generals also banished the Anadolu rock underground. Several musicians then left Turkey, others who stayed were imprisoned.
Until around 1980, the arabesque symbolized the failure of the working class to adapt to urban society and the division between town and country. After 1980, the light music scene changed, driven by the desire to renew the lost opposition force of the arabesque in other ways. Rural folk music ( etnik müzik ) - especially the music of the Alevis - began to conquer the urban music market. The individual ethnic groups from Anatolia ensured a diversification of the music published on phonograms and presented in the Türkü venues. With a view to the different ethnic musical styles that have gained a place within urban popular music, musicians who performed musical styles from Anatolia or played with Anatolian folk instruments described their style either as protest müzik , "urban turku " or as özgün müzik . Their common endeavor was and is to present rural folk music as the voice of the urban lower class and thus as a cultural opposition. In this sense, Özgün ("original") stands for the preservation of authenticity even under the market laws of the entertainment industry.
distribution
The özgün müzik emerged as an often calm, melodic style of politically left-wing musicians from the combination of Anatolian folk music with the long-necked lute saz as the main instrument and western pop music. In addition to the saz , the shepherd's flute kaval as well as keyboard , guitars , electric bass and drums typically belong to the European-Turkish musical instruments.
Inspired by the composer Zülfü Livaneli and the folk singer and saz player Ruhi Su , the Kurdish singers Ahmet Kaya and Ferhat Tunç as well as the group Yeni Türkü ("new song"), who joined in the 1980s, were important representatives of the özgün müzik the protest songs of the Chilean group Inti-Illimani and the songs of the Greek composer Manos Loïzos . The özgün müzik also includes the Ezginin Günlüğü group, founded in 1982, and the Yorum group, founded in 1985, whose repertoire also includes Kurdish songs. The stylistic range expanded the Laz -Turkish singer and guitarist Fuat Saka from Trabzon to its accompanying ensemble originally from his home region prank sounds kemençe belongs. The demarcation from the modern etnik müzik , such as the Kardeş Türküler group, which has existed since 1993 , is not clear. If a distinction is made between özgün müzik and protest müzik , the latter is considered more political. The band Bulutsuzluk Özlemi, founded in 1984 with their lead singer Nejat Yavaşoğulları, was the first group to perform political rock music in Turkey. Protest müzik (also politik pop ) represents predominantly Alevi and Kurdish interests and is known among others through the Grup Yorum , the Grup Munzur , the Grup Kızılırmak and the Grup Baran . Some of these groups were suspected of belonging to the illegal communist party or a Kurdish separatist organization.
Your favorite venues in Istanbul are the beginning of the 1990s popular Türkü venues ( türkü bar ), with posters whose interior design tapestries and hung on the walls musical instruments creates an atmosphere of left scene pub and Anatolian rural life. Visitors include students and members of the lower and lower middle classes. The Türkü bar are the cultural successors of the pubs in some western Anatolian cities in the Ottoman Empire that were administered by Greeks until the middle of the 20th century, and in which folk music such as zeibekiko or rebetiko was sometimes performed in conjunction with belly dance ( çiftetelli ). The musical gaps left by the departure of the Greeks after the pogrom of Istanbul in 1955 and finally as a result of the Cyprus conflict in 1974 replaced Turkish musicians in the 1970s, who in such establishments taverna müziği , a stripped-down version of the arabesque, and in the 1980s songs below put forward the generic term özgün müzik .
In Istanbul, corresponding entertainment venues ( meyhane ) with high standards and those for a politically right-wing audience have also established themselves. Uğur Işılak is an Özgün musician and at the same time an AKP politician .
The dominance of the large distribution companies in the music business has increased since the 1990s through the liberalization of laws. This made foreign investments easier. Many Turkish pop music stars are under contract with international record companies, while Özgün music groups continue to publish their works with small, regional music labels. The AKP government in office since 2002 hinders the Özgün music groups in several ways. There have been numerous cases of censorship and arrests for alleged separatist propaganda due to unpleasant texts. Public appearances and recordings are subject to censorship. In certain cases concerts cannot be approved or be prohibited shortly before the performance begins. Özgün müzik can hardly be heard on the Turkish radio stations, which are predominantly controlled by the state broadcasting company TRT .
Individual evidence
- ^ Dwight Reynolds: Aspects of Turkish Folk Music Theory. In: Virginia Danielson (Ed.): Garland Encyclopedia of World Music. Volume 6: The Middle East . Routledge, London 2001, p. 80
- ↑ Martin Greve: The music of the imaginary Turkey. Music and musical life in the context of migration from Turkey to Germany. (Habilitation thesis, Technical University Berlin) Metzler, Stuttgart, Weimar 2003, p. 216
- ↑ Orhan Tekelioğlu: The Rise of a Spontaneous Synthesis: The Historical Background of Turkish Popular Music . In: Middle Eastern Studies , Vol. 32, No. 2, April 1996, pp. 194–215, here p. 195
- ^ Martin Stokes: Music, Fate and State: Turkey's Arabesk Debate . In: Middle East Report , No. 160 (Turkey in the Age of Glasnost) September – October 1989, pp. 27–30
- ^ Asli Kayhan: Musical Changes from Rural to Urban in Popular Culture. A Case Study: Türkü Bars in Istanbul. In: International Review of the Aesthetics and Sociology of Music, Vol. 45, No. 1, June 2014, pp. 149–166, here pp. 163f
- ^ Martin Stokes: Turkish Urban Popular Music. In: Middle East Studies Association Bulletin , Vol. 33, No. 1, Summer 1999, pp. 10-15, here p. 13
- ^ Eliot Bates: Mixing for Parlak and Bowing for a Büyük Ses: The Aesthetics of Arranged Traditional Music in Turkey . In: Ethnomusicology, Vol. 54, No. 1, Winter 2010, pp. 81–105, here p. 84
- ^ Daniel Koglin: Marginality - A Key Concept to Understanding the Resurgence of Rebetiko in Turkey. In: Music & Politics, Vol. 2, No. 1, Winter 2008
- ↑ Volkan Aytar, Azer Keskin: Constructions of Spaces of Music in Istanbul: Scuffling and Intermingling Sounds in a Fragmented Metropolis. In: Géocarrefour, Vol. 72/2, 2003, pp. 147–157, here p. 152
- ↑ Singer-turned-AKP candidate slammed over sexism . Hurriet Daily News, April 9, 2015
- ↑ Ewa Mazierska: Introduction: Setting Popular Music in Motion. In: Ewa Mazierska, Georgina Gregory (Ed.): Pop Music, Culture, and Identity . Palgrave Macmillan, Basingstoke 2015, pp. 12f