Ernst Moritz Manasse

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Ernst Moritz Manasse (born August 11, 1908 in Dramburg , Province of Pomerania ; † May 13, 1997 in Durham , North Carolina ) was a German philosopher and classical philologist who, due to his Jewish origins, had to leave Germany in 1935 and later taught in the USA lived.

Family background

Ernst Moritz Manasse's ancestors lived in Dramburg as early as 1813 , as can be seen from local documents that show that Aron and Moses Manasse were granted civil rights in that year. Ernst Moritz Manasse's father, Georg Mayer Manasse (* July 24, 1870 in Dramburg; † 1935), "a respected citizen of the city", was a merchant and traded in agricultural products. For a time he was synagogue head of the Jewish community in Dramburg. Manasse's mother, Clara Manasse (born Wohl, 1881–1967), came from Bublitz . In addition to Ernst Moritz, the family also included his brother Georg, born in 1905, and two sisters: Käte (* April 6, 1906, † June 6, 1995), married Kaphan, and Lena (no further data). Käte Kaphan and her husband Heinrich owned a farm in East Pomerania near the Polish border. In 1932 the German government developed a plan to enable population groups suffering from the effects of the global economic crisis to emigrate to Brazil. The Kaphans also made use of this and emigrated to the south of Brazil. They built a coffee plantation in Rolândia there , which later served as a stopover for Ernst Moritz Manasse's wife Marianne on the flight from Europe to the USA.

Ernst Moritz Manasse lived in Dramburg until he graduated from high school. Asmus quotes about life and experiences there from the typescript of Mannasses' The Jewish graveyard Passagen, later published in English , which testify to Manasse's increasing feeling of strangeness that he experienced in the rural surroundings of Dramburg, as well as the ambivalent position of his Jewish bourgeois father within the local community. While on April 1, 1933, the day of the boycott of Jewish shops, he had experienced the solidarity of non-Jewish friends and fellow citizens, when his father died in May 1935, his son had to experience that several non-Jewish participants in the funeral were at the entrance to the cemetery prevented a uniformed National Socialist patrol from attending the funeral. Eighteen non-Jewish funeral attendees, who were not intimidated, found their names published in Stürmer in August . This page from the striker was publicly displayed on a house wall on Dramburger Marktplatz.

Manasse's mother moved to Berlin in 1936 and was able to travel from here to her daughter in Brazil in 1940. Six of her siblings and three of her husband were murdered in extermination camps.

Studies and then exile in Italy

Manasse studied classical philology and philosophy in Heidelberg from Easter 1926, then in Berlin, Munich, Paris and Palermo. A fellow student from his Heidelberg days was Ernst Abrahamsohn , through whom he came into contact with Paul Oskar Kristeller , whom he first met personally in Rome in spring 1934. The life paths of these three crossed several times, and they were linked by a lifelong friendship.

Manasse did his doctorate in Heidelberg with Otto Regenbogen , who had not accepted Abrahamsohn's dissertation. The second reviewer of the dissertation was the philosopher Ernst Hoffmann , who had already received a doctorate from Kristeller. The subject of Manasse's dissertation was the truth in Plato's Sophistes and Politikon , about which the Rigorosum took place on November 30, 1930 and the Manasse earned the title “summa cum laude”. His doctoral certificate was only given to him after his dissertation had gone to press on February 10, 1936, and it still bears the signatures of his two supervisors, Regenbogen and Hoffmann, although they have since been suspended from service due to the "Law for the Restoration of the Professional Civil Service". Manasse traveled to Italy in March 1934 with letters of recommendation from Regenbogen and Karl Jaspers and wanted to apply for a teaching position at the university in Palermo. Professionally, this trip was unsuccessful in the academic field, but he now got to know Kristeller, to whom he had already been in written contact, personally, and he tried to get a job at Manasseh's school home in Florence . With success, in mid-August 1934 there was a contract between Werner Peiser , the director of the country school home, and Manasse. A few days later, however, Manasse revoked his promise. His father, who continued to live in Dramburg, suffered from depression and Manasseh therefore returned from Italy. In order to be able to stay close to his father, he hired himself from November 25, 1934 to March 1, 1935 as a private tutor in a Baltic village. The father died on May 13, 1935. Manasseh's burial describes his funeral in The Jewish Graveyard , written in 1967 at the age of 59 and first published in 1986. In addition to dealing with the father's funeral, this autobiographical sketch is the first in who deals with Manasseh's Jewish past more fully. Despite the family problems and the death of his father, Manasseh had not given up looking for job opportunities abroad. In May 1934 he first turned to the Emergency Committee in Aid of Displaced Foreign Scholars (hereinafter: ECA), and he was also considering emigrating to Palestine. None of this resulted in any concrete success. Instead, Kristeller moved from the Florence country school home to the “Scuola Normale Superiore” in Pisa and proposed to Manasse in early June 1935 to apply for his successor at the country school home. In August 1935, Manasse reached an agreement with the directors of the country school home about his collaboration, which he began on November 1, 1935. From then on he taught for a relatively modest fee (breakfast and lunch included on class days), Latin and Greek as well as German, philosophy, art history and antiquity. In addition to his work, it was also important for Manasse to be able to escape the anti-Semitic restrictions in his home country, which were tightening every day, with his job in Florence. At that time Italy seemed to him a safe place, a fascist state and without political freedom, but still a state without state-induced persecution of Jews. Complications came from an unexpected source during this time: his doctoral supervisor, Otto Regenbogen in Heidelberg, who had already caused problems for Abrahamsohn with his dissertation and caused him to move to the university in Prague, now refused him permission to print and asked for extensive revisions. This led to a lively correspondence between Manasse, Abrahamsohn and Kristeller and to a compromise worked out with Abrahamsohn during a stay in Berlin during the Christmas holidays of 1935/1936 regarding the parts of the dissertation to be printed. Of the original more than five hundred manuscript pages of the dissertation, only the first part of forty-eight pages was published under the title On Truth in Plato's “Sophistes” . Rainbow supported this compromise and Manasse received his doctorate certificate in February 1936. A long version of the dissertation was only published in 1937 under the title Plato's Sophistes und Politikos: The Problem of Truth in the Jewish publishing house Scholem in Berlin. Years later, however, in a letter of December 19, 1951 to Hermann Gundert , Manasse Regenbogen's early criticism of his original dissertation largely approaches and finds it incomprehensible in retrospect that he published the work in such a disorganized state.

There were also developments at the rural school in Florence that had a negative impact on everyday life. The reason was that Moritz Goldstein , previously the second headmaster alongside Werner Peiser, withdrew and from April 1936 his position was taken by Robert Kempner . Manasse points to this in a letter to Kristeller dated May 3, 1936, in which he spoke of what he considered to be an improper reprimand of a “Miss. Bernhard ”reported by the Kempner couple. This first mentioned here in a negative context by Manasse “Miss. Bernhard ”is Marianne Bernhard (May 15, 1911 - January 15, 1984), a teacher at the Landschulheim for French and art history. The positive aspect: Manasse and “Miss. Bernhard ”married on May 21, 1936 in Florence. Manasse reports of tensions between the teachers and the management, but seems to have come to terms with his own situation together with his wife. Still, he did not give up his plans to find employment in the United States and applied for a Harvard scholarship. Brazil was also considered because his older sister had emigrated and offered support. However, while the Brazilian option Manasse did not appeal to much because it offered him no opportunities for scientific work (at most activities “as a receptionist in the hotel or circus director”, as he etched in a letter to Kristeller), Harvard rejected him. And it got worse: The Manassehs had informed the school administration in the spring of 1937 that Marianne was pregnant. The school management immediately resigned her and suggested that Manasse resign to live outside as before, but continue to work as a teacher. The situation escalated and now also resulted in Manasse's resignation. According to Ubbens, the reason given by the school management for Marianne Manasse's termination was that the students could not be expected to have a pregnant teacher. But she also quotes another opinion, which as a result, consideration for the Catholic Church could have given the background for the termination. From their point of view, the Landschulheim was an offensive facility in several respects: The co-education practiced was completely unusual for the circumstances at the time, plus the prevailing Jewish belief among all members of the school community, which nevertheless had a very secular attitude of the teaching staff and for everyday school life the student corresponded. In view of the deteriorating political situation in Italy, the termination could also have been an attempt to prevent public attention in advance. What followed was very unpleasant. The Manasses brought an action against the country school home. The school management responded with a defamation campaign and highlighted their services to the emigrants, whom they accused of being too weak to secure their own livelihoods. Kempner wrote to Manasse's mother and parents, Bernhard, assuming that their children, adults and doctoral researchers had significant deficiencies in everyday school life, referred to his experience in personal matters due to his previous work as a ministerial official and indirectly threatened bad job references. But the Manasseh couple won the legal victory. At the beginning of November 1937, shortly before the birth of their son Georg, they were granted compensation and the school issued them a positive job reference.

With the end of the activity at the rural school center in Florence, the question of career alternatives became all the more urgent. In the spring of 1938 Manasse was able to travel to England for a semester, he received a temporary position as an instructor for Greek and German at Ridley Hall Theological College in Cambridge, a seminary of the Church of England . The conditions and the work situation were good, although he couldn't help but ironically grapple with the fact that, as a German Jew, he was helping to train future Anglican priests.

Further employment opportunities in England could not be realized, and so on March 27, 1938 Manasse returned to his family, who had remained in Florence. Again, petitions to American aid organizations were pending, while at the same time the financial leeway became increasingly narrow. Added to this was the worsening of the political situation. At the beginning of May, on the occasion of Hitler's visit to Italy, the Manasses and a large number of their former colleagues from the rural school home were taken into protective custody. And then in September followed the decree against the foreign Jews, which forced them to leave Italy within six months.

In July 1938 the Manasses left Florence and moved to Lana to the Alpine school home on the Vigiljoch / Scuola alpine on Monte San Vigilio , where Wolfgang Wasow , who had also left the country school home in Florence in a dispute with Kempner, and Gabrielle Bernhard, Marianne Manasse's sister, now lived and worked. Further planning envisaged that Marianne Manasse and her son Georg should seek a visa for Brazil, while Ernst Moritz Manasse was hoping for a visitor visa for the USA, the requirement of which was invitations from American universities to lectures. From England (Woburn House) he had been promised a travel grant for the autumn of 1938. From Lana, the Manasses first went to Switzerland. Ernst Moritz Manasse traveled from there with a French transit visa in September 1938 via France and England to the USA. He was in possession of a three-month visitor's visa and an affidavit that an aunt who had already emigrated to Chicago with her husband had helped him obtain. Marianne Manasse received a visa for Brazil for herself and her son on October 17, 1938 and was able to embark from Livorno the following day.

I was the first full-time white teacher

For Ernst Moritz Manasse, the struggle for a materially and legally secure future began immediately after his arrival in New York. Both were mutually dependent, since the aid organizations only offered support if he had a permanent non-quota visa. That in turn required a job at a college or university. An unsuccessful tour through various institutions began before he was made an initially unattractive offer in May 1939: The Museum for Classical Art at the University of Illinois in Urbana offered him an annual contract with an annual salary of $ 250.00, which was funded by an aid fund should be doubled. The formal requirements for a proper visa would have been met, but with this salary, Manasse saw no chance of having his wife and son from Brazil join them. In this situation, his visitor visa, which had been extended to June 29, 1939, threatened to expire, help came from his old friend Abrahamsohn, who had started a position at Howard University in mid-April 1939 . Through his mediation, Manasse received, as he informed Kristeller on June 24, 1939, “a very affordable offer from a Negro college in Durham ($ 2000 for Latin and German lessons: a philosophy course may also be added, which would then be paid extra). At first I had some reservations, but after all the information I made, it seemed right to prefer that to the Urbana thing and I have now also said yes. ”He had doubts that Manasseh addressed here before when he thought of going to a black college to teach. He was afraid that from such a college he would hardly have a chance to transfer to a "normal" university.

Although the requirements for a permanent visa were met, there were still many consular hurdles to overcome, including an exit to Cuba (since a visa could only be issued from outside the USA) and the application there and ultimately also the approval of an entry visa to the USA (a procedure that a few months earlier also had to be practiced by Abraham's son). In the late summer of 1939 the procedure was completed, Manasse was now in possession of a permanent visa and was able to have his wife and son come from Brazil. You entered the United States in December 1939. Two years later the second son, Gabriel, is born.

On September 26, 1939, Manasse began his one-year-limited position as an instructor at the North Carolina College for Negroes (now North Carolina Central University , or NCCU) in Durham , and one month later, on October 26, 1939, he described himself in a letter to Kristeller as the only white teacher in the entire college. He is happy about the openness and friendship with which he is met, but he is also quickly confronted with the excesses of strict racial segregation, which make normal social intercourse with his colleagues almost impossible for him.

Manasseh, who like his wife never resigned himself to racial segregation, reflected on the situation many years later when he arrived. In a speech on November 1, 1985 on the occasion of the annual commemoration of the founder of the NCCU, Dr. James E. Shepard, he states:

“I wish you to realize how paradoxical the situation was. It was the year 1939. I was a refugee from racial persecution and was given a haven here at a racially segregated institution which itself was a document of racial discrimination and oppression. I became the first fully employed white teacher at this institution: I, the refugee from racial persecution had become the colleague and teacher of members of an oppressed race, though not belonging to the oppressed group myself. But I was accepted, was given the opportunity to belong, to work as a member of a team as an equal. Helping the persecuted to establish a new home, what action could be more humanitarian than that, especially in that difficult and indeed paradoxical situation: the principal agent of that humanitarian action was Dr. Shepard, the decision to accept me, to employ me was his: He assumed theresponsibility to justify my employment to the Board of Trustees and the officers of the State of North Carolina; for there had been no precedent for it. "

“I want you to remember how paradoxical the situation was. The year was 1939. I was a refugee due to racial persecution and I was offered refuge in a racially marginalized institution that was itself a symbol of racial discrimination and oppression. I was the first fully employed white teacher at this institution: I, who had become a refugee from racial persecution, became a colleague and teacher of the members of an oppressed race without belonging to this oppressed group myself. But I was accepted, I was given the opportunity to belong, to work as an equal member of a team. To help the persecuted to build a new home, what measure could be more humanitarian than this, and especially in this difficult and indeed paradoxical situation. The main actor in this humanitarian action was Dr. Shepard, the decision to accept me to hire me was his: he took responsibility for justifying my employment to the Board of Trustees and the North Carolina State officials, as there had been no previous precedent for such a case. "

Manasse's contract with the “North Carolina College for Negroes” from September 1939 was a first step, but did not yet provide definitive security: renewals had to be approved annually, and sometimes worse conditions were associated with it. Ultimately, however, the first contract for Manasseh, who had applied for American citizenship in the fall of 1944, was the beginning of a thirty-four year teaching activity at the NCCU, where his wife Marianne also taught from 1948. For Manasse, his work at the NCCU was primarily of an educational nature. What he missed there was the opportunity to work scientifically. And so Manasse transferred the scientific discussion, which he was unable to lead here, into extensive correspondence, among others with Karl Jaspers, but also with many old acquaintances from his student days and former colleagues. It was more difficult to compensate for the social situation in Durham and everyday life there. Racial segregation was ubiquitous, contacts between whites and blacks were outlawed, and only the Jewish community offered some support. The feeling of strangeness, which he would later describe as a childhood perception in Dramburg, corresponded here to the feeling of being only an outsider in Durham. The situation that he will describe on the occasion of his father's funeral, when National Socialist patrols tried to prevent non-Jews from attending the funeral, was anticipated here in the form of complaints or threats from white neighbors if he dared to approach black colleagues or students invite yourself home. He drastically sums up this outsider role in the interview with Edgcomb: “ We are Germans - in the Second World War - we're Jews, we have Negroes at our house, and we have no money. ”

But Manasseh faced these challenges. He has already given up membership in a scientific society if it refused to accept a black colleague he had suggested, or addressed topics with specific references to the situation of blacks and their discrimination in his events. In an interview with Edgcomb, he describes in detail his approach to these "black topics", his own ignorance about it as late as the early 1960s, and then his first seminar on books by Martin Luther King , Frantz Fanon , Malcolm X and Stokely Carmichael , which he took up concluded a way that was certainly unusual for the time: “And at the end of the semester, instead of a final exam, I said you should write a course review. That was worthwhile. Quite a few have written reviews, and for me that was somehow the justification for the course. ”A college for blacks had taken him, the refugee from Germany, and gave him a future. This created bond and resulted in experiences which he confesses to have significantly enriched the lives of him and his wife, intellectually and emotionally. For a long time, however, there was still a desire to leave the NCCU in order to be able to work as a scientist in another location. This wish remained, however, and he never received an offer for another university position (which in a way fulfilled his fears from the time before he took up his position at the NCCU). In the interview with Edgcomb, his son Gabriel also draws attention to other aspects that are important for Manasse's stay in Durham: His wife Marianne had meanwhile also become a teacher of German at the NCCU and, her son continues: “ My mother was quite involved in a lot of things there, and she didn't really want to go to another institution. “But Manasseh did not therefore remain closed to the world outside Durham. He always had the opportunity to do research stays and research trips. The range of places where he was temporarily allowed to research and teach ranges from Basel and Zurich in 1952/1953 to Freiburg in February 1953, Princeton in 1958/1959 or Paris in 1960 and 1967 and also worked on German and international journals a. In this context, what Asmus describes as his main work, the three-volume work Books on Plato , basically a review story on Plato research in Germany (Volume 1, 1957), in the English-speaking world (Volume 2, 1961), was created. and in French-speaking countries (Volume 3, 1976). When the last volume appeared, he had already been retired for three years.

Jewish identity

Ernst Moritz Manasse and his wife Marianne were both of Jewish descent. Marianne, however, had been baptized Christian at her parents' request, because they wanted to spare her anti-Jewish discrimination. Both Christian and Jewish holidays were celebrated in Ernst Moritz Manasse's family, and in America, in Durham, there was also no commitment to a particular religion. Gabriel Manasse reports that he and his brother grew up in a family “celebrating everything” and that the local rabbi was quite dismayed when he visited a Christmas tree in the Manasse house. This openness in questions of faith, e.g. For example, the refusal to send the children to Jewish Sunday school against their will, or Gabriel Manasse's admission that he did not even have basic Jewish knowledge for a long time, including the fact that Jews do not eat pork, is influenced by the social environment, in who the Manasse family lives is not honored. Father Ernst Moritz and son Gabriel agree that this was the cause of their social isolation in the late 1940s.

This relative distance from the Jewish tradition does not contradict the fact that Ernst Moritz Manasse had already clearly committed himself to Judaism in the past, but then more as a result of a political protest. In his curriculum vitae attached to his dissertation, printed in 1936, it says: “The author (...) professes the Israelite religion.” At this point in time, the two supervisors of his doctoral process, Otto Regenbogen and Ernst Hoffmann, had already been removed from the university and were Jewish students in general studying at German universities is prohibited. To have professed the Jewish faith in this situation is unlikely to have been based on religious motives. So it is probably true that Manasse, who first wrote in detail about his Jewish origin in his work The Jewish Graveyard , which otherwise played almost no role in his many letters, no longer sees this Jewish origin as “one of several reasons for his outsider role in Durham ”.

Life in the world of Jim Crow

As little as a religious reference to Judaism was predominant in the Manasse family, just as little did confrontations with the time of National Socialism in Germany and the Holocaust play a role, at best as a marginal topic, as Asmus notes. The reasons for this are different, however, as Manasse's son Gabriel remembers: “He gets a restless expression very quickly and I think he quickly lost himself in his thoughts and could no longer communicate. These things are so terrible for him to this day that it is still very difficult for him to talk about them. My mother probably talked to me a little more about it. ”Basically, Gabriel Manasse, who was already a psychiatrist at the time of the interview, describes the classic process of repression of traumatized people, very often of Holocaust victims, who had to overcome existential threats in their lives and only with The help of this repression believed to protect their children and spare them fear experiences.

And there were plenty of occasions for fear in Durham in the 1940s to 1960s. The perceived and real exclusion has already been pointed out, including attempts at intimidation and threats when the Manasses overran the barriers of racial segregation or attempted to do so. Son Gabriel, who lived in Durham until he was eighteen, saw himself as an outsider in his youth: his parents were Jewish, they spoke English with a clear German accent and taught at a black college. He himself went to a school reserved for whites only, while an attempt to set up a private school for black and white children failed. He reports how he and his mother were thrown off the bus for offering their seat to a black pregnant woman, and how he and his older brother were taken to college by his mother, where they played German Christmas carols over the Christmas period their black students sang. The mother, Marianne Manasse, became "pro-black" with increasing age and supported her students, whose German teacher she was, in a way that was not always legal, which in turn led to conflicting situations with her husband, who was also her superior. But in the end, said the son about his parents, both were very happy at this college: “ He really did feel that the institution had, in effect, saved his life, and the life of his family, and a think he felt loyalty and went through a long period really of an unwillingness to go other places. ”

Works

  • The Jewish Graveyard. In: Southern Review. 22, 1986, pp. 296-307. A reprint has appeared in: Eckart Mensching: Nugae zur Philologie-Geschichte XII , Berlin, 2002, ISBN 3-7983-1913-8 , pp. 56–65.
  • About truth in Plato's 'Sophistes'. Inaugural dissertation, Heidelberg 1936.
  • Plato's Sophistes and Politikos: The Problem of Truth. S. Scholem, Berlin 1937 (long print of the dissertation).
  • Books on Plato. JCB Mohr, Tübingen, 1957 ( Philosophische Rundschau , supplement, a review story on Plato research in Germany).
  • Books on Plato. 2: Works in English. Mohr, Tübingen 1961.
  • Books on Plato. 3: Works in French. Mohr, Tuebingen 1976.

literature

  • Hans Peter Obermayer: German Classical Scientists in American Exile: A Reconstruction. De Gruyter, Berlin and Boston 2014, ISBN 3-11-030279-9 .
  • Gabrielle Simon Edgcomb: From Swastika to Jim Crow. Refugee Scholars at Black Colleges. Krieger Publishing Company, Malarbar (Florida), 1993, ISBN 0-89464-775-X . The book contains interviews with Ernst Moritz Manasse and his younger son Gabriel Manasse, a psychiatrist. Helpful in understanding the title: Swastika and Jim Crow .
  • Sylvia Asmus, Brita Eckert: From John M. Spalek's suitcases: The bequests of Ernst Moritz Manasse and Philipp Fehl. In: Wulf Koepke, Jörg Thunecke (Ed.): Preserving the Memory of Exile. Festschrift for John M. Spalek on the Occasion of his 80th Birthday. Edition Refugium, Nottingham (England) 2008, ISBN 0-9506476-1-6 , pp. 40-73.
  • Christoph E. Schweitzer: Ernst Moritz Manasse: A Black College Welcomes a Refugee by Christoph E. Schweitzer. In: Henry A. Landsberger, Christoph E. Schweitzer (eds.): They fled Hitler's Germany and found refuge in North Carolina. Academic Affairs Library Center for the Study of the American South Faculty Working Group in Southern Studies at the University of North Carolina, 1996, pp. 41–49 ( Textarchiv - Internet Archive with photographs by Ernst Moritz Manasse).

Web links

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ The Jewish Cemetery in Drawsko Pomorskie ( Memento of December 16, 2015 in the Internet Archive ) The website refers to the cemetery, which is also the subject of Manasse's work The Jewish Graveyard .
  2. ^ A b Sylvia Asmus, Brita Eckert: From John M. Spalek's suitcases. P. 43.
  3. ↑ An autobiographical report by Käte Kaphan is reprinted under the title Immigration into the Brazilian Jungle in: Katherine Morris: Odyssey of exile: Jewish women flee the Nazis for Brazil. Wayne State University Press, Detroit 1996.
  4. ^ Frank Eyck's memories of the Kaphanes ( Memento from December 16, 2015 in the Internet Archive ). Frank Eyck, son of Erich Eyck , was a historian and describes in his memoirs his vacation stays at the "Emilienhof", the Pomeranian court of the Kaphans, and the background to their relocation to Brazil (p. 13 ff). His remarks suggest that the Kaphans should be referred to as a planned “emigration” instead of, as is usually the case, of “emigration”, especially since the founders of Rolândia were not only Jews and later fleeing Nazis also found refuge there. This is indirectly confirmed by the opening credits to Käte Kaphan's autobiographical report, which states that the Kaphans “ were still able to sell their property in Pomerania at a fair price. ”
  5. ^ A b Sylvia Asmus, Brita Eckert: From John M. Spalek's suitcases. P. 44.
  6. ^ Ernst M. Manasse: The Jewish Graveyard . In: Eckart Mensching: Nugae zur Philologie-Geschichte XII , Berlin 2002, ISBN 3-7983-1913-8 , p. 63.
  7. ↑ a b Hans Peter Obermayer: German ancient scholars in American exile. P. 562.
  8. ^ Hans Peter Obermayer: German ancient scholars in American exile. P. 564.
  9. ^ Hans Peter Obermayer: German ancient scholars in American exile. P. 565. Obermayer's statements regarding the motives for Manasse's return from Italy are somewhat contradictory. On page 565 he describes, as shown, Manasse's voluntary withdrawal from Italy due to the family situation. On the next page, however, it is said that Manasse had not found any work opportunity in Italy and therefore returned to Germany.
  10. ^ A b c Sylvia Asmus, Brita Eckert: From John M. Spalek's suitcases. P. 58.
  11. ↑ Emergency Committee in Aid of Displaced Foreign Scholars This American aid organization should not be confused with the American Emergency Rescue Committee .
  12. ^ Hans Peter Obermayer: German ancient scholars in American exile. P. 567.
  13. ↑ a b Hans Peter Obermayer: German ancient scholars in American exile. P. 570.
  14. ^ A b Sylvia Asmus, Brita Eckert: From John M. Spalek's suitcases. P. 45.
  15. ^ Hans Peter Obermayer: German ancient scholars in American exile. Pp. 571/572. Obermayer speaks of the Jewish publisher Friedrich Scholem. But this does not agree with the entry on Manasse's book in the catalog of the German National Library ( Plato's Sophistes and Politikos in the catalog of the DNB). There the publisher “S. Scholem ”. This, in turn, can be verified - in contrast to the Friedrich Scholem publishing house: “Siegfried Scholem, Buchdruckerei (publishing and printing). Founded in 1900, takeover in 1938, Liq .: 1938. Hauptstrasse 8 (Schöneberg). "( Jewish businesses in Berlin 1930-1945 )
  16. ^ Hans Peter Obermayer: German ancient scholars in American exile. P. 573.
  17. ^ Hans Peter Obermayer: German ancient scholars in American exile. Pp. 573/574.
  18. ↑ Irmtraud Ubbens: The country school home in Florence. In: Childhood and Youth in Exile - A Generation Topic (= Exile Research. An International Yearbook , Volume 24, pp. 117 ff). edition text + kritik, Munich 2006, ISBN 3-88377-844-3 , pp. 130 ff.
  19. ^ Hans Peter Obermayer: German ancient scholars in American exile. Pp. 574-576.
  20. ^ Hans Peter Obermayer: German ancient scholars in American exile. P. 577.
  21. ^ Hans Peter Obermayer: German ancient scholars in American exile. Pp. 578-580.
  22. ^ Hans Peter Obermayer: German ancient scholars in American exile. P. 580.
  23. ^ A b Sylvia Asmus, Brita Eckert: From John M. Spalek's suitcases. P. 48.
  24. ^ Hans Peter Obermayer: German ancient scholars in American exile. Pp. 578-582.
  25. ^ Hans Peter Obermayer: German ancient scholars in American exile. P. 583.
  26. ^ Hans Peter Obermayer: German ancient scholars in American exile. Pp. 585-588.
  27. ^ Hans Peter Obermayer: German ancient scholars in American exile. P. 590.
  28. ^ Hans Peter Obermayer: German ancient scholars in American exile. Pp. 590-591.
  29. ^ Ernst Moritz Manasse: A Black College Welcomes a Refugee by Christoph E. Schweitzer. P. 46 ( Textarchiv - Internet Archive
  30. ^ Hans Peter Obermayer: German ancient scholars in American exile. P. 591.
  31. ↑ Sylvia Asmus, Brita Eckert: From John M. Spalek's suitcases. P. 49.
  32. ↑ Sylvia Asmus, Brita Eckert: From John M. Spalek's suitcases. P. 50.
  33. ↑ Sylvia Asmus, Brita Eckert: From John M. Spalek's suitcases. P. 51.
  34. ↑ Sylvia Asmus, Brita Eckert: From John M. Spalek's suitcases. P. 52.
  35. ↑ Gabrielle Simon Edgcomb: From Swastika to Jim Crow. P. 67.
  36. ↑ Sylvia Asmus, Brita Eckert: From John M. Spalek's suitcases. Pp. 52-53.
  37. ^ Translated from the original interview with Gabrielle Simon Edgcomb: From Swastika to Jim Crow. P. 68.
  38. ↑ Sylvia Asmus, Brita Eckert: From John M. Spalek's suitcases. P. 53.
  39. ↑ Gabrielle Simon Edgcomb: From Swastika to Jim Crow. P. 72.
  40. ↑ Sylvia Asmus, Brita Eckert: From John M. Spalek's suitcases. Pp. 53-54.
  41. ↑ a b c d e f Gabriel Mannasse to Gabrielle Simon Edgcomb: From Swastika to Jim Crow. P. 70.
  42. ↑ Gabrielle Simon Edgcomb: From Swastika to Jim Crow. P. 67.
  43. ↑ Gabrielle Simon Edgcomb: From Swastika to Jim Crow. P. 67 or p. 70.
  44. ^ Hans Peter Obermayer: German ancient scholars in American exile. P. 563.
  45. ↑ Gabriel Manasse died on September 13, 1997 at the age of 55 from a virus infection that he contracted while on vacation. Obituary in the Washington Post on September 16, 1997 ( Memento of March 16, 2016 in the Internet Archive )
  46. ↑ Translated by Gabrielle Simon Edgcomb: From Swastika to Jim Crow. P. 67.
  47. ↑ The greater his joy to be seen at least once as “normal”: “ One of the happiest days of my life, I remember quite vividly, was the last day of school of I blieve the fourth grade, where a photographer from the local newspaper in Durham, North Carolina, came to my school wanting to take a picture of children getting out for summer vacation. The newspaper wanted a picture of children getting out for the summer and they picked me because of my freckled face and whatnot and looking like the typical American child. I mean, it was the most wonderful thing that had ever happened to methat I got picked as the - I m, ean, it felt like I belonged. ”(Gabrielle Simon Edgcomb: From Swastika to Jim Crow. P. 72.)
  48. ↑ Gabrielle Simon Edgcomb: From Swastika to Jim Crow. Pp. 71-72.
  49. ↑ Edgcomb's study is based on the interviews as part of the Refugee Scholars at Black Colleges oral history collection project . The 31 interviews are in the holdings of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum . In 1999 an almost one-hour video documentation was created under the same title and with direct reference to the materials on which the book is based: From Swastika to Jim Crow . Under the title Exiled Jews found black bridge there is an informative article about this film in The Seattle Times on February 10, 2001. A student of Ernst Moritz Manasse also has a say here, who once again emphasizes his commitment to his black students.
personal data
SURNAME Manasse, Ernst Moritz
BRIEF DESCRIPTION German-American philosopher and classical philologist
DATE OF BIRTH August 11, 1908
PLACE OF BIRTH Dramburg , Pomerania Province
DATE OF DEATH May 13, 1997
Place of death Durham , North Carolina, USA