Ibn Kullab

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Abū Muhammad ʿAbdallāh ibn Saʿīd Ibn Kullāb al-Qattān at-Tamīmī ( Arabic ابو محمد عبد الله بن سعيد بن كلاب القطان التميمي, DMG Abu Muhammad'Abdallāh ibn Sa'id Ibn Kullab al-Qattan at-Tamimi died. Probably 855) was an Islamic Kalam -Gelehrter from Basra , who during the time of Mihna in the discussions on the Koran and the word of God participated and attributes doctrine developed which was later adopted by Abū l-Hasan al-Ashʿarī and his followers. ʿAbd al-Qāhir al-Baghdādī (d. 1037) counts him among the Kalām scholars of the Sunnis (ahl as-sunna) in the time of the caliph al-Ma'mūn (ruled 813-833). Some of his theological teachings are likely due to Christian influence. The school of Kullābīya founded by Ibn Kullāb was later merged into the Ashʿarīya .

Life and works

There is hardly any reliable information about the life of Ibn Kullāb. According to the Yemeni scholar as-Saksakī (d. 1284), he was one of the residents of Basra. It is also known that he took part in the theological discussions that were held during the caliphate of al-Ma'mūn. As ʿAbd al-Qāhir al-Baghdādī writes, Ibn Kullāb " smashed the Muʿtazilites in the college (maǧlis) of the Ma'mūn and exposed them through his eloquence (bayān) ." Among the Muʿtazilites with whom he was involved in discussions were ʿAb ibn Sulaimān (died approx. 864) from Basra and Abū Sālih and Abū Mujālid, both of whom belonged to the Baghdad school. Abū Sālih was a disciple of Bishop ibn al-Muʿtamir . Ibn Kullāb's fiercest opponent is said to have been Ahmad ibn Hanbal .

Ibn an-Nadīm mentions three books by Ibn Kullāb: a "book on the attributes" (Kitāb aṣ-Ṣifāt) , a "book on the creation of actions" (Kitāb Ḫalq al-afʿāl) and a book on the "refutation of the Muʿtazila " (Kitāb Radd al-Muʿtazila) . Ismāʿīl Pasha also attributes a refutation of the Haschwīya (ar-Radd ʿalā al-Ḥašwīya) to him. But it is probably a mere prescription, because Ibn Kullāb is assigned to the Hashvīya by Ibn an-Nadīm himself. Hashwīya was a despicable term for Ashāb al-hadīth .

No one of Ibn Kullab's writings has been found to date, but fragments have been preserved in the works of later authors. Ibn Kullāb was considered a Shafiite , even if he himself made no contribution to Islamic legal thought.

Teaching

Doctrine of attributes

Ibn Kullāb's most important contribution to Islamic theology was his special teaching on the attributes of God, on which he also wrote his own book. Ibn ar-Rāwandī and the Imamite theologian al-Sheikh al-Mufīd (948-1022) wrote refutations.

Ibn Kullāb used the term “attributes” (ṣifāt) generally for “the meanings that exist in bodies” (al-maʿānī al-qāʾima bi-l-aǧsām) such as rest and movement. He designated these meanings not only as attributes, but also as accidents (aʿrāḍ) and things (ašyāʾ) . He also taught that everything that is used to describe a thing has an underlying attribute (ṣifa) which forms its meaning (maʿnā) . Regarding names, he taught that the name (ism) is neither identical to, nor is not identical to, the named (musammā) . The act of naming, on the other hand, is something different from what is named. According to al-Bazdawī (d. 1099) he set himself apart on the one hand from the other Sunnis, who equated names and named things, and on the other hand from the Muʿtazilites, who taught that names and named things are not identical.

Ibn Kullāb now transferred this teaching to God. He taught that for the names mentioned in the Quran such as "knowing" (ʿālim) , "powerful" (qādir) , "living" (ḥaiy) , "hearing" (samīʿ) , "seeing" (baṣīr) , "strong" (ʿAzīz) , "sublime" (ǧalīl) , "benevolent" (karīm) , " enduring " (bāqī) , "wanting" (murīd) , " loathing " (kārih) etc. each have correlating attributes, i.e. "knowledge" ( ʿIlm) , “power” (qudra) , “life” (ḥayāt) , “hearing” (samʿ) , “sight” (baṣar) , “strength” (ʿizza) , “sublimity” (ǧalāl) , “goodness” (karam ) , “Persistence” (baqāʾ) , “will” (irāda) , “loathing” (karāha) etc. He equated God's names with God's attributes. God, in his opinion, has always had these names and attributes; they form his essential attributes (ṣifāt aḏ-ḏāt) . The friendship (wilāya) and enmity (ʿadāwa) of God as well as his pleasure (riḍā) and his anger (saḫaṭ) belong to his essential attributes. He rejected the opinion held by some Muʿtazilites that the goodness of God is one of his attributes of action (ṣifāt al-fiʿl) . According to Ibn Kullāb, God is also beginningless (qadīm) due to a beginninglessness (qidam) that exists as meaning in him. Unlike later al-Ashʿari, who distinguished eight essential attributes, Ibn Kullāb did not count the divine attributes.

Regarding the relationship between the name-attributes and God, Ibn Kullāb taught that they are neither identical with nor non-identical with him. God is willing, for example, through a will which can neither be said to be equal to God nor to be not equal to God. Ibn Kullāb also applied this formula to the parts of God's body mentioned in the Koran (face, hands, eyes, etc.), which he also considered to be attributes of God. Only the essence (ḏāt) and the self of God were in his opinion identical with God.

As for the relationship between the individual attributes of God such as knowledge and power, he also taught that they are neither identical with one another, nor non-identical with one another. Only from God's will that something be and his disgust that it should not be, he taught that they are one and the same. According to Ibn Kullāb, the attributes of God cannot take on any other (divine) attributes because they do not exist in themselves, but only in God. Therefore it cannot be said that God's attributes are beginningless or enduring, because beginninglessness and persistence are meanings which exist in God alone. At best, these attributes can be described as “initially eternal” (azalī) and “permanent” (dāʾim al-wuǧūd) .

The speech of God and the Koran

In the course of the discussions about the Koran, Ibn Kullāb developed a compromise position between the position of the Muʿtazila, who proceeded from the constitution of the Koran , and the position of the Ashāb al-hadīth , who taught the imperfection of the Koran by distinguishing between the speech of God and theirs Differentiated form of expression. Ibn Kullāb's position on this question was embedded in a broader theory of speech (kalām) and the speech of God (kalām Allaah) . Josef van Ess suspects that Ibn Kullāb developed this theory in order to be able to uphold the position of Ashāb al-hadīth on the imperfection of the Koran during the persecutions of the Mihna.

According to Ibn Kullāb, speech is any form of utterance (qaul) . On the basis of something commanded, it can be command (amr) , on the basis of something forbidden prohibition (nahy) , on the basis of something communicated (ḫabar) and on the basis of something desired (tamannī) . However, speech can also fall out of these categories, then it is only utterance. But according to Ibn Kullāb, speech is basically something inarticulate. Thus he taught that the speech of man (kalām al-insān) is a meaning that consists in the nafs and is expressed by letters. According to Ibn Kullāb, the word “talking” (mutakallim) means nothing more than that someone is gifted with speech. Speech does not occur observably without sounds and tones, but is not speech because of that, but because it excludes silence and a language defect (āfa) as an attribute .

Ibn Kullāb used the term “speech of God” on the one hand for the creation word kun , with which God creates everything. Since God creates everything with him, it is unthinkable that this kun itself was created. On the other hand, he used the expression “God's speech” for the Koran. Namely, he defined the Koran as the "uncreated speech of God" (kalām Allāh ġair maḫlūq) . According to Ibn Kullāb, God has always been a speaker (mutakallim) . Speech consists in him and, like knowledge and power, belongs to the attributes of himself. This self-speech (al-kalām an-nafsī) of God, which already existed in the azal, i.e. before all times, is, however, characterized neither by command nor prohibition, nor by communication, because these things only arose in time. It is for this reason that Ibn Kullāb rejects the notion that God has always been a communicator or a prohibitor. In his view, God's speech has no letters or sounds, cannot be divided, subdivided or broken down and is not different in itself, but forms a single meaning in God (maʿnā wāḥid bi-Llāh) . God has been speaking from all eternity, but not addressing (mukallim) , because at the beginning the addressees of his speech do not yet exist.

In the Koran Ibn Kullāb differentiated between the recitation (qirāʾa) and the recited (al-maqrūʾ) , i.e. the content of the recitation. Only the latter is "existing in God" and identical with that with which God has always been a speaker. The recitation itself, on the other hand, is created in time and an acquisition by man. To illustrate this, Ibn Kullāb refers to the example of the Dhikr : that which is mentioned, namely God, has always been there; the dhikr itself, which is not identical with God, on the other hand, is produced in time (muḥdaṯ) , as the Koran itself says in sura 21: 2 and 26: 5. It is true that one can designate God by different names, but what is designated always remains the same and does not differ. In the same way there are various divergent forms of expression (ʿibārāt) for the speech of God, while the speech of God itself always remains the same and does not differ from one another.

According to Ibn Kullāb, what one hears when someone recites the Koran is therefore not God's speech, but only an expression (ʿibāra) of it. In order to hold this thesis, he has to reinterpret the Koranic statement in Sura 9: 6 , which seems to promise that every believer hears the speech of God: The request in this verse that one should grant protection to the fellow seller so that he can Being able to hear the speech of God actually means "so that he can understand the speech of God" because he does not actually hear the speech of God, but only its recitation. Only with Moses did Ibn Kullāb allow an exception: in his view he heard God speak “with his speech” (bi-kalāmi-hī) . This resulted from the Koranic account of the thorn bush experience in sura 28:30 and its interpretation in sura 4: 164, according to which "God really spoke to Moses" (kallama Llāhu Mūsā taklīman) . Ibn Kullāb probably assumed a miracle here, namely the direct transition of the content of the speech into the spirit of the Prophet.

In the same way, according to Ibn Kullāb, it is wrong to identify the scripture (rasm) of the Koran, which consists of different letters, with the “speech of God” or a part of it, because it is only its recitation. The speech of God is called Arabic only for a specific reason (ʿilla) , namely, because the scripture that expresses it and is its recitation is Arabic. In the same way, however, they can also be called Hebrew for a specific reason, namely if their form of expression is the Hebrew script, or command, prohibition and communication if the appropriate reasons exist.

Other questions

Ibn Kullāb taught that there was neither space nor time before God's act of creation. The much discussed Koranic statement in sura 20: 5: "The merciful sat down on his throne" (ar-Raḥmānu ʿalā l-ʿarši stawā) he interpreted in his book about the attributes in such a way that God is above the throne, without touching him. He also said that God is above everything else. However, he did not fix God in a particular place.

On the basis of the statement in sura 6: 103 (“The looks do not perceive him, but are perceived by him”) Ibn Kullāb said that although God cannot be perceived, one can see him. With regard to this possibility of seeing God with one's own eyes (ruʾyat Allaah bi-l-abṣār) , Abū l-Hasan al-Ashʿarī (d. 936) sees a correspondence between the positions of Ibn Kullāb and those of the Sunnis.

The belief is by Ibn Kullab the confession (Iqrar) to God, his books and messengers, on condition that this knowledge from (ma'rifa) and For-true hold in the heart (taṣdīq bi-l-qalb) is carried out. If, on the other hand, the creed lacks knowledge of its correctness, it is not belief. According to Ibn Kullāb, the end of life (ʿāqiba) is decisive for the status of a person before God : If he dies as a Muslim, he was from the beginning a blessed person (saʿīd) and darling of God (ḥabīb Allaah) ; on the other hand, if he dies as an unbeliever, he was damned from the beginning (šaqī) and an enemy of God (ūadūw Allāh) . Faith and unbelief are created by God.

Ibn Kullāb was of the opinion that God wants both good and bad things to come about, but he refused to say in detail that God wants the contradictions (maʿāṣī) , even if they add to the totality of those willed by God arising things belong. This he justified by saying that he in supplication similar traversed by God as "creator of the body" (ḫāliq al-aǧsām) call, but not him in detail as a creator of monkeys, pigs, Blood and impurities anspreche, although he undoubtedly be the creator of these things.

As for the theory of action, Ibn Kullāb was of the opinion that the ability to act is only created by God at the moment of the act. However, he taught that the ability to act that led to a certain act, in principle, also offered the possibility of an alternative act (badal) . In this way he tried to avoid the accusation of determinism in the sense of the Taklīf mā lā yutāq . Al-Ashʿari, on the other hand, saw here a simple correspondence between the positions of Ibn Kullāb and those of the Sunnis. Concerning the so-called Mutaschābih , i.e. the ambiguous verses of the Koran, Ibn Kullāb said that only God knows its interpretation. This also applies to the separated letters at the beginning of the suras.

Influences

Reports of Christian influences

The Muʿtazilites saw in Ibn Kullāb's doctrine of attributes a serious violation of the Islamic confession of unity ( Tawheed ). They spread that Ibn Kullāb developed his teaching under Christian influence. Ibn an-Nadīm reports that Ibn Kullāb equated God's speech with God himself; that led ʿAbbād ibn Sulaimān to say that he was a Christian with this teaching. A certain Abū l-ʿAbbās al-Baghawī, says Ibn an-Nadīm further, visited the Christian Pethion in the Greek quarter on the west bank of Baghdad and asked him about the late Ibn Kullāb. He then said: “God blessed ʿAbdallāh. He used to visit me and sit here in this alcove, ”pointing to a corner of the church. Pethion then boasted that Ibn Kullābs had adopted his teachings from him and finally said: "If he had lived longer, he would have Christianized the Muslims." When al-Baghawī asked Pethion what he taught about Christ, he replied: "What the Sunnis teach about the Koran."

Other accounts of the Christian background of Ibn Kullab's teachings were later circulated. As-Saksakī said in his doxographic work al-Burhān fī maʿrifat ʿaqāʾid ahl al-adyān ("The evidence of knowledge of the beliefs of followers of different religions") that Ibn Kullāb himself was originally a Christian and then converted to Islam. His older sister, who was a very respected Christian scholar and nun , then banished him from the district . In a tricky encounter he was able to satisfy her with the statement that at a time when Islam was getting stronger and Christianity was getting weaker and weaker, he had developed a doctrine with which he developed the “idea of ​​Christianity” ( maʿnā an-Naṣrānīya ) in Islam and anchoring it. According to the Syrian scholar as-Safadī (d. 1363), this was a tale of lies brought up by the Muaztazilites.

Modern scientific research

Josef van Ess considers these stories to be inventions, but believes that Ibn Kullāb's formula of simultaneous identity and non-identity was actually modeled on Christian speculations about the Trinity . He has shown that Ibn Kullāb's doctrine of attributes was based primarily on speculations by earlier thinkers such as Abū l-Hudhail and Hischām ibn al-Hakam . So he took the formula “neither identical nor not identical” directly from Abū l-Hudhail, who, however, only limited it to the relationship between the individual attributes. And the idea that God knows by a knowledge that is neither he nor not he has already been advocated by Hisham ibn al-Hakam. Ibn Kullāb was the first thinker who brought these considerations into a coherent system.

The kullābit school

ʿAbd al-Qāhir al-Baghdādī lists a number of disciples of Ibn Kullāb in his book Uṣūl ad-Dīn , including ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz al-Makkī al-Kattānī, who is said to have exposed the Muʿtazilites at the court of al-Ma'mūn , the exeget al-Husain ibn al-Fadl al-Badschalī, whom ʿAbdallāh ibn Tāhir brought to Khorasan , and the Sufi al-Junaid (d. 910). Al-Muhāsibī (d. 857), who took a position similar to his in theology, was one of his disciples.

Al-Ashʿari (d. 936) believed that most of the teachings of Ibn Kullāb's followers correspond to what the Sunnis (ahl as-sunna) teach. He himself wrote a treatise in defense of Ibn Kullāb's doctrine of attributes against the objections of Ibn ar-Rāwandī and was considered Kullābit (Kullābī) in his time . Al-Chwārizmī, who wrote in the 10th century, mentions a "kullābitic school" (Kullābīya) , which he counts among the Muschabbiha along with twelve other schools. This refers to those Islamic schools in which God is compared with things in this world. Also Abd al-Jabbar ibn Ahmad (d. 1025) speaks much of the followers of Ibn Kullābs. According to the testimony of the transoxan scholar Abū l-Yusr al-Bazdawī (d. 1099), the Kullābites referred to themselves as ahl as-sunna wa-l-ǧamāʿa , i.e. as Sunnis.

The kullābitic school later merged with the Ashʿarite school , which adopted many of their teachings. As early as 985 Shams ad-Dīn al-Maqdisī noted that the Ashʿarīya had ousted the Kullābīya.

literature

Arabic sources

  • Abū l-Ḥasan al-Asarī : Kitāb Maqālāt al-islāmīyīn wa-iḫtilāf al-muṣallīn. Ed. Hellmut Ritter . 2nd edition. Steiner, Wiesbaden, 1963. Digitized
  • Ibn an-Nadīm : al-Fihrist . Ed. Riḍā Taǧaddud. 3rd edition. Dār al-Masīra, Beirut, 1988. p. 230. Digitized
  • ʿAbd al-Qāhir al-Baġdādī : Uṣūl ad-Dīn. Maṭbaʿat ad-Daula, Istanbul 1928. Digitized
  • Abū l-Yusr al-Bazdawī: Kitāb Uṣūl ad-Dīn. Ed. Hans Peter Linss and Aḥmad Ḥiǧāzī as-Saqqā. Al-Maktaba al-Azharīya li-t-Tūrāṯ, Cairo 2003. Digitized
  • Ibn Fūrak: Muǧarrad Maqālāt aš-šaiḫ Abī l-Ḥasan al-Ašʿarī . Ed. Daniel Gimaret. Dār al-Mašriq, Beirut, 1987.
  • Ibn Ḥaǧar al-ʿAsqalānī : Lisān al-mīzān . 10 vols. Dār al-Bašāʾir al-islāmīya, Beirut, 2002. Ed. ʿAbd al-Fattāḥ Abū Ġudda. Vol. IV, pp. 486f. Digitized
  • ʿAbbās ibn Manṣūr as-Saksakī: al-Burhān fī maʿrifat ʿaqāʾid ahl al-adyān. Ed. Bassām ʿAlī Salāma al-ʿAmūš. 2nd ed. Maktabat al-Manār, az-Zarqā ', 1996. pp. 36f. Digitized
  • Tāǧ ad-Dīn as-Subkī : Ṭabaqāt aš-Šāfiʿīya . Ed. ʿAbd al-Fattāḥ Muḥammad Ḥulw and Maḥmūd Muḥammad Ṭanāḥī. Maṭbaʿat ʿIsā al-Bābī al-Ḥalabī, Cairo, 1967. Vol. II, pp. 299f. Digitized

Secondary literature

  • Josef van Ess : "Ibn Kullāb and the Miḥna" in Oriens 18/19 (1965/66) 92–142.
  • Josef van Ess: "Ibn Kullāb" in The Encyclopaedia of Islam. New Edition Vol. XII, pp. 391b-392b.
  • Josef van Ess: Theology and society in the 2nd and 3rd centuries of the Hijra. A History of Religious Thought in Early Islam . 6 vols. Berlin: De Gruyter 1991–1997. Vol. IV, pp. 179-194; Vol. VI, pp. 402-417.
  • Joseph Schacht : Islam with the exclusion of the Qur'an . Mohr / Siebeck, Tübingen 1931, p. 55f. Digitized version (German translation of a section from al-Ašʿarīs Kitāb Maqālāt al-islāmīyīn )
  • W. Montgomery Watt, Michael Marmura: The Islam II. Political developments and theological concepts. Stuttgart u. a. 1985 ( The Religions of Mankind , Vol. 25.2). Pp. 285-288.
  • Yusuf Şevki Yavuz: "İbn Küllâb" in Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi Vol. XX, pp. 156–157. Digitized
  • Tevfik Yücedoğru: Ehl-i sünnet'e giden yolda İbn Küllâb ve Küllâbiyye mezhebi . 2nd edition Emin Yayınları, Bursa, 2015.

Individual evidence

  1. a b c Van Ess: Theologie und Gesellschaft 1997. Vol. IV, p. 180.
  2. al-Baġdādī: Uṣūl ad-Dīn. 1928, p. 309.
  3. as-Saksakī: al-Burhān fī maʿrifat ʿaqāʾid ahl al-adyān. 1996, p. 36.
  4. al-Baġdādī: Uṣūl ad-Dīn. 1928, p. 309, lines 6-8.
  5. Ibn Ḥaǧar al-ʿAsqalānī: Lisān al-mīzān . 2002, Vol. IV, p. 486.
  6. a b Ibn an-Nadīm: al-Fihrist . 1988, p. 230.
  7. Ismāʿīl Pasha al-Baġdādī: Hadīyat al-ʿārifīn asmāʾ al-muʾallifīn wa-āṯār al-muṣannifīn . Istanbul 1951. Vol. I, p. 440. Digitized
  8. Van Ess: Theologie und Gesellschaft 1995. Vol. VI, p. 402.
  9. Van Ess: "Ibn Kullāb and the Miḥna". 1965, p. 137.
  10. ^ Van Ess: Theology and Society. 1995, Vol. VI, pp. 402-417.
  11. Van Ess: Theologie und Gesellschaft 1997. Vol. IV, p. 195.
  12. Cf. Ibn Fūrak: Muǧarrad Maqālāt aš-šaiḫ Abī l-Ḥasan al-Ašʿarī . 1987, p. 12.
  13. See Van Ess: Theologie und Gesellschaft 1995. Vol. VI, p. 402.
  14. al-Ašʿarī: Kitāb Maqālāt al-islāmīyīn . 1963, p. 370.
  15. al-Ašʿarī: Kitāb Maqālāt al-islāmīyīn . 1963, p. 357.
  16. Abū l-Yusr al-Bazdawī: Kitāb Uṣūl ad-Dīn. Ed. Hans Peter Linss and Aḥmad Ḥiǧāzī as-Saqqā. Al-Maktaba al-Azharīya li-t-Tūrāṯ, Cairo 2003. p. 93. Digitized
  17. al-Ašʿarī: Kitāb Maqālāt al-islāmīyīn . 1963, pp. 169, 173.
  18. a b al-Ašʿarī: Kitāb Maqālāt al-islāmīyīn . 1963, p. 546.
  19. al-Ašʿarī: Kitāb Maqālāt al-islāmīyīn . 1963, p. 582.
  20. al-Ašʿarī: Kitāb Maqālāt al-islāmīyīn . 1963, p. 179.
  21. al-Baġdādī: Uṣūl ad-Dīn. 1928, pp. 89, 123.
  22. ^ Van Ess: Theologie und Gesellschaft 1997. Vol. IV, pp. 187f.
  23. al-Ašʿarī: Kitāb Maqālāt al-islāmīyīn . 1963, p. 169.
  24. al-Ašʿarī: Kitāb Maqālāt al-islāmīyīn . 1963, p. 514.
  25. al-Ašʿarī: Kitāb Maqālāt al-islāmīyīn . 1963, p. 169f.
  26. al-Ašʿarī: Kitāb Maqālāt al-islāmīyīn . 1963, pp. 170, 546.
  27. al-Ašʿarī: Kitāb Maqālāt al-islāmīyīn . 1963, p. 547.
  28. al-Baġdādī: Uṣūl ad-Dīn. 1928, pp. 89f, 109.
  29. Cf. van Ess: Theology and Society . Vol. IV, pp. 182f.
  30. Al-Ašʿarī: Kitāb Maqālāt al-islāmīyīn . 1963, p. 444.
  31. Al-Ašʿarī: Kitāb Maqālāt al-islāmīyīn . 1963, p. 604.
  32. Ash-Sheikh al-Mufid , cit. at van Ess: Theology and Society. 1995, Vol. VI, p. 414.
  33. ^ Van Ess: Theology and Society. 1995, Vol. VI, p. 415.
  34. Quoted from al-Ašʿarī: Kitāb Maqālāt al-islāmīyīn . 1963, p. 512.
  35. a b c d e al-Ašʿarī: Kitāb Maqālāt al-islāmīyīn . 1963, p. 585.
  36. a b c d e Al-Ašʿarī: Kitāb Maqālāt al-islāmīyīn . 1963, p. 298.
  37. a b c al-Ašʿarī: Kitāb Maqālāt al-islāmīyīn . 1963, p. 584.
  38. al-Ašʿarī: Kitāb Maqālāt al-islāmīyīn . 1963, p. 517.
  39. Quoting from as-Subkī: Ṭabaqāt aš-Šāfiʿīya . Vol. II, p. 300.
  40. Al-Bazdawī: Kitāb Uṣūl ad-Dīn. 2003, p. 75.
  41. al-Ašʿarī: Kitāb Maqālāt al-islāmīyīn . 1963, pp. 601f.
  42. Sura 21: 2
  43. Sura 26: 5
  44. a b cf. van Ess: Theologie und Gesellschaft . Vol. IV, p. 184.
  45. al-Ašʿarī: Kitāb Maqālāt al-islāmīyīn . 1963, pp. 584f.
  46. Cf. van Ess: "Ibn Kullāb und die Miḥna". 1965, p. 105.
  47. Sura 28:30
  48. Sura 4: 164
  49. Sura 20: 5
  50. al-Baġdādī: Uṣūl ad-Dīn. P. 113.
  51. al-Ašʿarī: Kitāb Maqālāt al-islāmīyīn . 1963, p. 299.
  52. See the evidence in Van Ess: Theology and Society. 1995, Vol. VI, pp. 408f.
  53. Sura 6: 103
  54. Al-Bazdawī: Kitāb Uṣūl ad-Dīn. 2003, p. 92.
  55. al-Baġdādī: Uṣūl ad-Dīn. 1928, p. 249, lines 1-4.
  56. Al-Bazdawī: Kitāb Uṣūl ad-Dīn. 2003, p. 177.
  57. Van Ess: Theologie und Gesellschaft 1997. Vol. IV, p. 193.
  58. al-Baġdādī: Uṣūl ad-Dīn. 1928, p. 104.
  59. Al-Bazdawī: Kitāb Uṣūl ad-Dīn. 2003, p. 127.
  60. Van Ess: Theologie und Gesellschaft 1997. Vol. IV, p. 181.
  61. al-Baġdādī: Uṣūl ad-Dīn. 1928, p. 222.
  62. as-Saksakī: al-Burhān fī maʿrifat ʿaqāʾid ahl al-adyān. 1996, p. 36f.
  63. Ḫalīl Ibn-Aibak aṣ-Ṣafadī: Kitāb al-wāfī bi-l-wafayāt . Ed. Aḥmad Arnāʾūṭ and Turkī Muṣṭafā. Dār Iḥyāʾ at-Turāṯ al-ʿArabī, Beirut, 1999. Vol. XVII, p. 104. Digitized
  64. Van Ess: Theologie und Gesellschaft 1997. Vol. IV, S. 188f.
  65. Cf. van Ess: "Ibn Kullāb and the Miḥna". 1965/66, p. 111.
  66. Cf. van Ess: "Ibn Kullāb and the Miḥna". 1965/66, p. 112.
  67. van Ess: "Ibn Kullāb" in EI² Vol. XII, p. 392a.
  68. al-Baġdādī: Uṣūl ad-Dīn. P. 309.
  69. Cf. van Ess: "Ibn Kullāb and the Miḥna". 1965/66, p. 99f.
  70. Ibn Fūrak: Muǧarrad Maqālāt aš-šaiḫ Abī l-Ḥasan al-Ašʿarī . 1987, p. 12.
  71. See Abū l-Ḥasan ʿAlī al-Masʿūdī : Kitāb at-tanbīh wa-l-išrāf . Brill, Leiden, 1894. p. 396, lines 9f. Digitized
  72. Abū-ʿAbdallāh Muḥammad Ibn-Aḥmad al-Ḫwārizmī: Kitāb Mafātīḥ al-ʿulūm . Ed. Gerlof van Vloten. Brill, Leiden, 1895. p. 27. Digitized
  73. Cf. van Ess: "Ibn Kullāb and the Miḥna". 1965/66, p. 136.
  74. Al-Bazdawī: Kitāb Uṣūl ad-Dīn. 2003, p. 250.
  75. Shams ad-Dīn al-Maqdisī: Kitāb Aḥsan at-taqāsīm fī maʿrifat al-aqālīm. Ed. MJ de Goeje. 2nd ed. Brill, Leiden 1906., p. 37, line 10. Digitized