Johannes Hadlaub

Johannes Hadlaub (also: Johannes Hadeloube; * 2nd half of the 13th century; † beginning of the 14th century in Zurich ) was a Middle High German, Swiss minstrel .

Hadlaub's song corpus is very extensive and includes, in addition to numerous minne songs, harvests, dribble and day songs as well as corpses. His works were created around 1300 and can be assigned to the late minstrel. A special feature of some of his works is the naming of historically attested personalities from the region around Constance and Zurich. Hadlaub is assigned a special role in the creation of the Great Heidelberg Song Manuscript (also: Codex Manesse or Manessische Liederhandschrift). The novella Hadlaub by Gottfried Keller , published in 1876, significantly influenced the further reception of Hadlaub .

Biographical traces of Johannes Hadlaub

Hadlaub's house on Neumarkt in Zurich

Research assumes that the Middle High German poet Johannes Hadlaub is to be equated with the Zurich citizen Johannes Hadeloube , for whom various documentary evidence exists: a) In the document book of the city and landscape of Zurich , the purchase of a house in the Neumarkt district by Johannes on January 4, 1302 Hadeloube (see UB Vol. 7, No. 2 628). The house was located “between Jakobs Brunen huse nud Wernhers Vinken huse”, with which Hadlaub lived in the vicinity of two well-known Zurich families. Another entry in the document book attests to Chuonrat Phentzi, the chamberlain of the Canons, as the later owner of the house (cf. Necrologia Germaniae I , p. 557: entry for February 23 and the accompanying note). A Burchardum Hadlubum 1260 and Peter Hadloup in 1308, 1309, 1310 and 1311 are also mentioned in the Zurich document book. b) The year book of the Grossmünsterpropstei records the date of Hadlaub's death on March 16, but without giving the year (cf. Necrologia Germaniae I , p. 559). Since all entries in the year book were recorded before 1340, it can be assumed that Hadlaub died between the years 1302 and 1340. c) Information on Hadlaub's wife ("uxor Johis Hadelop") can be found in land register 2a of the provost office. The document shows that Hadlaub's wife was liable for tax and therefore had her own property. The fact that well-known families were neighbors of Hadlaub or later owners of his house suggests that Hadlaub's housing situation was acceptable. If one also takes into account the personal wealth of his wife, it can be assumed that Hadlaub led a civil life with a certain degree of prosperity. Sillib's assumption that Hadlaub came from the peasantry "in view of his crude village poetry" can therefore be refuted. Further theses on Hadlaub's curriculum vitae and circumstances can be drawn up based on studies of his works and the historical situation in Zurich, but remain speculation.

The Hadlaub tradition in the Manessian song manuscript C

In the Manessische Liederhandschrift a total of 51 songs and three corpses of Hadlaub as well as the miniature have survived. The text and miniature with the caption “Meister Johans Hadloub” in the base of the manuscript C are classified in the group of “masters”. Both the song corpus and the illustration occupy a special position within the manuscript.

The text

The first page of Hadlaub's text corpus in Codex Manesse

Hadlaub's songs have survived in the 34th position only in the Grosse Heidelberger Liederhandschrift C (also called Codex Manesse , Manessische Liederhandschrift or Pariser Handschrift). Verses 1 to 13 of song 49 ("Sich fröit ûf die noble Nacht"), which were also handed down in the Bern manuscript p, are an exception. The special emphasis of the poet, which is repeatedly cited by research for his exceptional position, should be presented below: The naming requirement above Hadlaub's written entry is missing and, according to Schiendorfer, could mean that Hadlaub is exceptionally well known among the writers or because Hadlaub's proximity to presumable client of the manuscript. The last sheet of the location specially intended for Hadlaub is the only one in manuscript C that has remained unlined on both sides. According to Schiendorfer, this sheet served to conclude the code. However, Fischer believes that it only emphasizes the unity and independence of the situation. All of Hadlaub's works were recorded by a single scribe, apparently intended only for him, which was a sign of exclusivity at the time. The initial initials, which mark the beginning of Hadlaub's songs, and the Lombards at the beginning of each stanza also come from a single illuminator, to whom, however, almost all initial initials of the basic stock are ascribed. Special importance is attached to the artfully crafted red and blue initial, which instead of the usual four or five lines comprises a total of twelve lines and is therefore the most elaborate and largest filigree initial in the entire manuscript C. Another colored marking, which is unique in the manuscript, is the red marking of the first letter in the name "Ruedge Manesse" (sheet 372r).

The findings with regard to the transmission of Hadlaub's works, in particular the coherence of the situation, the artistic initial initial and the double portrait, give the poet an unmistakable special position within the C manuscript. This exclusive position, as well as Hadlaub's spatial and temporal proximity to the Grosse Heidelberger Liederhandschrift , led to the assumption that he was possibly involved in the creation of the Codex Manesses. However, research has not yet been able to confirm this hypothesis with certainty.

The miniature

Hadlaub's miniature in Codex Manesse

The miniature (sheet 371r), which precedes the written entry, also has a special position within the visual program of the song collection, as its two-zone composition distinguishes it from the other illustrations in the manuscript. The double miniature is assigned to the basic stock, i.e. the original inventory of the song collection, and is dated to 1305.

Both halves of the picture each represent the entrance passages of Hadlaub's first two songs. The images in the center of the picture are separated from each other by a horizontal stripe of battlements, but are both identified by the common frame and the tower, which is identified as a church by the bell chamber and finial , connected to each other in the right margin. Because of this composition, the picture units are shown as self-contained, but at the same time the unity of the picture as a whole is emphasized.

The lower half of the picture illustrates a scene from Song 1: a male figure approaches in a hunched position, a document in the outstretched right hand, a lady who is about to enter the church. The wide cloak that the male figure has pulled over her red robe, the brown hat adorned with shells, the yellow-colored bread sack tied around the torso and the staff that serves as a support are all identifying marks that the figure is a pilgrim identify. However, the letter in the image program of the Manessian manuscript is considered an attribute of the poet, which, according to Fischer, allows the pilgrim to be identified as the author. If one follows the contents of the first song, the poet tries to attach this letter to his beloved on her dress as she leaves the church. It remains unclear why the illuminator did not consistently adhere to the original text and why the event varied insofar as it did not depict the lady leaving, but entering the church. The lady is wrapped in a blue robe with a white ribbon and a blue veil, under which her long, blond, curly hair can be seen. Startled at the "pilgrim", she looks down over her shoulder at the male figure, making both figures eye contact. The gesture of her raised left hand and her retreating posture give expression to her dismissive attitude towards the poet. Even if the lady is silent herself, the dog she is holding in her arms seems to reflect her inner state by, as it appears, barking at the poet.

The upper picture unit relates to the entrance passage of the second song: In courtly company, the bearded, blond-haired poet sank in front of his beloved lady. The groups of people staggered in the background, closer to the edge of the picture, point with their gestures, gaze directions and their lateral posture to the couple sitting in the center of the picture. The lady, dressed entirely in blue, whose head is adorned with a white container, and the singer, who is wearing a blue-yellow robe, shake hands. While the poet wakes up from his faint, has to be supported by someone standing behind him and looks at his beloved out of the corner of her eye, the lady turns her head and is held by another figure at her seat. The lady's dislike is indicated by her raised hand, but it is the dog that emphasizes her dislike. Whether this actually gives the minstrel a bite as a substitute act by the lady who, according to the original text, bites the man's hand herself, or whether it is just a barking, as in the lower part of the picture, is disputed in research. It is noticeable, however, that the illuminator strictly adhered to the template of the song lyrics when making the miniature. Only the dog was integrated into the drawing, although it was not mentioned in Hadlaub's songs. However, x-rays have shown that the dog was only added to the miniature afterwards. Schiendorfer sees the change in the miniature merely as the illuminator's attempt to illustrate the lady's state of mind and, with regard to the upper part of the picture, also her bite as a representative illustration of the dog. Fischer extends the meaning of the double insertion of the animal on the one hand to the thereby achieved and simplified identification of the Minnepair. On the other hand, the additionally inserted element of the dog emphasizes that there is a direct connection between the two image units. Why the bourgeois Hadlaub is ascribed a coat of arms, as is only due to the "aristocratic and armed classes", remains unclear. It shows a black squirrel with a red tongue and a red collar on a silver background (now oxidized and therefore darkened to brown).

Work overview

Hadlaub's song corpus is very extensive and varied. There is hardly any type of song, hardly any stylistic or formal modification that his oeuvre does not include. Hadlaub's works can be traced back to u. a. Schiendorfer and Renk in songs that are mainly subjective and those that focus mainly on objective processes. The narrative songs show characteristics of both subjective and objective poetry and are therefore to be regarded as an "intermediate category".

The subject songs (summer and winter songs, minne songs without natural entrance)

The subjective songs include Minnelieder without and those with a natural entrance, the latter being subdivided into summer and winter songs according to their content. What the songs of the subjective genre have in common is the lack of narrative elements. Rather, the speaking self describes its soul and emotional life to the audience. The exploration of one's own thoughts and feelings is always followed by the lamentation of love, which is characterized by the repeatedly disappointed hope for reciprocal love of the lady being adored and the insight into the futility of service to her.

The summer songs in Hadlaub's oeuvre form an extensive group, which includes songs 19, 21, 23, 25, 27, 29, 33, 35, 37, 39 and 45. All of these begin with a description of the mild season, summer or spring; B. « Sumer had sent ûz sîn wunne: secht, the bluomen gênt ûf dur daz gras! "(Song 23, VV. 1f.) -" The summer has sent out its glory: Look, the flowers bloom through the grass! " The introductory part, in which the sun, the chirping of birds, the beauty of nature and the graceful ladies in their light summer robes are praised, is followed by the love lament. The winter songs, to which songs 4, 24, 26, 28, 34, 36, 38 and 40 belong, are opened by depicting the days that are getting shorter and cooler, the ladies retreating into their rooms, the winter nights and the snow, as for example in song 26: « Winter had vorbotten ûzgisendet, who used the hânt vogel süessen sang » (VV. 1f.) - «The winter has sent out harbingers which have kept the birds from their lovely singing» Thereupon the subject of the personal one becomes again Minnesia situation of the song ego processed and discussed. The Minneongs of subjective poetry without a natural entry include songs 6, 7, 9, 10, 14, 30 and 43 to 47.

The object songs (autumn, harvest and day songs; Serena; songs from the house care, the minnemartyrs and the peasant quarrels)

Hadlaub's works, which can be assigned to objective poetry, include the autumn, harvest and day songs, the serena, the songs of the house care, the minnemartyrs and the peasant quarrels. These works are characterized by narrative components or even a narrative plot.

In autumn songs 16, 18 and 42, the culinary gifts of autumn, such as “ Veizze swînîn birâten ” (song 16, v. 4), “fat roast pork”, and cheerful sociability are praised. In clear contrast to this are the singer's lamentations of love, which, however, do not lead to a rejection of love. Leppin counts songs 20, 22 and 41 among the harvest songs. She attributes the independent new creation of this type of song to Hadlaub, even if he took over and processed the description of the rural surroundings from Neidhart and individual turns from Steinmar , among other things . The harvest and the associated peasant festival are described as happy events. Only song 22 is uniformly determined by research as a "real" harvest song, since the focus of the statement is actually the event of the harvest and not the singer's personal lament for love. The day songs Hadlaubs to which the songs 12, 31 and 32 count, giving the classic basic situation of song type again: A couple is awakened by a guard after spent together night, must be to remain undetected, say goodbye despite regret. What is striking here is that Hadlaub's main focus is not only on the design of the pair of lovers, but also includes the guardian figure, which is clear in the detailed guardian monologues that always open the daily songs: « I want to sing a warning that we bring love to us nu mag »(Lied 12, VV. 1ff.) -« I want to sing a warning that should separate the loved one from the beloved ». In “Serena” (49) the singer describes a “nocturnal rendezvous”, but the fulfillment of love is followed by the certainty of the approaching separation. In the “Lied von der Haussorge” (8) Hadlaub used a motif that Neidhart and Hartmann von Aue had already processed and that already existed as a literary topos in his time. The singer describes the existential need , which includes “ frost ” (“cold”), “ turst ” (“thirst”) and “ hunger ” (“hunger”) (v. 20), and presents this concrete situation to one's own misery across from. From this comparison, the singer concludes that his personal love affliction far surpasses his poverty concern. The "Song of the Minnemartyrs" (15) is similar to the "Song of House Care" in that the singer draws a comparison with his unrewarded service. According to the singer, the physical labor of charcoal burners is equated with his efforts to serve the beloved lady. Without a doubt, Hadlaub's "Lied vom Bauernzank" (13) was inspired by the Neidhart poetry, which has love in the peasant milieu and is characterized by the use of parodic elements. The amusing aspect here lies in the ridiculous behavior of two peasants who got into an argument over a girl. Hadlaub refrained from mocking the peasants, as is typical of Neidhart's poetry. So far unmentioned are the corpses (50 - 52), which will not be discussed in more detail as they cannot be assigned to minstrelsong.

The narrative songs

The songs 1, 2, 3, 5, 11, 53 and 54 are counted among the narrative songs (G. Schweikle) or romances (H. E. Renk). They have a special meaning within Hadlaub's works, since they are his «masterpiece and his very own creation». There was no directly comparable type of song at that time, but parallels can most likely be drawn to Ulrich von Lichtenstein's women's service and contemporary Italian songs. In the narrative songs, as in subjective poetry, there is no longer only the speaking ego, which describes the facets of his own mental state. Nor is this type of song limited to the representation of a certain time (e.g. time of day or season) or a specific scene (e.g. situation of the day song), followed by conventional actions, as is usual for objective poetry . Rather, Hadlaub created an intermediate category that combines both subjective and objective content. In addition to the soul analysis of the speaking ego, Hadlaub presents the “history of the origins or the usage situation of the individual songs”, so that one can speak of a “merging of pseudobiographical framework and subjective reflection on love”. Hadlaub's creative achievement lies in the fact that he integrated well-known personal names, love events and various elements of traditional concepts of love into the narrative. In older research literature (including Schleicher), the historically documented people who Hadlaub acted in his narrative songs were taken as biographical evidence. However, recent research (including Renk, Schiendorfer) assesses the autobiographical reference and the documentary meaning of the romances critically and sees the connection between the concrete action and the inner workings of the speaking self primarily under the aspect of poetic performance.

Song two

Form

Song two consists of thirteen stanzas, each consisting of seven verses. Hadlaub used the shape of the round canopy in Lied two, which is composed of a singing, consisting of two melodically and metrically identical tunnels , and a swan song, consisting of a different tunnel. The first two verses of a stanza form the first and the third and fourth verses of a stanza form the second tunnel. Verses five to seven of each stanza form the swan song. Within the tunnels there is a regular alternation of upward and downward movement, creating a joint transition. However, there is asynaphy between the tunnels ; H. at the end of one verse and at the beginning of the next, two uplifts meet with no intervening depression. For all stanzas the following rhyme scheme results :

verse	rhyme	Singing up / down
Verse 1	a	1. Stollen
Verse 2	a / b
Verse 3	c	2. Stollen
Verse 4	c / b
Verse 5	d	Swan song
Verse 6	e
Verse 7	e / d

With one exception, all editors use an inner rhyme and no end rhyme in the first two tunnels of each stanza, e.g. B.

I serve ir sît that we both would be kint .
Diu jar me sint even swaer Gesin. (V. 1f.)

This results in the number of seven verses, the round canopy shape, the alternating rhythm within the verses and the balanced lengths of the verses.

The content

In terms of content, the song can be divided into four parts. The first section comprises stanzas one to six and deals with the development of a ministry constellation between a lady and the song self, which is only made possible through the mediation of society. In the second part, stanzas seven to nine, ecclesiastical and secular men and women who belong to this society and are historically verifiable are introduced by name. In the third part of the song, which comprises stanzas ten to twelve, the speaking ego recapitulates the development of the relationship with love. The stanza thirteen, a price stanza for Heinrich von Klingenberg, forms the fourth part of the song.

Verses one to six: meeting of the song self with the lady

In the singing of the first verse, the song Ich describes his service to his beloved lady, which has been ignored from childhood.

I serve ir sît that we both would be kint. (V. 1)

"I've served her since we were both children."

After respected gentlemen found out about the conversation that had not yet taken place, they immediately brought the song self to the lady.

be brought to death (v. 7)

"They brought me there immediately"

Because of the rejection by the lady, the loving man faints.

Sî kêrt himself from me, do sî me sach, zehant:
from suffering geswant me, too much I. (VV. 11f.)

"She turned away from me as soon as she saw me:
I passed out from suffering and fell."

The people in high positions carry the loving person to his lady and the talking ego awakens by putting their hands together.

and they soon gave me ir hant in mîn hant.
Do I des bevant, do me baz. (VV. 13f.)

«And immediately put her hand in my hand.
When I felt that, I immediately felt better. "

The speaking self ponders the lady's train of thought and realizes that no one could have induced her to free it from its distress. The song self sees the motive for the lady's action in her conscience, as she feared that she was to blame for his condition. The sight of the unconscious man would have awakened her sympathy, which is why she offered him her hand.

I was afraid that nobody would like to bed down,
that I was frî nôt had gotân (VV. 15f.)
[...]
And si jaemerlîch an ûz der nôt.
I have pity on it, if I had of ir,
but I did not have it. (VV. 19-21)

«It seemed to me that no one could have asked her
to free me from my misery
[…]
and looked at her painfully in my misery.
That's why she had pity on me, because I suffered because of her,
[and] that's why she gave me her hand after all. "

The speaking self describes in the fourth stanza what immeasurable joy it triggers in him looking at his beloved, speaking to her and touching the hands lying on her lap. The feeling of happiness kindled in the song self was of such a magnitude that it never experienced such great joy again.

Do treat me nicely and speak with me. (V. 22)
The wîle lie mîn poor ûf ir schôz: (
v.26 ) mîn fröide never mêr were so great. (V. 28)

“Then she looked at me lovingly and spoke to me.
Meanwhile my arms rested on her lap:
I never experienced such great joy again. "

In the fifth stanza the speaking ego describes how it held the lady's hand tightly in his, to which the beloved responded with a bite in his hand. After trying to fathom the lady's reflections again, the song self explains how pleasant it was to touch her mouth. It is not the bite that is perceived as painful by the song self, but the fact that it was over within a short time.

Do I have so dearly vaste, gotte weiz, of
which you tick me in mîn hant.
Si wall, daz ez me wê taet, do froete ez me:
So even I suozze ir mundes bevant.
Ir bîzzen something so tender, wînblich, fîn, deserves
me that something has melted away.
I was never baz, daz muoz was sîn! (VV. 29ff.)

“Then I held her hand very lovingly, God knows
why she bit my hand.
She believed that it hurt me, but I was pleased:
I even found her mouth [as] sweet.
Her bite was so tender, feminine, fine,
which is why it hurt me that it ended so quickly.
I've never felt better, that's certainly true. "

The society attending the event asks the lady to give the song self something that she has been carrying with her for a long time. Again the lady shows aggressive behavior by throwing a cannister of needles to the song self. Notwithstanding this gesture of presentation, the speaking ego eagerly takes the object and is filled with joy in spite of the repellent act. Society returns the gift to the lady and requires her to hand it to the song self with decency.

Sî bâten give me vaste eteswaz,
des sî to ir long had gone.
So she threw me ir nâdilbein over there.
In süezzer ger I balde ez nam.
Si nâmen mirz and gâbenz ir against dô
And irbâten sî, daz sî mirz darblîch bôt.
In sender nôt I'm so happy. (VV. 36ff.)

“You asked her very much to give me something
she had owned for a long time.
So she threw her needle-box for me.
In sweet desire, I quickly seized it.
They took it from me and gave it back,
and asked her to hand it to me with grace.
I was so happy with the love affair. "

Verses seven to nine: concretizing society

The seventh stanza begins with the naming of the Prince of Constance and the Princess of Zurich, who are treated with a blessing. The Lied-Ich also cites the Prince of Einsiedeln and Count Friedrich von Toggenburg and emphasizes that these high-ranking gentlemen made it possible to meet his beloved with their help. The one from Regensberg was there at his request.

The prince of Konstenz, of Zurich diu vürstîn
vil saelig sîn! the prince ouch sâ
Von Einsidellen, from Toggenburg laudable.
grâf Friderîch [...] (VV.43ff.)

«May the Prince of Constance, the Princess of Zurich, be
blessed. Also the Prince
of Einsiedeln, of Toggenburg the glorious
Count Friedrich […] »

In addition to individual personalities - the Abbot of Petershausen and Rudolf von Landenberg - stanza eight also names groups of people, such as noble ladies and high clergy, who are also present at the encounter between Lied-Ich and lady. The speaking self states that although it had her favor, it ultimately did not help him.

And the abbot of Pêtershûsen tuginde vol also
helped me. there would also be
Edil frowen, hôhe Pfaffen, knight guot. (VV. 50ff.)

«And the virtuous Abbot von Petershausen also
helped me a lot. There were also
noble ladies, high clergymen, honorable knights. "

In the ninth stanza, the Lied-Ich emphasizes three people who particularly helped to arrange the meeting with the lady: the Prince of Constance, his brother Albrecht and Rüdiger Manesse.

Verses ten to twelve: Minne reflection of the song self

The song self reflects in verse ten about how long it has been gripped by the beauty of the lady and yet it could not come close to her before spiritual and worldly ladies and gentlemen came to help. The song self sees the reason for this in the lady’s always unfriendly behavior, which discourages the narrative self. A rapprochement, it states, would certainly only have aroused great anger in the lady.

I go for sî, there would be lîchte so verre ir haz!
not wan umb daz despaired then I. (VV. 70f.)

«If I went to her, I would certainly arouse her great anger!
For that reason alone, I despaired. "

In the eleventh stanza, the song self again describes his exuberant joy at meeting his beloved. The thoughts of the speaking self are always with the lady, and so it recalls the touch of the hands. It is astonishing that his heart was not broken with love.

It’s a miracle that the hearts of right men have not
broken in history. (VV. 76f.)

"It is a miracle that
my heart did not break at the event for true love ."

The twelfth stanza is a women's prize. In addition to the pleasant voice, the Lied-Ich praises various parts of the lady's body, such as her mouth, eyes and hands. After the speaking self has remembered the lovely appearance of its lady, it recalls the pain of parting. Only now does the speaking self feel sorrow.

So I do ir munt, ir wengel rôsenvar,
ir ougen clâr, ir kelîn wîz (VV. 81f.)

I want something, and then I have to go:
I’ll be sent daz so wê. (VV. 83f.)

"Then I saw her mouth, her rosy cheeks,
her shining eyes, her little white neck.

I felt lovely until I [realized that I] would have to leave: it
hurt so much, as a lover."

Verse thirteen: price verse on Heinrich von Klingenberg

The last part of the song is a price strophe for Heinrich von Klingenberg and those who elected him bishop. The Lied-Ich cites Heinrich von Klingenberg's understanding of music and poetry, and praises his help, advice and skills.

Wol us, that the Klingenberger praised you! (V. 85)

He can know and word,
the sense hears, he wont in the bî.
Sîn help, sîn rât, sîn art is endless. (VV.87ff.)

«It's good for us that the Kürenberger became prince.

He is well versed in music and poetry,
and possesses an abundance of cleverness and wisdom.
His help, his advice and his skills are indisputable. "

Hadlaub takes up content-related aspects that identify song two as a characteristic narrative song. The idea of ​​service and the price of women are motifs that are scarcely missing from any of the poet's narrative or minnows. The inclusion of historically real people can also be demonstrated not only in the second, but also in song three and 53. Likewise, the role of the mediating third party embodied by society in song two is a well-known motif in Hadlaub's narrative songs. So in song five a child and in song 53 that of Regensberg takes the role of messenger.

The people

The protagonist of the song is unmistakably the speaking ego, who describes himself as a “ sendem man ” (v. 84), “man in love”. It worships a lady whose name is unknown, who has so far ignored the service of the Lied self. In addition to the recruiter and the lady, the love society plays an important role in the storyline of the song.

The song self describes the events and his soul life, it comments and interprets the love affair from its own perspective. It is portrayed as dependent and with childlike characteristics. Thus it serves the lady « sît daz we both would be kint » (v. 1), «I have been serving her since we were both children», and is guided by society like a child because of his need for help. It is also noticeable that the song ego shows masochistic traits. For example, when the lady bites, it feels no pain, but joy. The lady is characterized by a passivity that she only overcomes by being asked by society. Similar to the speaking self, it is also portrayed helplessly and childlike. Her few actions, such as " si bite me in mîn hant " (v. 23), "she bit me in my hand", or " So threw me ir nâdilbein here " (v. 31), "So threw they give me their needle-barrel », testify to an aggressive behavior. Actual activity only characterizes society. It is she who arranges a meeting between song self and lady, who leads the speaking self to the lady, puts her hand in his. Hadlaub occupies the actually anonymous role of the Minne Society with groups of people such as noble ladies, high clergy, honorable knights (cf. v. 52: " Edil frowen, hôhe pfaffen, ritter guot ") and real, documented persons. The individuals should be listed and historically defined below:

Person designation in song two	historical-real correspondence of the person
The prince of Constance (v. 43 and v. 59) = the Klingenberger […] bishop Heinrîch (v. 85)	Heinrich von Klingenberg - Bishop of Constance 1293-1306 - comes from the Thurgau family of Klingenberg
from Zurich diu vürstîn (v. 43)	Abbess at the Frauenmünster in Zurich - Elisabeth von Wetzikon headed the abbey from 1270 to 1298
the prince of Einsidellen (v. 45)	probably Heinrich von Güttingen - Prince of Einsiedeln from 1280 to 1298
grâf Friderîch of Toggenburg (VV. 45f.)	Count Friedrich von Toggenburg - documented evidence from 1260 to 1315
the Reginsberger (v. 48)	Leutold VII von Regensberg - related to the Bishop of Constance and to the Toggenburg family
the abbot of Pêtershûsen (v. 50)	Abbot of Petershausen - Heinrich von Langenberg held this office from 1282 to 1293 and Diethelm von Castel from 1293 to 1319 → unclear which of the two Hadlaub was referring to
Rudolf von Landenberg (v. 55)	Rudolf von Landenberg - documented evidence from 1279 to 1314
her Albrecht (v. 60)	Albrecht von Klingenberg - brother of Heinrich von Klingenberg
her Rüedge Manesse (v.61)	Rüdiger Manesse - was a councilor in Zurich and Ritter - collected song manuscripts - gathered a circle of respected men interested in poetry around him → Circle around the Manesse

The order of the titles vürst (v. 43), vürstin (v. 43), grâf (v. 45) and her (v. 61) show that the personalities were arranged according to their political rank.

Society occupies a special position in Lied two, because it not only makes the meeting of Minnames possible in the first place as a mediator, but is also discussed on the historical level beyond the role level, due to the naming of individual documented personalities.

Interpretation with special consideration of the role of the love society

The possibility of interpretation, which focuses on the role of the love society, is based on the analysis of the relationship between the song self and society and tries to show the intention of including historically attested persons.

After the song ego loses consciousness due to the rejection by the lady, the " gentlemen " (v. 8) carry it into their immediate vicinity. The motif of powerlessness is known from the novels Erec and Tristan as well as from the works of Ulrich von Liechtenstein . The impotence indicates the death of Minneck and occurs either at the climax or, as in Hadlaub's song, at the low point of the hope of Minne. In order to counteract this depression, « compassionate gentlemen » (v. 5), «people showing compassion», take the initiative, acting here in the role of helper. The service rendered by the song self not only requires recognition from the lady, society must also confirm the service as a “socially constitutive achievement”. As a result, love gains not only personal, but above all social relevance. While society is assigned the role of helper in the first stanza, its meaning expands in the second stanza. The expression " hôhe [...] gentlemen " (v. 8) expresses their high social position. The approach of the song self to the lady in the midst of respected people who support him refers to his social recognition. The fact that the Hadlaub miniature depicts the Minnenden surrounded by the noble group of people confirms the integration of the Lied self into society.

The actual acting instance of the song is society. She brings the song self to the lady, carries it, unconscious, in her immediate vicinity and puts the lady's hands in his: « unde gave me soon ir hant in mîn hant » (V. 13) - "and immediately put their hand in my hand". The speaking ego, on the other hand, remains passive, comments and interprets the event: " I thought that there [...] " (v. 15) - "I thought that". The contrast between the actions of society and the interpretation of the song self is striking. It interprets the clasping of the hands as a free and informal gesture of the lady and ignores the fact of the dependence and control by society. For the song ego there is the prospect of fulfillment, which triggers unsurpassable joy: " mîn never fröide, mêr war so great " (v. 28) - "I never experienced such great joy again". The lady, on the other hand, denies the validity of the hearing, which so far only consists in the interpretation of the song self by biting his hand. But even this action does not interpret the speaking ego as a refusal of affection, but rather as a physical affection that passed too quickly:

Si wall, daz ez me wê taet, do froete ez me:
so even suozze ir mundes bevant.
Ir bîzzen something so tender, wînblich, fîn, deserves
me that something has melted away. (VV. 31ff.)

“She thought it hurt me, but I was pleased:
I even found her mouth [as] sweet.
Her bite was so tender, feminine, fine,
which is why it hurt me that it ended so quickly. "

In the following, society again takes the initiative. In order to establish the bond between lady and song ego, she asks the lady to give the speaking ego a Minnepand. Expressing her reluctance, the lady throws a needle-can at the feet of Lied-Ich. The company, however, demands that the lady behave in a manner that is fair to minnees and orders a repeated handover of the present. By pushing for etiquette, society takes on the role of educator. The song ego, on the other hand, does not perceive the throwing of the gift as a disregard of the courtly norms of behavior: " In süezzer ger " (v. 39), "In sweet desire", the speaking ego takes the gift and is " so frô " (v. 42 ). Ulrich von Lichtenstein also dealt with the motif of the demanded and unwillingly given minne deposit, which occurs especially in the epic, in his service to women .

The importance of society so far has been that it enables the encounter as an acting authority, arranges the ministry constellation, recognizes the song self as minister, gives him the feeling of joy, assigns him social value and finally confirms the validity of the love constellation. Its meaning is expanded in stanzas seven to nine, in which the song ego lists real, historically attested individuals as members of this society. The specification of the helping or disruptive society by naming individual people is a motif of classic minnesang. Only the inclusion of historically attested personalities is new and gives rise to the assumption that autobiographical traits can be recognized in the song. According to Bumke, some of the persons listed by name, above all Heinrich von Klingenberg, belong to the group of patrons who gathered around Hadlaub. The miniature, which depicts the singer's integration into society, also suggests an acquaintance with it. However, these relationships cannot be proven. The price of the individuals is based on their ability to have arranged the encounter between song self and lady in such a way that a constellation of love could be created. There is not only an assignment of value to the song ego, which is confirmed by society in its ministry role. The mentioned personalities are also given value because they have “love competence”. Because of this competence in minnesia matters, the song ego emphasizes the perfection of historical-real society.

The epic part of the song ends with verse eleven, and this is followed by a women's and a princely prize, which have a "lyrical, minstrel" character. In the women's award, Hadlaub praised the timeless, physical virtues of women. In the last stanza, the expression " Wol uns " (v. 85) is conspicuous, as it indicates the integration of the song self into society. The price strophe for Heinrich von Klingenberg serves to represent it. According to the Lied-Ich, an ideal prince, in addition to being an art connoisseur, must also have an education and skill. Just as love competence characterizes the ideal society, the perfect ruler is praised on the basis of his qualifications in " wîse unde wort " (v. 87), "music and poetry". The phrase “ Sîn help, sîn rât, sîn art ” (v. 89), “His help, his advice, his abilities” can indicate the prince's political competencies, but can also be used as an allusion to Heinrich von's previous support Understand Klingenberg in the creation of the love constellation between lady and song self. Consequently, the rank of the prince is confirmed on the basis of his artistic understanding. Since the song ego identifies the prince as the ideal ruler by assigning him special skills in the field of minstrels, it also enhances its own standing. If one follows Fischer's assumption, the prince's price can be set as the target point of the song, in which the staging of the common artistic understanding of the poet and prince points to the meaning of the song and implicitly demands the recognition and continuity of the minstrel.

In conclusion, the intention of the song can be found in the fact that a claim to the legitimacy of minstrel is made. On the one hand, the main narrative part of the song deals with the socially relevant behavior of society that corresponds to the Minnenorm. This is the basis for the love competence that characterizes the ideal society. The love discourse is therefore socially relevant insofar as it demonstrates the behavior that implies love competence. Furthermore, the minnesong offers space for the fame of the ladies. The third reason given in the song to legitimize minstrel is the price of the patrons, which, due to its representative character, emphasizes their social status and skills. In summary, the raison d'être of minnesong is based on the social significance of the love discourse, in the imperishable, always praised qualities of the ladies and in the representative value for the patrons.

Hadlaub as the creator of the narrative songs

Hadlaub created the new ballad-like song group of narrative songs (also: romances) in which he combined lyrical and epic elements. The creation of this type of song is regarded as Hadlaub's own creative achievement and as his main achievement in literary history. The romances are characterized by the fact that they consist of numerous motifs that were largely traditionally known and that were changed by being removed from a fixed topos.

Hadlaub's previous poems and the works arranged in front of him in the Manessische Liederhandschrift served as a source of inspiration for his own songs. This reference to previous poetry ranges from the "single text reference to the reproduction of certain work or author characteristics to a genre reference". In the narrative songs, Hadlaub worked with motifs that were mostly known from the tradition of minnesong or subjective songs and associated with a certain conceptual content. Hadlaub detached the motifs from a fixed topos and put them in a new relationship with one another in the romances, creating a scene. With dramatic features, the motifs become building blocks for action, which in turn result in a course of action that is no longer topical. In the narrative songs, the concrete plot is always interrupted by the subjective reflection of the song self, which is entirely in the tradition of classical minstrel. With the inclusion of real, historically attested people in songs two and 53, Hadlaub fixes the timeless model of Hohen Minne in the historical present. Due to the untopical and individually presented courses of action and the historically identifiable actors, the narrative songs appear autobiographical, which does not mean that they have to be. Hadlaub addresses the literary-fictional world by using traditional motifs and the historical-autobiographical world by including historical persons, so that one can speak of a synthesis of poetry and truth.

In the narrative songs, Hadlaub combines topical, historical and intellectual processes, whereby he continued the literary tradition, but shaped it in a modified form.

Hadlaub's reception in poetry and the visual arts

An artistic Hadlaub reception, which dealt with the historical minstrel and his works, began in the 18th century and lasted until the publication of Gottfried Keller's novella Hadlaub in 1876. After that, a creative Hadlaub reception developed, which primarily refers to the Hadlaubfigur Kellers and almost completely disregarded the historical singer and his songs. From the 20th century, the scientific reception replaced the artistic examination of Hadlaub's works.

The first evidence of Hadlaub, which names the singer and gives brief biographical information, can be found in the preface to the samples of old Swabian poetry by Johann Jacob Bodmer , in the Chronological Directory of Poets and Poems from the Swabian Zeitpuncte , published by Johann Christoph Adelung , and in the directory of the Swiss Minnesingers from 1785. A creative adaptation of Hadlaub's works and biography took place in the novella “Hadeloub, Anecdote historique” , published in 1807 in the French Archives littéraires l'Europe . The author, initially only listed with the initial M., was identified by research as Jakob Heinrich Meister . The protagonist is the poet and singer Hadlaub, who woos a noble lady. In terms of content, the famous letter scene from song one is processed along with other episodes of love that are not taken from Hadlaub's songs. In 1813 Johann Jacob Horner (1772 - 1831) published an investigation into Hadlaub's life and work under the title "Johanns Hadloub, a Minnesinger from Zurich" in the Swiss Almanach Alpenrosen . This publication is considered to be the first scientific study devoted solely to Hadlaub. An artistic processing of certain motifs from Hadlaub's songs can be found in the inserts of the novel The Truthful Story of the Three Wishes by Otto Ludwig , published in 1842 . Not only poetry, but also the visual arts use Hadlaub's songs as a source of inspiration. The Swiss artist Franz Hegi , who was famous at the time , made a copper engraving, which has the subject of the letter scene from song two already depicted in the miniature. With regard to the composition of the picture, the copper engraving deviates significantly from the miniature from the Manessian song manuscript in two respects: On the one hand, the church is not only represented symbolically with the help of a bell tower, but also with the richly decorated portal of the Great Minster in Zurich; on the other hand, Hegi follows the poetic model and shows the lady leaving and not entering the church. Ludwig Ettmüller published the first single edition of Hadlaub's songs in 1840.

The history of the Swiss minstrel changed with Gottfried Keller's novella “Hadlaub”. The story first appeared in book form in Keller's Züricher Novellen in 1877, after it had already been published a year earlier in the magazine Deutsche Rundschau . In the novel, Keller makes strong reference to Hadlaub's songs by working out individual song scenes and developing them into episodes from the life of his Hadlaub character. As a result, as in most of Hadlaub's songs, the story is centered around the story of the love. But Keller also links the creation of the Great Heidelberg Song Manuscript with the life of his protagonist. The artistic reception of Hadlaub, which developed after the publication of Keller's story, was no longer based on the historical minstrel and his songs, but rather on the Hadlaub figure of Keller. The fresco painting by Ernst Stückelberg, completed in 1883, shows a scene from Keller's novella that adheres closely to the literary guidelines. Probably in the same year Viktor von Meyenburg (1834 - 1893) made a sculpture of Johannes Hadlaub, which identifies him as a minstrel with the attributes of the violin and parchment scroll and was given to the city of Zurich as a gift. Georg Haeser transformed Keller's story into a drama in 1894. After repeated editing of the novel, Haeser transformed the text of the drama into a "lyrical opera", which was premiered on March 19, 1903 in the Zurich Opera House.

At the beginning of the 20th century, the scientific analysis of Hadlaub's life and works reached its peak. New scientific methods made it possible to date Hadlaub's biographical data and the documents received more and more precisely. From the 20th century onwards, Hadlaub's songs were no longer creative.

Even if Hadlaub's works served as a source of inspiration for several poets and visual artists and they are of ongoing interest for research, the extent of Hadlaub's reception cannot be compared with that of other Middle High German poets, such as Walther von der Vogelweide or Hartmann von Aue .

literature

Research literature

• Joachim Bumke: Court culture. Literature and Society in the High Middle Ages . 12th edition. dtv, Munich 2008, ISBN 978-3-423-30170-1 .

• Michael Curschmann: «Pictura laicorum litteratura? Reflections on the relationship between image and vernacular written form in the high and late Middle Ages up to the Codex Manesse ». In: Hagen Keller, Klaus Grubmüller, Nikolaus Staubach (Ed.): Programmatic writing in the Middle Ages. Forms and stages of development Wilhelm Fink Verlag, Munich 1992, ISBN 3-7705-2710-0 , pp. 211-229.

• Ursel Fischer: Master Johans Hadloub. Author's picture and conception of the work of the Manessische Liederhandschrift . M & P Verlag for Science and Research, Stuttgart 1996, ISBN 3-476-45150-X .

• Hedwig Lang: Johannes Hadlaub . Erich Schmidt Verlag, Berlin 1959.

• Rena Leppin: Johannes Hadlaub. Songs and corpses . S. Hirzel Verlag, Stuttgart u. Leipzig 1995, ISBN 3-7776-0633-2 .

• Otto Neudeck: «Tradition and violence. Linking contrary concepts of love in Johannes Hadlaub ». In: Thomas Bein (Ed.): Understanding Walther - Conveying Walther . Thomas Lang European Science Publishers, Frankfurt am Main 2004, ISBN 3-631-52874-4 , pp. 141-155.

• Marion Oswald: «Wan sang has bovn and wiurzen there. On the staging of the singing tradition and patronage role, on claims to validity and legitimation strategies in Johannes Hadlaub's songs ». In: Beate Kellner, Peter Strohschneider, Franziska Wenzel (ed.): Validity of literature. Forms of their authorization and legitimization in the Middle Ages . Erich Schmidt Verlag, Berlin 2005, ISBN 3-503-07933-5 , pp. 29 - 42.

• Herta-Elisabeth Renk: The Manessekreis. His poets and the Manessian manuscript . Verlag W. Kohlhammer GmbH, Stuttgart 1974, ISBN 3-17-001190-1 .

• Max Schiendorfer (Ed.): Johannes Hadlaub. The poems of the Zurich minstrel . 1st edition. Artemis, Zurich a. Munich 1986, ISBN 3-7608-0703-8 .

• Iwan Adelbert Schleicher: About Master Johannes Hadlaubs Life and Poems . Georgi, Bonn 1888.

• Günther Schweikle: "Johannes Hadlaub". In: The German literature of the Middle Ages. Author Lexicon . Walter de Gruyter, Berlin a. New York 1981, ISBN 3-11-008778-2 .

• Rudolf Sillib : In the footsteps of Johannes Hadlaubs . Winter, Heidelberg 1922.

• Burghart Wachinger:  Hadlaub, Johannes. In: New German Biography (NDB). Volume 7, Duncker & Humblot, Berlin 1966, ISBN 3-428-00188-5 , p. 417 f. ( Digitized version ).

• Ingo F. Walter (Ed.): Codex Manesse. The miniatures of the Great Heidelberg Song Manuscript. 5th edition, Insel Verlag, Frankfurt / M. 1988, ISBN 3-458-14385-8 .

Text output

• Max Schiendorfer (Ed.): Johannes Hadlaub. The poems of the Zurich minstrel . 1st edition. Artemis, Zurich a. Munich 1986, ISBN 3-7608-0703-8 .

Web links

Commons : Johannes Hadlaub  - Collection of images, videos and audio files

Wikisource: Johannes Hadlaub  - Sources and full texts

Individual evidence

1. ^ Lang, Hedwig: Johannes Hadlaub , Berlin 1959, p. 12.
2. ↑ ^{a b c} Schiendorfer, Max: Johannes Hadlaub. The poems of the Zurich minstrel , Zurich a. Munich 1986, p. 199.
3. ↑ ^{a b c} Schweikle, Günther: "Johannes Hadlaub", in: The German literature of the Middle Ages. Author Lexicon , Berlin a. New York 1981, p. 379.
4. ↑ ^{a b} Lang, Hedwig: Johannes Hadlaub , Berlin 1959, p. 13.
5. ↑ Sillib, Rudolf: On the trail Johannes Hadlaubs , Heidelberg 1922, p. 4
6. ^ Fischer, Ursel: Master Johans Hadloub. Author's picture and work conception of the Manessische Liederhandschrift , Stuttgart 1996, p. 45.
7. ^ Lang, Hedwig: Johannes Hadlaub , Berlin 1959, p. 11.
8. ↑ See Schiendorfer, Max: Johannes Hadlaub. The poems of the Zurich minstrel , Zurich a. Munich 1986, p. 195, and Fischer, Ursel: Meister Johans Hadloub. Author's picture and conception of the work of the Manessische Liederhandschrift , Stuttgart 1996, p. 46f.
9. ↑ Schiendorfer, Max: Johannes Hadlaub. The poems of the Zurich minstrel , Zurich a. Munich 1986, p. 196.
10. ^ Fischer, Ursel: Master Johans Hadloub. Author's picture and conception of the work of the Manessische Liederhandschrift , Stuttgart 1996, p. 49.
11. ^ Curschmann, Michael: «Pictura laicorum litteratura? Reflections on the relationship between image and vernacular writing in the high and late Middle Ages up to the Codex Manesse », in: Pragmatic writing in the Middle Ages. Appearances and stages of development , ed. v. Hagen Keller , Klaus Grubmüller, Nikolaus Staubach ; Munich 1992, p. 224.
12. ↑ ^{a b} Fischer, Ursel: Master Johans Hadloub. Author's picture and conception of the work of the Manessische Liederhandschrift , Stuttgart 1996, p. 50.
13. ↑ ^{a b c d e} Schiendorfer, Max: Johannes Hadlaub. The poems of the Zurich minstrel , Zurich a. Munich 1986, p. 197.
14. ^ Fischer, Ursel: Master Johans Hadloub. Author's picture and conception of the work of the Manessische Liederhandschrift , Stuttgart 1996, p. 52.
15. ^ Fischer, Ursel: Master Johans Hadloub. Author's picture and work conception of the Manessische Liederhandschrift , Stuttgart 1996, p. 53.
16. ↑ Codex Manesse. The miniatures of the Great Heidelberg Song Manuscript , ed. v. Ingo F. Walter, Frankfurt / M. 1988, p. 251.
17. ↑ Schiendorfer, Max: Johannes Hadlaub. The poems of the Zurich minstrel , Zurich a. Munich 1986, p. 208, and Renk, Herta-Elisabeth: Der Manessekreis. His poets and the Manessische Handschrift , Stuttgart 1974, p. 142.
18. ↑ ^{a b c d} Schiendorfer, Max: Johannes Hadlaub. The poems of the Zurich minstrel , Zurich a. Munich 1986, p. 216.
19. ↑ ^{a b c} Leppin, Rena: Johannes Hadlaub. Lieder and Leichs , Stuttgart a. Leipzig 1995, p. 22.
20. ^ Leppin, Rena: Johannes Hadlaub. Lieder and Leichs , Stuttgart a. Leipzig 1995, p. 40f.
21. ↑ Schiendorfer, Max: Johannes Hadlaub. The poems of the Zurich minstrel , Zurich a. Munich 1986, p. 212.
22. ↑ Renk, Herta-Elisabeth : The Manessekreis. His poets and the Manessische Handschrift , Stuttgart 1974, p. 158.
23. ↑ Schiendorfer, Max: Johannes Hadlaub. The poems of the Zurich minstrel , Zurich a. Munich 1986, p. 143.
24. ↑ Schiendorfer, Max: Johannes Hadlaub. The poems of the Zurich minstrel , Zurich a. Munich 1986, p. 213.
25. ↑ Schleicher, Iwan Albert: About Master Johannes Hadlaubs Life and Poems , Bonn 1888, p. 36.
26. ↑ Schiendorfer, Max: Johannes Hadlaub. The poems of the Zurich minstrel , Zurich a. Munich 1986, p. 215.
27. ↑ Renk, Herta-Elisabeth: The Manessekreis. His poets and the Manessische Handschrift , Stuttgart 1974, p. 160.
28. ↑ Schleicher, Iwan Albert: About Master Johannes Hadlaubs Life and Poems , Bonn 1888, p. 22f.
29. ↑ Schiendorfer, Max: Johannes Hadlaub. The poems of the Zurich minstrel , Zurich a. Munich 1986, p. 216f, and Renk, Herta-Elisabeth: Der Manessekreis. His poets and the Manessische Handschrift , Stuttgart 1974, p. 161.
30. ↑ ^{a b} Leppin, Rena: Johannes Hadlaub. Lieder and Leichs , Stuttgart a. Leipzig 1995, p. 128.
31. ^ Leppin, Rena: Johannes Hadlaub. Lieder and Leichs , Stuttgart a. Leipzig 1995, p. 130.
32. ↑ Ursel Fischer: Master Johans Hadloub. Author's picture and conception of the work of the Manessische Liederhandschrift , Stuttgart 1996, p. 86.
33. ↑ Renk, Herta-Elisabeth: The Manessekreis. His poets and the Manessische Handschrift , Stuttgart 1974, p. 177.
34. ↑ ^{a b} Renk, Herta-Elisabeth: The Manessekreis. His poets and the Manessische Handschrift , Stuttgart 1974, p. 169.
35. ^ Fischer, Ursel: Master Johans Hadloub. Author's picture and conception of the work of the Manessische Liederhandschrift , Stuttgart 1996, p. 80.
36. ↑ ^{a b} Fischer, Ursel: Master Johans Hadloub. Author's picture and conception of the work of the Manessische Liederhandschrift , Stuttgart 1996, p. 83.
37. ^ Bumke, Joachim: Court culture. Literature and Society in the High Middle Ages , Munich 2008, p. 677.
38. ↑ ^{a b} Fischer, Ursel: Master Johans Hadloub. Author's picture and conception of the work of the Manessische Liederhandschrift , Stuttgart 1996, p. 85.
39. ^ Lang, Hedwig: Johannes Hadlaub , Berlin 1959, p. 25.
40. ↑ ^{a b} Fischer, Ursel: Master Johans Hadloub. Author's picture and conception of the work of the Manessische Liederhandschrift , Stuttgart 1996, p. 87.
41. ↑ ^{a b c} Oswald, Marion: «Wan sang has bovn and wiurzen da. On the staging of the singing tradition and patronage, on claims to validity and strategies of legitimation in Johannes Hadlaub's songs », in: Geltung der Literatur. Forms of their authorization and legitimization in the Middle Ages , ed. v. Beate Kellner, Peter Strohschneider, Franziska Wenzel; Berlin 2005, p. 37.
42. ^ Neudeck, Otto: «Tradition and violence. Linking contrary concepts of love in Johannes Hadlaub », in: Understanding Walther - Mediating Walther , ed. v. Thomas Bein, Frankfurt am Main 2004, p. 143.
43. ↑ ^{a b} Renk, Herta-Elisabeth: The Manessekreis. His poets and the Manessische Handschrift , Stuttgart 1974, p. 174.
44. ↑ Renk, Herta-Elisabeth: The Manessekreis. His poets and the Manessische Handschrift , Stuttgart 1974, p. 161.
45. ↑ Renk, Herta-Elisabeth: The Manessekreis. His poets and the Manessische Handschrift , Stuttgart 1974, p. 162.

Remarks

1. ↑ Cf. 2. The Hadlaub tradition in the Manessian song manuscript C.
2. ↑ See 2.2 The Miniature.
3. ↑ The songs were numbered according to their order in the Grosse Heidelberger Liederhandschrift. Some editors, such as von der Hagen and Renk, kept the order of the handwriting, others, such as Ettmüller, who Bartsch and Schiendorfer joined, rearranged the songs.
4. ↑ All Middle High German quotations come from the text edition by Max Schiendorfer: Johannes Hadlaub. The poems of the Zurich minstrel , Zurich a. Munich 1986.
5. ↑ Cf. on the local historical sources Renk, Herta-Elisabeth: Der Manessekreis. His poets and the Manessische Handschrift , Stuttgart 1974, especially p. 14 - 99, and Schweizer, Iwan Albert: About Master Johannes hadlaubs Leben und Gedichte , Bonn 1888, especially p. 10 - 14.
6. ↑ See 4.3 The people.
7. ^ On the reception history of Hadlaubs Schiendorfer, Max: Johannes Hadlaub. The poems of the Zurich minstrel , Zurich a. Munich 1986, especially pp. 217-235.