Thammasat University massacre

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Memorial to the massacre on the grounds of Thammasat University

The Thammasat University massacre, or massacre of October 6, 1976 ( Thai เหตุการณ์ 6 ตุลา , RTGS Hetkan Hok Tula , “October 6th”) was a fatal attack by security forces and right-wing vigilantes on left-wing students and protesters on campus the Thammasat University and on the Sanam Luang in the center of the Thai capital Bangkok .

According to official information, 46 people died. In contrast, employees of the Chinese Charity Association, which transported and cremated the dead, reported over a hundred bodies. Thousands of students were arrested. This was followed by a military coup that ended the brief phase of parliamentary democracy in Thailand.

background

A popular uprising in October 1973 , largely initiated and supported by students (especially from Thammasat University), had ended 15 years of uninterrupted military rule. A transition to democracy then began, and a large number of parties were formed. Part of the student body was heavily politicized, especially various left currents were represented on campus and Marxist literature was very popular. But trade unions and progressive farmers' associations also appeared more self-confident, demonstrated and struck for higher wages and broader rights.

A democratic constitution came into force in October 1974 (however, it disappointed the more far-reaching ideas of the left and liberals). The parliamentary elections in January 1975 brought unstable conditions due to the fragmentation of the parties. The government had to be reorganized several times, as early as January 1976 the parliament was dissolved again and early elections were triggered in April 1976.

The political upheaval, the demanding appearance of activist students, left parties, trade unions and peasants and, above all, the victory of the communists in the Second Indochina War in Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos in 1975 aroused extreme rejection by the political right. The domino theory also played a role here, according to which Thailand could be the next " domino stone to fall over" after the states of Indochina, that is, it could become communist if countermeasures were not taken. There were decidedly anti-communist movements such as Nawaphon ("New Force" or "Power of the Nine"), Luk Suea Chao Ban ("Village Boy Scouts") and Krathing Daeng (" Red Buffalo "), but also democratic left forces and ultimately rejected free democracy as such. The judge and TV presenter Thanin Kraivichien claimed in his show that “ communism , student activism and progressive politics” formed an “inseparable trio”. In fact, the leaders of the National Student Center of Thailand were mostly Marxist or Maoist and both the Maoist Communist Party of Thailand (KPT) and the Soviet Union tried to influence the Thai student and labor movement.

On May 1, 1975, Parliament passed a law that allowed the possession and carrying of weapons for self-defense without special authorization. This was justified with increasing crime and the often late arrival of the police, especially in rural areas. Some politicians and leaders of the student movement also armed themselves during this time to protect themselves. Between April and August 1975, 17 leaders of the left farmers' association of Thailand were murdered, suspected of being the militant “Red Buffalo”. In August 1975, government opponents, some of whom were armed, including police officers, attacked the home of Prime Minister Kukrit Pramoj , accusing him of being too indulgent towards leftists and students. On August 20, 1975, armed right-wing forces first attacked Thammasat University, shooting, throwing explosives and setting class buildings on fire. The National Student Council blamed the "Red Buffalo", but also the police, for this.

In February 1976 the headquarters of the left-liberal Neue Kraft party was pelted with explosive devices and the leader of the Socialist Party of Thailand was shot. In March, a hand grenade was thrown at an anti-US policy march, killing four students and injuring 82. The rector of Thammasat University, Puey Ungphakorn , complained about death threats during this time. Right-wing critics accused him of not only tolerating left-wing movements among the students at his university, but also of being a communist himself. The conservative Chart Thai party entered the 1976 election campaign with the slogan “Right kills Left”, which in view of the political murders at the time could not only be understood figuratively.

The movement of the “village scouts” founded during the earlier military dictatorship was increasingly joined by farmers and politically and economically insecure members of the urban bourgeoisie. King Bhumibol Adulyadej , celebrated as a supporter of democracy for his role during the 1973 popular uprising, and his family also supported the movement by attending gatherings, blessing scarves and badges of the organization. The prominent Buddhist monk Kittiwuttho Bhikkhu , who was close to the Nawaphon movement, preached that it was not a sin to kill communists. The bad karma acquired by killing is more than outweighed by the good karma of saving nation, religion and monarchy. In addition, communists are not “complete people”, but manifestations of Māras (evil personified). The killing of 50,000 communists is justified if it can ensure the happiness of 42 million Thais.

In August 1976 Praphas Charusathien returned to Thailand , during the military dictatorship deputy prime minister, interior minister and commander in chief of the army , one of the "three tyrants" hated by the democracy movement. This sparked another wave of protests from left-wing students and activists on the campus of Thammasat University, who were attacked by right-wing militants with firearms and hand grenades, killing two people and injuring 60. After an audience with the king, Praphas decided to leave the country and returned to Taiwan.

trigger

On September 19, 1976, the long-time military dictator Thanom Kittikachorn returned to Thailand from his self-chosen exile in Singapore. He wore the robe of a Buddhist novice and declared that he wanted to be ordained a monk at Wat Bowonniwet in Bangkok . This monastery is traditionally closely associated with the royal family. Four days later, the king and queen visited the temple, and it was widely reported that they met Thanom there, but according to official reports they did not. On the same day, Prime Minister Seni Pramoj announced his resignation in view of the deep political division in the country, but was immediately re-elected by parliament.

The return of Thanom sparked renewed protests from the left. Two workers who tried to hang anti-Thanom posters in Nakhon Pathom were murdered. Police confessed to the murders but were acquitted (after October 6) for lack of evidence. This event was recreated at a student demonstration at Thammasat University on October 4th. One of the actors who posed as a hanged man had a certain resemblance to Crown Prince Maha Vajiralongkorn . A right-wing daily took the picture out of context and claimed that the students had orchestrated the assassination of the Crown Prince and wanted to overthrow the monarchy.

In addition, the retirement of numerous high-ranking officers and the resulting promotions and transfers were due at the beginning of October. The National Student Center therefore feared a coup attempt by disappointed military officials who would not be considered for the promotions.

course

Sanam Luang around 1974. In the background, the Thammasat University campus

On October 4th and 5th, around 4,000 students and activists, organized by the left-wing National Student Center of Thailand (NSCT), demonstrated in Sanam Luang, the central parade ground in Bangkok's old town. When it began to rain that evening, they moved the meeting to the adjacent Thammasat University campus. They discussed until late at night, accompanied by music and plays. At midnight, hundreds of people gathered in front of the university gates with pictures of the supposed "Hanging of the Crown Prince", tore down posters, set them on fire and threatened to enter the premises. Police forces tried to control the situation. Military-related radio stations called on police officers and protesters to storm the grounds. During the night they sent out inciting and hateful speeches which included shouting: "Kill them ... Kill the communists!"

At 1:00 am, Police Director General Sisuk Mahinthorathep called a meeting of senior police officers, and after the hour-long meeting, they went to Thammasat University. The "Panzerradio" called on the police to crack down on the National Student Center. The “village scouts” and other “patriots” were called to a pro-government counter-demonstration in front of parliament on the morning of October 6th.

At 3 a.m., riot police and special police forces surrounded the campus, and three police boats were stationed on the Chao Phraya River, which borders the campus to the west. In the National Museum to the north of the university, the police set up a task force. The director general of the police said he wanted to vacate the campus at dawn and arrest those responsible for the alleged libel . He himself takes responsibility for the mission. The crowd in front of the university gates set a dumpster and a sentry box on fire and threw burning objects on the premises.

From 5 o'clock the "Red Buffalo" tried to get onto the university campus. Explosives and hand grenades were thrown on campus, some of which seriously injured students. The student assembly fired back and one man was fatally wounded. At 5:40 a.m., police began firing an M-79 grenade launcher from the National Museum at the university. One person was killed in the explosion and several others were injured, some seriously. Also was charged with assault rifles (probably M-16 and HK33 ) shot. The students took shelter in buildings. "Security forces" from the student center shot back. Some members of the "Red Buffalo" tried to break through the university gate with a hijacked bus. Some police officers, soldiers and "red buffalos" managed to climb over the university fence. Before 6 o'clock the "Panzerradio" asked the student center to surrender completely and claimed that police officers had been wounded by gunfire from the students. At that time, many students tried to escape from the site, but it was surrounded. A small number of the injured were taken away by ambulance and two more by boat across the river. However, the police stopped another evacuation.

At 6 a.m., police snipers opened fire. Police claimed that students started the shooting and even fired assault rifles such as M-16 or AK-47 . The closure of the river side was reinforced by the Navy's military police . A leader of the NSCT urged the gathering to fight the attackers because they had nothing to lose, even if many died in the process. Other students tried to flee across the river, but were shot at by the naval police. More Bangkok police and border guards have been mobilized to Thammasat University. Between 6.30 a.m. and 7 a.m., representatives of the student movement called the police for a ceasefire, but this was ignored. Another M-79 shell attack killed three students. Police officers were also injured in further shootings and the explosion of a misdirected “Red Buffalo” car bomb at 7:00 am. The police continued to block all escape routes and also forbade boats to come to the aid of the students who were willing to flee on the river. A group of NSCT officials, including spokesman Sutham Saengprathum and the alleged Crown Prince actor, left the premises in an ambulance and asked to meet with the Prime Minister. However, they were turned away and arrested.

At 7:30 am, Police General Sisuk released the fire "for self-protection". Over a hundred heavily armed paramilitaries from the Border Guard arrived, as well as a special unit of parachutists who had been flown in by helicopters from Camp Naresuan in Hua Hin . Local Bangkok police also participated in the shooting, including the police chief who said he was ready to die. Police began to storm the campus, allegedly to arrest students suspected of lese majesty on the orders of the Prime Minister , although they were already arrested at the time. Numerous students were killed or injured in the process. The call to at least evacuate the girls was ignored. Students also fired back, injuring police officers. More students jumped into the river despite being shot at by naval police patrol boats; many drowned. Hundreds were arrested, had to lie down on the floor with bare chests and hands behind their heads, and some of them remained there for hours. At 8 a.m., police reported that around twenty students had been sighted with firearms. Fifteen minutes later, fire from M-79 grenade launchers and other heavy weapons from the Border Guard was intensified. There were explosions every minute.

Students trying to flee through the main gate to Sanam Luang encountered "red buffalos," right wing militants, police and soldiers who beat or shot them. At 9 a.m., the police stormed individual buildings on campus and bases of the student movement. Two police officers were killed and numerous students died or were wounded. Some were beaten to death or hung, others burned alive. Female students were raped by police officers and "red buffalos". The fighting and atrocities continued until noon. Some police officers watched the hanging, mutilation and burning of bodies inactive. Numerous onlookers also watched the action and some applauded. Several students who had already been arrested and wounded were dragged out of the police custody, beaten or even lynched from among the crowd. The police tried to stop this with warning shots. At least one young woman could be saved this way.

At the same time, a large demonstration of around 30,000 "village scouts" and other right-wing forces, some of whom had been brought to Bangkok by buses from other provinces, took place at the equestrian statue of King Chulalongkorn in front of the Anantasamakhom throne hall (the old Parliament building). Among other things, “Kill the Communists! Kill the three left ministers! Defend nation, religion and monarchy! ”Chanted. At a cabinet meeting, however, Prime Minister Seni refused to dismiss the three ministers suspected of communism, as demanded by his right-wing coalition partners, arguing that the government had only been sworn in by the king the day before.

At 6 pm, Crown Prince Vajiralongkorn appeared in front of the “village scouts” meeting and disbanded it. Around the same time - allegedly to protect the monarchy - a military junta, the “Council for Reform of the National Government”, under the leadership of the admiral and former Defense Minister Sangad Chaloryu, took power in the country and declared a state of emergency .

consequences

The military coup put an end to the three-year phase of civil government and wider civil rights.

Two days later, the king appointed judge Thanin Kraivichien as prime minister, a representative of the anti-communist Nawaphon movement, who had become known through a television program he moderated and who was considered a right-wing hardliner. After taking office, he sent special police forces to bookshops with liberal literature and had 45,000 books confiscated and burned, including works by Thomas More , George Orwell and Maxim Gorki . All political parties were banned and trade unions, progressive student and farmers' associations were fought.

Then hundreds of politically active activists and students fled to the mountains and joined the rebels of the Communist Party of Thailand . Instead of weakening the communists, their armed struggle against the state was fueled. Thanin stated that it would take a 12-year development process for the Thai people to be "ripe" for democracy. Although Thanin was pushed out of office after just one year by the military junta to make way for a more pragmatic government, it actually took twelve years before Thailand got a democratically elected head of government again in 1988.

On December 1, 1976, Thammasat University reopened. The Bangkok Post noted at the time that - unlike before - there were hardly any students with long hair and sandals to be seen.

Documentation and reminder

Brutality in Bangkok
Neal Ulevich , 1976
photograph

linked image
(please note copyrights )

An iconic document of the event is a picture by the American photojournalist Neal Ulevich , which shows a student who was hanged from a tree on the Sanam Luang. A young man hits the already lifeless body with a folding chair, while children and young people watch and sometimes smile. The picture won 3rd prize in the World Press Photo competition in 1977, and in the same year Ulevich was awarded the Pulitzer Prize for the entire picture series . Also well known are images of arrested students lying bare chests, hands behind their necks and face down on the floor.

After the end of the military dictatorship, survivors and relatives of the victims campaigned for a memorial. At times, a joint memorial for the two “October events”, the 1973 popular uprising and the 1976 massacre, was proposed. However, this was highly controversial, since in the official, conservative historiography October 14, 1973 is considered an important event and turning point for Thai democracy (also due to the intervention and sympathy of the king for the demonstrators), while the Thammasat massacre is still after Has been withheld or played down by representatives of the establishment for decades. On the 20th anniversary of the massacre, perpetrators and backers expressed themselves as proud of their contribution to saving the country and defending national security against the left-wing threat. The former student leader Thirayuth Boonmee and the Crown Property Bureau finally agreed in 1998, through the mediation of former Prime Minister Anand Panyarachun, on the erection of a memorial only for the popular uprising of 1973, the victims of the Thammasat massacre were not taken into account.

Detail of the monument

Instead, a separate memorial was inaugurated on the Thammasat University campus in 2000. The monument designed by Surapol Panyawachira consists of a rectangular block of red granite. From this the date ๖ ตุลา ๒๕๑๙ (6 Tula 2519; October 6, 1973) is carved. Between the stone numbers and letters are small bronze reliefs depicting figures and faces, e.g. B. the then university rector Puey Ungphakorn and a hanged student show. It is surrounded by a border made of black marble in which a quote from Puey Ungphakorn is engraved in Thai and English: “What is most regrettable is the fact that young people now have no third choice. If they cannot conform to the government, they must run away. Those interested in peaceful means to bring about freedom and democracy must restart from square one. "

The feature film Dao Khanong - By the Time It Gets Dark by director and screenwriter Anocha Suwichakornpong , released in 2016, is about a (fictional) leader of the student movement of the 1970s and the Thammasat massacre. In 2017 it won the Thailand National Film Association Award in three categories (including best film), ran in the international competition of the Locarno Festival and was submitted as a Thai entry for the Oscar for best foreign language film . In 2017 the documentary "The Two Brothers" was released, which deals with the two activists and their surviving brothers who were murdered in Nakhon Pathom at the end of September 1976 (in the run-up to the massacre).

Web links

literature

  • William Bradley et al. a .: Thailand, Domino by Default? The 1976 Coup and Implications for US Policy. Ohio University Center for International Studies, Athens (OH) 1978.
  • Jayne Werner (Ed.): October 1976. The Coup in Thailand. In: Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars , Vol. 9, No. 3/1977. With contributions by Puey Ungphakorn , Benedict Anderson u. a.
  • Thongchai Winichakul: Remembering / Silencing the Traumatic Past. the Ambivalent Memories of the October 1976 Massacre in Bangkok. In Charles F. Keyes, Shigeharu Tanabe: Cultural Crisis and Social Memory. Modernity and Identity in Thailand and Laos. Routledge Shorton, London / New York 2002, pp. 243-283.
  • Thongchai Winichakul: Moments of Silence: The Unforgetting of the October 6, 1976, Massacre in Bangkok. University of Hawaii, Honolulu 2020, ISBN 978-0-8248-8234-1 .
  • Robert F. Zimmerman: Reflections on the Collapse of Democracy in Thailand. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore 1978.

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ Volker Grabowsky : Kleine Geschichte Thailands , CH Beck, 2010, p. 203
  2. ↑ a b c d e f Michael Leifer: Dictionary of the Modern Politics of South-East Asia , keyword “Thammasat University Massacre 1976”, Taylor & Francis, 1995, p. 163
  3. ^ Puey Ungphakorn: Violence and the Military Coup in Thailand. In: Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars , Vol. 9, No. 3, July – September 1977, pp. 4–12, at p. 8.
  4. ↑ Chris Baker, Pasuk Phongpaichit: A History of Thailand. 2nd Edition. Cambridge University Press, 2009, ISBN 978-0-521-76768-2 , p. 191.
  5. ↑ a b Chris Baker, Pasuk Phongpaichit: A History of Thailand. 2009, p. 192.
  6. ↑ Suchit Bunbongkarn: The student uprisings in October, 1973 and 1976. In: Dynamics of nation-building, with Particular reference to the role of communication. Unesco Regional Office for Education in Asia and the Pacific, 1984, p. 293, at p. 305.
  7. ^ Robert F. Zimmerman: Reflections on the Collapse of Democracy in Thailand. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore 1978, p. 66.
  8. ^ Law allows citizens to carry guns without permits. In Nicholas Grossman (ed.): Chronicle of Thailand. Headline News since 1946. 2009, p. 205.
  9. ↑ a b c Puey Ungphakorn: Violence and the Military Coup in Thailand. 1977, on p. 9.
  10. ^ Right-wing rampage at Thammasat University. In Nicholas Grossman (ed.): Chronicle of Thailand. Headline News since 1946. Edition Didier Millet, Singapore 2009, ISBN 978-981-4217-12-5 , p. 206.
  11. ^ Socialist leader killed as political tension rise. In Nicholas Grossman (ed.): Chronicle of Thailand. Headline News since 1946. 2009, p. 209.
  12. ^ Thammasat rector threatened with assassination. In Nicholas Grossman (ed.): Chronicle of Thailand. Headline News since 1946. 2009, p. 209.
  13. ^ Pasuk Phongpaichit, Chris Baker: Power in transition. Thailand in the 1990s. In Kevin Hewison: Political Change in Thailand. Democracy and participation. Routledge, London / New York 1997, pp. 21-41, at p. 31.
  14. ↑ a b c d Chris Baker, Pasuk Phongpaichit: A History of Thailand. 2009, p. 194.
  15. ↑ Michael Jerryson, Mark Juergensmeyer: Buddhist Warfare. Oxford University Press, Oxford / New York 2010, p. 189.
  16. ^ Right-wing agitators ambush anti-Praphas protest. In Nicholas Grossman (ed.): Chronicle of Thailand. Headline News since 1946. 2009, p. 211.
  17. ↑ Field Marshal Thanom returns. In Nicholas Grossman (ed.): Chronicle of Thailand. Headline News since 1946. 2009, p. 212.
  18. ^ Robert F. Zimmerman: Reflections on the Collapse of Democracy in Thailand. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore 1978, p. 65.
  19. ^ Hanging put tension at fever pitch. In Nicholas Grossman (ed.): Chronicle of Thailand. Headline News since 1946. 2009, p. 212.
  20. ↑ a b Puey Ungphakorn: Violence and the Military Coup in Thailand. 1977, on p. 5.
  21. ^ Paul M. Handley: The King Never Smiles. A Biography of Thailand's Bhumibol Adulyadej. Yale University Press, 2006, p. 235.
  22. ^ Puey Ungphakorn: Violence and the Military Coup in Thailand. 1977, on p. 6.
  23. ^ Puey Ungphakorn: Violence and the Military Coup in Thailand. 1977, at pp. 7, 9.
  24. ↑ a b Puey Ungphakorn: Violence and the Military Coup in Thailand. 1977, on p. 7.
  25. ↑ a b c Handley: The King Never Smiles. 2006, p. 236.
  26. ↑ a b c Puey Ungphakorn: Violence and the Military Coup in Thailand. 1977, on p. 8.
  27. ↑ Handley: The King Never Smiles. 2006, p. 237.
  28. ↑ David Millikin: Introduction to "Violence and the Military Coup," Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars, Vol. 9, No. 3, July – September 1977, p. 3
  29. ^ Elliott Kulick, Dick Wilson: Time for Thailand. Profile of a New Success. White Lotus, Bangkok 1996, p. 27.
  30. ^ Chris J. Dixon: The Thai Economy. Uneven Development and Internationalization. London / New York 1999, p. 98.
  31. ^ Federico Ferrara: The Political Development of Modern Thailand. Cambridge University Press, 2015, p. 179.
  32. ^ John Funston: Thailand - Reform Politics. In: Government and Politics in Southeast Asia. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore 2001, pp. 328–371, at p. 332.
  33. ↑ Monks pray for for the fallen as Thammasat reopens. In Nicholas Grossman (ed.): Chronicle of Thailand. Headline News since 1946. 2009, p. 213.
  34. ^ Neal Ulevich , World Press Photo 1977 Photo Contest, Spot News, third prize singles.
  35. ↑ Associated Press: Oct. 6 Massacre - The Photographer Who Was There. In: Khaosod English , October 5, 2016.
  36. ↑ Associated Press: Thailand 1976 Massacre Anniversary. Lynching photo both dark mark and blind spot for Thais. In: The Indian Express (online), October 4, 2016.
  37. ↑ Thongchai Winichakul: Remembering / Silencing the Traumatic Past. The Ambivalent Memories of the October 1976 Massacre in Bangkok. 2002, p. 270.
  38. ↑ Thongchai Winichakul: Remembering / Silencing the Traumatic Past. The Ambivalent Memories of the October 1976 Massacre in Bangkok. 2002, p. 270.
  39. ↑ Ka F. Wong: Visions of a Nation. Public Monuments in Twentieth-Century Thailand. White Lotus, Bangkok 2006, p. 138.
  40. ^ Dao Khanong , Concorso internazionale, 71st Locarno Festival.
  41. ↑ Patrick Frater: Thailand Picks 'By the Time It Gets Dark' for Oscar Contention. In: Variety (online), August 31, 2017.
  42. ↑ Sippachai Kunnuwong: Historians jog buried memories of massacre at Thammasat In: The Nation (online), October 7, 2017.