Popular uprising in Thailand in 1973

from Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Representation of the demonstration at the Democracy Monument , October 14th Memorial, Bangkok

The popular uprising in Thailand led to the overthrow of the authoritarian Prime Minister Thanom Kittikachorn on October 14, 1973 and the end of a 15-year military dictatorship . The starting point was student protests for a new constitution and more democracy, which took place from June 1973. In October they grew into a mass movement that was also joined by parts of the middle class, workers and peasants. A total of up to 500,000 people took part.

The regime of Thanom, his deputy Praphat Charusathien and his son Narong Kittikachorn tried to put down the revolt with military force. According to official information, 77 people died and 857 were injured. Many more have since disappeared and their bodies have not been found. On the evening of October 14th, Thanom resigned at the urging of the new army chief, Krit Sivara, and King Bhumibol Adulyadej , whereupon the violence ended.

This was followed by a new constitution drafted. The parliamentary democracy thus installed remained unstable and on October 6, 1976 led to the massacre at Thammasat University against demonstrating students and to a military coup.

The uprising of October 1973 is considered a turning point in the history of Thailand , which changed the country's political system permanently. With him, the undisputed rule of an alliance of the Thai military and bureaucracy ended for the time being . New social groups such as the student body, the grown middle class and business people from the provinces were added as political actors. A variety of parties developed. Due to his intervention on the part of the demonstrators during the height of the uprising, the political weight and popularity of the king also increased.

In Thailand , the process is simply referred to as the “October 14th” ( Thai เหตุการณ์ 14 ตุลา , RTGS Hetkan Sip-Si Tula ) or - in the words of King Bhumibol - as the “day of great mourning” ( วัน มหา วิปโยค Wan Maha Wippayok) designated.

prehistory

Field Marshal Thanom Kittikachorn (1960s)

In the constitutional monarchy of Thailand, after a brief democratic phase immediately after the end of the Second World War, from the coup of 1947 onwards, military dictators ruled for twenty-five years, sometimes superficially concealed, sometimes overtly. Field Marshal Thanom Kittikachorn was appointed Prime Minister in 1963 after the death of his predecessor and sponsor Sarit Thanarat . Thailand has had no constitution since the authoritarian "revolution" of Sarits in October 1958, but only a "statute on the administration of the kingdom", which gave the head of government practically unlimited powers. Thanom did not enjoy the popularity of his predecessor, but relied on an alliance of leading military and bureaucracy and had the support of the monarch and the United States , their most important ally in Southeast Asia Thailand during the Vietnam War and the associated civil wars in neighboring Laos and Cambodia was. Thanom pursued a strictly anti-communist, authoritarian and economically liberal policy. His government provided the US armed forces with bases for their bombing raids on Vietnam and Laos and bitterly fought the uprising of the Communist Party of Thailand and its “People's Liberation Army”, which smoldered in the rural areas, mountains and forests of the north, northeast and south of the country .

General Praphat Charusathien

In 1969 Thanom had a constitution drawn up and put into effect, according to which elections were held and a - partly elected, partly appointed - parliament met. In November 1971 he revoked the constitution and dissolved parliament, which he justified with the communist threat. Thanom and his deputy Praphat, however, increasingly lost support, not only among the population, but also in the armed forces, which split up into various rival cliques. Since both retained the positions of Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces (Thanom) and Commander in Chief of the Army (Praphat) beyond the mandatory retirement age of 60, they stood in the way of other aspiring generals. Her only loyal potential successor, Thanom's son Narong Kittikachorn, who was married to Praphat's daughter, had at that time only the rank of lieutenant colonel and also had little support in the troops, as he was viewed by the public as corrupt.

The Thai economy - and with it the urban middle class - had grown rapidly during the 1960s. But now she was in crisis. The disagreement of the military, social changes and the deteriorating economic situation were factors that favored political upheaval. In December 1972, the "National Executive Council" under Thanom passed a transitional constitution, set up a National Legislative Council and a constituent committee (the Praphat chair). Its work has been delayed repeatedly and the completion of a permanent constitution has been postponed.

When a helicopter crashed in Nakhon Pathom Province on April 29, 1973 , killing six military and police officers, it became public that they had taken part in an illegal hunting expedition in a nature reserve. Although the government tried to cover it up, claiming they had been on a clandestine operation in the Thai-Burmese border area, the press continued to cover them and sparked great outrage. The incident confirmed the popular impression that a small layer of privileged military personnel and their friends were shamelessly breaking the law without fear of consequences.

Student protests from June

The first student protests occurred in June 1973 after nine students from Ramkhamhaeng University were de-registered for publishing a satirical criticism of Thanoms and Praphat's decision to extend their terms for another year. Organized by the National Student Center of Thailand (NSCT), they began on June 20 with 10,000 students and grew to around 50,000 participants by June 22, demanding that their de-registration be withdrawn. In addition to the primary demand, they also took up general dissatisfaction with the military government, widespread corruption and the ailing economy as issues and demanded a new constitution within six months and the resignation of the university rector Sakdi Phasuknirand, who was responsible for the exclusion of the students. Chulalongkorn University students joined in, outraged that the government had forced Air Force cadets to join the prestigious institution without passing the entrance exams.

The protests were supported by a substantial part of the urban population. The nine excluded students were then allowed to return to the university, but the government did not respond to the other demands. In particular, it did not deviate from the timetable, according to which a new constitution should not come into force for three years. Ramkhamhaeng Rector Sakdi resigned a few days later. After this event, the student movement won the support of Bangkok workers, the middle class and intellectuals who saw it as the main opposition force against the military dictatorship. In view of the inactivity of the official constitutional committee, the NSCT announced that it would work out an alternative constitution itself.

At this time, the US government's support for the Thanom Praphat regime also waned. When the Singaporean Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew asked the American Secretary of State Henry Kissinger at a meeting in August 1973 to strengthen the Thai rulers, Kissinger replied: "We will not support a coup, but look the other way ..."

General Krit Sivara (ca.1959)

Among the opponents of Thanom and Praphat in their own troops were in particular the generals Krit Sivara , Vitoon Yasawat (former commander of staff '333', who had led the deployment of voluntary, Thai and American CIA- financed guerrilla units in the Laotian civil war) and Prachuab Suntharangkul. Thanom was able to convince Praphat to give up the position of commander-in-chief of the land forces - one of numerous offices he held - on the regular promotion date at the end of September. As a concession to the dissatisfied generals, General Krit was appointed the new army chief instead. According to Narong Kittikachorn, two lawyers close to the palace also belonged to the "opposition": Sanya Dharmasakti , the rector of Thammasat University , and Prakob Hutasingh , the president of the Supreme Court.

Popular uprising in October

October 6th to 12th

The immediate trigger for the uprising was the arrest of 13 opposition activists, including students, university lecturers, politicians and journalists, between October 6 and 8. They were accused of distributing leaflets asking for a new constitution to be drawn up soon. The government also accused them of being part of a communist conspiracy that was planning an overthrow. The National Student Center, whose General Secretary Thirayuth Boonmee was among the detainees, openly called the government a "dictatorship" and accused it of establishing a "reign of terror". There were even rumors that the 13 detainees had been murdered by government forces, which fueled the resentment and anger even more. Even Thanom's brother, the retired Police General Sa-nga Kittikachorn, criticized the government: "If the demand for a constitution is interpreted as treason, there are probably 38 million traitors in Thailand at the moment." That was the population of the country at the time.

Sanam Luang around 1974. In the background, the Thammasat University campus

To protest the arrests, there was a first demonstration of over a hundred students in the courtyard in front of the Bodhi tree on the campus of Thammasat University on October 9th . The next day, over a thousand demonstrators gathered, so the rally was moved to the university soccer field. On October 11th, due to the student strike, classes and exams were canceled at around 70% of universities and vocational schools in Bangkok. The NSCT called for a mass demonstration on October 12th. The immediate release of the 13 prisoners and the entry into force of the new constitution within six months were demanded. Several thousand students, including from other provinces, attended the meeting.

October 13th

Democracy Monument

The next day the meeting continued with even more participants. This time they left the university campus and moved over the Sanam Luang (royal parade ground in front of the Grand Palace) and Ratchadamnoen Boulevard to the Democracy Monument . In addition to students, sympathizers from other parts of the Bangkok population also joined in: mainly secondary and vocational school students, younger members of the middle class, but also workers. In total there were up to 400,000 demonstrators that day. On October 13th, the government promised to release the 13 opposition activists and put a constitution into effect within a year. King Bhumibol Adulyadej received nine representatives from the student center and urged them not to protest further in light of the government's concessions. They then canceled the demonstration for the next day.

But the mass movement had developed its own dynamic that the student leaders could no longer control. Many of the demonstrators were not satisfied with the promises and asked for guarantees. Some of the protesters, around 50,000, gathered in the late evening of October 13 in front of the king's residence, the Chitralada Palace , in expectation that the monarch would make more concrete promises.

October 14th

The next morning he dispatched a spokesman to ask the demonstrators to go home. When they tried to leave the place, they clashed with the police. They used tear gas and numerous demonstrators were injured. News spread that police officers beat three young women to death. The rumor also reached protesters in other locations, who now attacked police officers and police stations, partly out of anger and revenge. The government then used the military to fire at the protesters with weapons of war such as M16 assault rifles , machine guns from tanks and an attack helicopter . The prime minister's son, Colonel Narong Kittikachorn, is said to have operated the machine-gun of the helicopter himself. At this point, at the latest, the military rulers finally lost the support of the king. He had the gates of his palace opened so that the demonstrators could flee to the area and get to safety. There he and his family personally received members of the protest movement.

The government broadcast a distorted picture of what was happening through television and radio: the insurgents are not ordinary students, but communists who not only want to overthrow the government, but also want to destroy the monarchy - although some of the demonstrators carried pictures of the king and queen and sang praises of the king. The lifeless bodies that the protesters hold up to point out the brutality of the regime are not corpses at all, only students who pretend to be dead.

However, the warnings not to take to the streets fizzled out. Hundreds of thousands of citizens joined the government opponents and many also took up the fight against the security forces. Groups of radicalized insurgents - especially vocational school students - destroyed city buses and set them on fire as barricades. They stormed and looted particularly hated government buildings, including the public relations office (which was responsible for the government's propaganda), the state lottery (which they believed was rigged), and the "anti-corruption" agency (which was actually used by Colonel Narong was used to criminalize political opponents). Some groups of young people marched through the streets, wrecking police cabins, traffic lights and traffic signs.

The violence was fueled by riflemen firing at both protesters and police officers from a rooftop on Ratchadamnoen Boulevard. When they were arrested the next day, these shooters were identified as former members of the special forces deployed in Laos under the command of General Vitoon and who had been paid by the CIA. Vitoon did not deny the involvement of these units, but stated that they had personally decided to deploy. According to the Thai military intelligence service, it was Agent Provocateurs .

There were also protests outside of Bangkok, especially in Chiang Mai .

Sanya Dharmasakti (1974)

In the evening around 6:10 p.m. Field Marshal Thanom announced his resignation from the office of Prime Minister. At 7:15 pm, King Bhumibol addressed the people in a speech broadcast live on television and radio: “Today is a day of great mourning, the most painful in the history of our Thai nation.” He called for nonviolence and announced the appointment of the Independent lawyer Sanya Dharmasakti , Rector of Thammasat University, as the new Prime Minister. Sanya was a member of Bhumibol's Privy Council , but was otherwise not politically active and, according to his own statements, only found out about his appointment through a televised address. He was the first civilian to head government since 1958. The monarch thus intervened directly politically for the first time in his reign and, with his reserve powers, filled the vacancy that had arisen due to the government's loss of legitimacy and the lack of other constitutional organs.

Behind the scenes, General Krit Sivara, who on October 1, 1973 succeeded Praphat as Praphat's successor, probably played a decisive role in the change of government. He rejected the brutal crackdown on the demonstrators and is said to have told Thanom, Praphat and Narong (called "the three tyrants" by the protest movement): "These young people - these are our children."

15th October

Phan Fa Bridge

For the time being, Thanom remained Commander in Chief of the armed forces and Praphat General Director of the Police. They tried to maintain de facto control of the armed forces despite the loss of governance. Some of the protest movement, however, demanded their complete disempowerment, some even their death. As a result, there were violent clashes between students and security forces on October 15. Specifically, the crowds were shot at from the main city police headquarters on Phan Fa Bridge, which was under the control of officers closely associated with the regime. A radical and militant group called the "Yellow Tigers" (suea lueang) then tried to storm the police headquarters armed with bricks and Molotov cocktails . Some members of this self-proclaimed " suicide mission " were shot by the much better armed police forces. Doctors and nurses trying to treat wounded insurgents were also shot at.

However, General Krit refused to order soldiers to support the police. When Thanom and Praphat units of the " Internal Security Operations Command ", briefly ISOC (a special unit that was supposed to fight the communist unrest in northeastern Thailand and were directly subordinate to the government) wanted to command one more thing from their army base in Lop Buri to Bangkok would have meant a major massacre, Krit announced that he would surround the capital with his own troops (who had no official tasks inside) in order not to let the ISOC, commanded by Thanom and Praphat, in. In the afternoon, the "Yellow Tigers" hijacked a fire engine and filled its water tank with gasoline, which they then sprayed the police headquarters with, and then set it on fire with Molotov cocktails. The police then had to evacuate the building.

The violence did not end until Thanom, Praphat and Narong gave up all offices and left the country on the evening of October 15 at the urging of the King, General Krits and the commanders of the Navy and Air Force . Praphat and Narong went to Taiwan , Thanom to the USA. The new Prime Minister Sanya called on both sides to end hostilities and promised a new constitution within six months.

consequences

King Bhumibol's word about the “day of great mourning”, which went down in the history books, only partially hit the mood of the triumphant student movement. In view of the expulsion of the "three tyrants", the phrase "day of great joy" (Wan Maha Piti) was used instead . The student movement as well as peasants and workers felt strengthened and encouraged by their successful uprising against the military dictatorship. They were not satisfied with a mere change of government, but instead demanded further changes towards more democracy and social justice, but above all higher wages. A nationwide wave of strikes broke out in November.

Kukrit Pramoj (1974)

On December 10, 1973, Constitution Day, King Bhumibol appointed a national convention with 2,346 or 2,347 members from all provinces and various social groups and professions, including a taxi driver. However, the Convention met only once to elect representatives from among its members for a new National Assembly, which had the task of voting on a new constitution. In this election, mainly members of the conservative establishment prevailed because they were known to most of the convention members: 111 of the 240 members of parliament were state officials, 47 university teachers, 23 business people, 16 military and 14 police officers. The majority of the MPs came from the capital, only 16 were women. Students or other young people did not belong to Parliament. The Royalist Kukrit Pramoj became President of the National Assembly .

The first draft of the constitutional committee was very similar to the liberal constitution of 1946 and provided a strong role for the elected parliament. He also called for a referendum on the constitution before the king would sign it. However, the conservative majority in the National Assembly failed him in May 1974. Prime Minister Sanya resigned, but was pressured by the King to continue in office. The Conservative parliamentary group made many changes that watered down the democratic aspirations of the original version, strengthened the executive branch vis-à-vis parliament and upgraded the role of the king, similar to the royalist constitution of 1949 . In addition to the popularly elected House of Representatives, a senate was introduced whose members were to be appointed by the king and which was assigned an important role in legislation. The constitution finally came into force in October 1974 - one year after the popular uprising - without a prior referendum. The protracted constitutional process, the haggling of the conservative elites, most of which had not lost their power, and the abandonment of particularly progressive provisions ensured that the initial enthusiasm of the politicized circles turned into disappointment.

In January 1975, a new parliament was elected for the first time since the uprising. The election resulted in very unstable conditions: 24 parties were represented in the House of Representatives, 15 of which each had fewer than ten seats. A fragile multi-party coalition was formed, which was replaced by another coalition after a few weeks. Parliament was dissolved early in January 1976 and re-elected in April 1976.

October 14, 1973 memorial, Bangkok

The weak governing coalitions, internal disputes within the military, continued protests by the left student movement, unionized workers and peasants on the one hand, aggressive propaganda and even terror by far-right anti-communist groups on the other all destabilized the situation. This ultimately culminated in the massacre at Thammasat University on October 6, 1976 and the renewed takeover of power by the military on the same day.

memory

In 2003, on the occasion of the 30th anniversary of the uprising, a memorial for October 14, 1973 was inaugurated at Kok-Wua Crossing near the Democracy Monument. At the same time, October 14th was declared a day of remembrance as "Democracy Day" , but not a public holiday .

Web links

  • Video documentation 14 Tula (text by Charnvit Kasetsiri, published with the book Chak 14 Thueng 6 Tula (see under literature); Thai with English subtitles; 56 min, Youtube)

literature

  • Tyrell Haberkorn: Revolution Interrupted. Farmers, Students, Law, and Violence in Northern Thailand. University of Wisconsin Press, Madison (WI) 2011.
  • Charnvit Kasetsiri, Thamrongsak Petchlertanan (Ed.): จาก 14 ถึง 6 ตุลา [Chak 14 Thueng 6 Tula; From October 14th to 6th]. Foundation for the Promotion of Social Sciences and Humanities, Bangkok 2008, ISBN 974-86305-8-7 . With contributions by Puey Ungphakorn , Benedict Anderson u. a. (Thai; PDF document )
  • David Morell, Chai-anan Samudavanija: Political Conflict in Thailand. Reform, reaction, revolution. Oelgeschlager, Gunn & Hain, Cambridge (MA) 1981.

Individual evidence

  1. ^ Federico Ferrara: The Political Development of Modern Thailand. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2015, pp. 168-169.
  2. ^ David K. Wyatt : Thailand. A short history . 2nd edition, Silkworm Books, Chiang Mai 2004, ISBN 978-974-9575-44-4 , p. 288.
  3. ↑ a b c Somboon Suksamran: Buddhism and Politics in Thailand. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore 1982, p. 67.
  4. ↑ Illegal hunt causes outrage. In: Nicholas Grossman (ed.): Chronicle of Thailand. Headline News since 1946. Edition Didier Millet, Singapore 2009, ISBN 978-981-4217-12-5 , p. 190.
  5. ↑ a b c d Nicholas Grossman, Dominic Faulder (Ed.): King Bhumibol Adulyadej - A Life's Work. Thailand's Monarchy in Perspective. Editions Didier Millet, Singapore 2012, ISBN 978-981-4260-56-5 , p. 129.
  6. ↑ a b Student protests ignited. In: Nicholas Grossman (ed.): Chronicle of Thailand. Headline News since 1946. Edition Didier Millet, Singapore 2009, p. 191
  7. ↑ Somboon Suksamran: Buddhism and Politics in Thailand. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore 1982, pp. 67-68.
  8. ↑ Memorandum of Conversation, Henry A. Kissinger and Lee Kuan Yew, August 4, 1973. Declassified Documents Reference System (DDRS), CK 3100 048679. Quoted from: Kullada Kesboonchoo Mead: The Cold War and Thai democratization. In: Albert Lau: Southeast Asia and the Cold War. Routledge, Abingdon (Oxon) / New York 2012, pp. 215-240, at p. 231.
  9. ↑ Sutayut Osornprasop: Thailand and the secret war in Laos. In: Albert Lau: Southeast Asia and the Cold War. Routledge, Abingdon (Oxon) / New York 2012, pp. 186-214, at pp. 207-208.
  10. ↑ Kullada Kesboonchoo Mead: The Cold War and Thai democratization. In: Albert Lau: Southeast Asia and the Cold War. Routledge, Abingdon (Oxon) / New York 2012, pp. 215-240, at p. 230.
  11. ↑ a b c d e f g Somboon Suksamran: Buddhism and Politics in Thailand. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore 1982, p. 68.
  12. ↑ Student leaders arrested. In: Nicholas Grossman (ed.): Chronicle of Thailand. Headline News since 1946. Edition Didier Millet, Singapore 2009, p. 192.
  13. ↑ George Katsiaficas: Asia's Unknown Uprisings. People Power in the Philippines, Burma, Tibet, China, Taiwan, Bangladesh, Nepal, Thailand, and Indonesia, 1947–2009. PM Press, Oakland CA 2013, p. 287.
  14. ^ King steps in as mediator. In: Nicholas Grossman (ed.): Chronicle of Thailand. Headline News since 1946. Edition Didier Millet, Singapore 2009, p. 192.
  15. ^ Robert F. Zimmerman: Reflections on the Collapse of Democracy in Thailand. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore 1978, p. 31.
  16. ↑ More than 70 protesters killed by soldiers. In: Nicholas Grossman (ed.): Chronicle of Thailand. Headline News since 1946. Edition Didier Millet, Singapore 2009, p. 193.
  17. ↑ a b c d Nicholas Grossman, Dominic Faulder (Ed.): King Bhumibol Adulyadej - A Life's Work. Thailand's Monarchy in Perspective. Editions Didier Millet, Singapore 2012, p. 130.
  18. ↑ 400,000 march on the streets. In: Nicholas Grossman (ed.): Chronicle of Thailand. Headline News since 1946. Edition Didier Millet, Singapore 2009, p. 192.
  19. ^ Alan Klima: The Funeral Casino. Meditation, Massacre, and Exchange with the Dead in Thailand. Princeton University Press, Princeton (NJ) 2002, p. 63.
  20. ^ Alan Klima: The Funeral Casino. Meditation, Massacre, and Exchange with the Dead in Thailand. Princeton University Press, Princeton (NJ) 2002, pp. 63-64.
  21. ↑ Ross Prizzia, Narong Sinsawat: Thailand. Student Activism and Political Change. DK Book House, 1974, p. 57.
  22. ↑ Kullada Kesboonchoo Mead: The Cold War and Thai democratization. In: Albert Lau: Southeast Asia and the Cold War. Routledge, Abingdon (Oxon) / New York 2012, pp. 215-240, at p. 233.
  23. ^ Tyrell Haberkorn: Revolution Interrupted. Farmers, Students, Law, and Violence in Northern Thailand. University of Wisconsin Press, Madison WI 2011, p. 12.
  24. ↑ quoted from Nicholas Grossman, Dominic Faulder (ed.): King Bhumibol Adulyadej - A Life's Work. Thailand's Monarchy in Perspective. Editions Didier Millet, Singapore 2012, p. 130.
  25. ^ Federico Ferrara: The Political Development of Modern Thailand. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2015, p. 168.
  26. ↑ Nicholas Grossman, Dominic Faulder (ed.): King Bhumibol Adulyadej - A Life's Work. Thailand's Monarchy in Perspective. Editions Didier Millet, Singapore 2012, pp. 130–131.
  27. ↑ a b Alan Klima: The Funeral Casino. Meditation, Massacre, and Exchange with the Dead in Thailand. Princeton University Press, Princeton (NJ) 2002, pp. 64-65.
  28. ↑ Ruth-Inge Heinze: Ten Days in October - Students vs. the Military. An Account of the Student Uprising in Thailand. In: Asian Survey , Volume 14, No. 6, 1974, pp. 491-508, at p. 504.
  29. ^ Federico Ferrara: The Political Development of Modern Thailand. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2015, p. 168.
  30. ^ Paul M. Handley: The King Never Smiles. A Biography of Thailand's Bhumibol Adulyadej. Yale University Press, New Haven 2006, ISBN 0-300-10682-3 , p. 212.
  31. ↑ Country rejoices as Thanom regime leaders flee the country. In: Nicholas Grossman (ed.): Chronicle of Thailand. Headline News since 1946. Edition Didier Millet, Singapore 2009, p. 193.
  32. ↑ Thongchai Winichakul: Remembering / Silencing the Traumatic Past. The Ambivalent Memories of the October 1976 Massacre in Bangkok. In: Charles F. Keyes, Shigeharu Tanabe: Cultural Crisis and Social Memory. Modernity and Identity in Thailand and Laos. Routledge, Abingdon (Oxon) / New York 2002, pp. 243-286, at p. 265.
  33. ↑ James Paul LoGerfo: Civil society and democratization in Thailand, 1973–1992. Columbia University, New York 1997, p. 224.
  34. ^ Workers strike across the country. In: Nicholas Grossman (ed.): Chronicle of Thailand. Headline News since 1946. Edition Didier Millet, Singapore 2009, p. 194.
  35. ↑ Kevin Hewison, The monarchy and democratisation. In: Political Change in Thailand. Democracy and Participation. Routledge, London / New York 1997, pp. 63-73, at p. 69.
  36. ^ Paul M. Handley: The King Never Smiles. A Biography of Thailand's Bhumibol Adulyadej. Yale University Press, New Haven 2006, p. 215.
  37. ^ A b c New parliament opens after October uprising. In: Nicholas Grossman (ed.): Chronicle of Thailand. Headline News since 1946. Edition Didier Millet, Singapore 2009, p. 194.
  38. ↑ Kobkua Suwannathat-Pian: Kings, Country and Constitutions. Thailand's Political Development 1932-2000. Routledge / Curzon, Abingdon (Oxon) / New York 2003, pp. 170, 256 (fn. 88).
  39. ^ A b Paul M. Handley: The King Never Smiles. A Biography of Thailand's Bhumibol Adulyadej. Yale University Press, New Haven 2006, p. 216.
  40. ↑ a b c Muthiah Alagappa: Political Legitimacy in South East Asia. The Quest for Moral Authority. Stanford University Press, Stanford CA 1995, p. 209.
  41. ^ Paul M. Handley: The King Never Smiles. A Biography of Thailand's Bhumibol Adulyadej. Yale University Press, New Haven 2006, pp. 216-217.
  42. ↑ Kanokrat Lertchoosakul: The Rise of the Octobrists. Power and Conflict among Former Left Wing Student Activists in Contemporary Thai Politics. Dissertation, London School of Economics and Political Science, London 2012, p. 105.
This article was added to the list of articles worth reading on September 10, 2018 in this version .