Prussianism and Socialism

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Prussianism and Socialism is a polemic by Oswald Spengler . It was published in 1919 by CH Beck , Munich. Spengler described Prussia and socialism as the germ of parts of his main work, which was still in the making.

Trauma of the November Revolution

Spengler regards the political upheaval of November 9, 1918, with which the Hohenzollern monarchy came to an end, in the larger context of a tragic history of Germany . The lack of factual sense characteristic of Germany has shaped politics to a large extent, right down to the style of the revolutions. In 1918, as a result of the disintegration of the monarchy, elements “without the slightest statesmanship of English parliamentarians” came to power.

The uprising of the Marxist proletariat followed the liberal destruction of 1917 on the heels. “The revolution of stupidity was followed by that of meanness. (...) It was the most senseless act in German history. "

Dawn of civilization

The revolution takes its course against the background of the end of Western culture . Spengler's perspective corresponds to the historical-philosophical and morphological interpretation of culture as it developed during the fall of the West . Spengler regards “socialism” as the “last world mood” into which the tired West European-North American cultural area takes refuge.

The final struggle for power in the incipient Faustian empire includes the basic question of whether the future state and economic constitution should be capitalist or socialist . Likewise, under what signs the coming violent men of the occidental end times will develop their power. For Spengler, this question decides nothing less than “the fate of the world” . And this question must, as the philosopher of history believes, “be solved in Germany for the world” .

Liberalism, anarchism, socialism

According to Spengler, several "schools of thought" of political and economic styles compete with one another on Western European soil:

  • the English liberalism : "The English instinct decided: the power belongs to the individual. Free fight of one against the other; Triumph of the fittest: Liberalism, inequality. "
  • the anarchism of France : "The French instinct: the power belongs to no one. No subordination, so no order. No state, but nothing: equality of all, ideal anarchism, in practice repeatedly (1799, 1851, 1871, 1918) kept viable by the despotism of generals or presidents. "
  • German ( Prussian ) socialism : “The German, more precisely Prussian instinct was: power belongs to the whole. The individual serves him. The whole thing is sovereign. The king is only the first servant of his state ( Frederick the Great ). Everyone gets their place. It is commanded and obeyed. "

Prussian socialism is essentially "illiberal and anti-democratic as far as English liberalism and French democracy are concerned" . He's also anti-revolutionary.

English capitalism

The island position of England made the strong state superfluous. The British history knew a happiness exemplary growing into the lower layers in the aristocratic forms ( Whigs and Tories ). Spengler therefore thinks that liberalism and capitalism are essential to the English nation.

Democracy and universal suffrage are tried and tested English methods of capitalism. That doesn't mean that there are no hierarchies. Spengler comments on the style of government in England , not without inner admiration: "The latest resolutions of the party leaders are secret even to the majority of members of parliament ." The 'fine English way' of governing from above and at the same time democratically legitimizing oneself from below compels aristocratic attitudes Spengler's unreserved respect.

Socialism in Germany

For Spengler, the liberal English (and the French anarchist) system remains tied to the spiritual and historical prerequisites of the peoples concerned. Such principles cannot be successfully imitated by others without neglecting their own conditions and conditionalities.

Spengler believes that parliamentarianism is alien to Germany. On the other hand: “Only socialism in any form can be of the highest rank in Germany.” Spengler does not mean Marxist socialism, as the following statement (surprising for today's viewers of history) makes clear: The transition to socialism has already occurred in Germany, “this German socialist revolution took place in 1914. It took place in legitimate and military forms. "

German flirting with English liberalism, however, is not appropriate. It just upsets society and plays into the hands of England's power. Spengler therefore calls for a struggle against "the inner England" , which " secured the outer England of the Entente Powers the final victory through the overthrow of the state" .

Anti-Marxist tendency

Ultimately, Spengler's Marx critique aims at the fact that the pioneer of the Communist Manifesto mixed up mental and economic problems and also judged the situation in England from the eyes of a German- Hegelian , i.e. misunderstood it.

Moreover, according to Spengler, Marx was part of the powerful tradition of theological thought, as it were . Marxism itself is essentially a religious, not a political movement.

Just like Marxism, Russian Bolshevism , which appeals to Marx, is not a real socialism. Insofar as Russianism does not feel Asian again for a long time (on this in particular Article Years of Decision ), it is "alien to culture" transformed by western ideologies ( pseudomorphosis ). "This childishly dull and foreboding Russianism has now been tormented, disturbed, wounded, poisoned from 'Europe' by the imposed forms of an already male perfected, alien and authoritative culture." And this is precisely where the Russian events since the October Revolution of 1917 come, to whom Western Europe pays so much attention, for the question of real socialism at all.

Spengler's appeal to Germany

Spengler appeals to the German working class and the upper classes of the German people alike. The workers should free themselves from the ideology of Marxism, because “for the worker there is only Prussian socialism or nothing.” But the conservative classes also have to give up their preoccupation with outdated thinking. You have - so Spengler expressly - to accept democracy in principle. A democracy, however, which is far removed from the western English conditions.

Spengler emphasizes the inner connection between his Prussian-socialist idea and the idea of ​​power. If the Prussian aristocracy realizes socialism, the way to new world political heights is mapped out for Germany.

expenditure

Oswald Spengler: Prussianism and Socialism

  • CH Beck, Munich 1919.
  • (Spengler): Speeches and essays. C. H. Beck, Munich 1937.

See also

literature

  • Anton Mirko Koktanek: Oswald Spengler in his time. C. H. Beck, Munich 1968.

Web links

Individual evidence

  1. ^ O. Spengler: Prussianism and socialism. Munich 1921, p. 9.
  2. ^ O. Spengler: Prussianism and socialism. Munich 1921, p. 103.
  3. ^ O. Spengler: Prussianism and socialism. Munich 1921, p. 14.
  4. ^ O. Spengler: Prussianism and socialism. Munich 1921, p. 14 f.
  5. ^ A b O. Spengler: Prussianism and Socialism. Munich 1921, p. 15.
  6. ^ O. Spengler: Prussianism and socialism. Munich 1921, p. 17.