Seiðr

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Seiðr is a special form of Trolldom in the pre-Christian religion of Scandinavia , which generally means magic. Synonymously also occurs Fjölkynngi (Icelandic fjöl = "much varied" & kynngi = "magical") within the meaning of witchcraft (much knowing) on. Seiðr is to be distinguished from other types of sorcery. However, there is no consensus in the scientific literature about what exactly Seiðr contains . This is expressed in which processes described in sources are regarded as Seiðr and are used as examples. This can be seen in the assessment of the events in Herjolvsnes in Greenland, where a Völva prophesies the future. Dag Strömbeck, Brit Solli and Catharina Raudvere treat the ritual as "Seiðr". Dillmann points out that in this story many elements that are considered essential for Seiðr are missing and have been interpreted by the researchers.

The magic of runes , the "sit out" (útiseta) and prophecy (Spádom) without ritual will not rule with Seiðr associated. The term is not only used for Germanic Seiðmenn , but also spells wielded by seeds are sometimes referred to as Seiðr in literature.

etymology

The etymology of the term is unclear, in research several solutions are discussed, among others the word is placed at the root of "be-" = to sing. With reference to Finnish “soida” = to sound and “soittaa” = to play on an instrument, de Vries believes it is possible that the word migrated from the Finnish-speaking area into Indo-European. Another derivation indicates the homology to "seiðr" = band, so that seiðr was originally a magical band.

Seiðr in the North Germanic myth

The word "Seiðr" occurs very rarely in relation to the total amount of normal text. Fritzner shows 17 positions in his Ordbog over Det gamle norske Sprog . The scientific literature fills this shortcoming with the fact that many magic acts in which the term is not used, but which contain some elements of the seiðr, as well as magic acts of seeds, which are actually attributable to Sami shamanism , come under the term seiðr.

The oldest evidence can be found in the Sigurðardrápa , an old skald poem from around 960, and the Edda ( Völuspá and Hyndlulióð ).

In the Sigurðardrápa it says in the third stanza at the end: "seið Yggr til Rindar". (Yggr (a name of Odin) got Rindr (a woman) through Seiðr, so seduced her by magic).

In verse 22 of the Völuspá it says:

Heiði hana hétu
hvars til húsa kom,
völu velspáa,
vitti hon ganda;
seið hon, hvars hon kunni,
seið hon hug leikinn,
æ var hon angan
illrar brúðar.

They were called Heiðr.
Where she came into the house.
the prophesying Völva,
she used wands.
She did Seiðr what she could,
She turned people's senses to Seiðr
Always she was pleasantly
vicious women.

In stanza 33 of Hyndlulióð it says:

Ero vǫlor allar,
frá Viðólfi
vitkar allir
frá Vilmeiði,
[en] seiðberendr
fra Svarthǫfða
iǫtnar alli
fra Ymir komnir.

All seers are descended
from Viðólfr,
all sorcerers
from Vilmeiðr
[and] the magicians from Svarthöfði,
all giants [have]
come from Ymir.

The word "Seiðberendr", which only occurs in this place, is of particular interest here. -berendr is usually put to "bera" = own, execute, Seiðberendr = someone who owns or executes Seiðr. Strömbäck, however, points out that "berendi" is also attested as a name for the female genitalia and sees "seiðberendr" as an obscene name.

In the North Germanic religious myth handed down by Snorri , the Seiðr is linked to the powerful mother goddess Freya . Snorri writes in the Ynglinga saga that she taught the sir this art. Another myth relates the Seiðr to Odin . Here the special song “ Galder ” plays the decisive role. Galder is an ancient magical form of poetry with its own meter "Galdralag". Presumably, the "Galder" should have been sung in falsetto . This can be seen in the context of gender change and transvestism , which is said to have often been associated with Galder and Seiðr. A man who performed the singing rite is said to have dressed in women's clothes and imitated the woman's voice. Odin knew 18 different chants, of which 17 are described in their effect, but the 18th song remains Odin's secret. When Odin reaches for the Seiðr, it is not to cast harmful spells, but to make him exceed the limits of human knowledge.

Loki describes Odin's magical appearance in the Lokasenna and describes it as Seiðr:

En þik síða kóðo
Sámseyo í,
ok draptu á vétt sem völor,
vitka líki
fórtu verþjóð yfir,
ok hugða ek þat args aðal.

You are said to have
worked magic in Sámsey
and struck a lid with a staff ; you walked through the people
in the form of a woman
,
and that seems effeminate to me.

The word "arg" in the last line is significant: It means feminine appearance, passive homosexuality and ritual change of gender. Odin certainly has shamanistic traits. However, depending on the translation, it is not clear what specifically Odin is being accused of: whether it is women's clothing or engaging in an activity that was reserved for women.

It is controversial what was the “bad” that made the Seiðr so despicable. Clunies Ross thinks that it is the passive role in the Seiðr, in that the Seið man willingly allows himself to be penetrated by helper spirits, as it were in a homosexual act . Solli, on the other hand, points out that even with the berserkers, the spirits of bears or wolves penetrated them if they got into a frenzy without their masculinity being denied. Apart from that, the magicians were by no means just passive, but rather played a very active role in the development of the seance. Buchholz thinks that the ecstatic side of the Seiðr was the cause of contempt. When Odin was hanging on the tree during his self-sacrifice, the particular pain contributed to the ecstasy that was required on his journey to Hel. Solli is considering whether hanging might have increased the sexual ecstasy due to the reduced air supply and apparently assumes that Odin has hung himself by the neck. This sexual ecstasy was then the subject of the "bad".

Lore

Historical works

The oldest occurrence of the word Seiðr could be the rune stone in the church of Sønder Vinge in Denmark. But the decipherment is not clear because of the many lacunae . Incidentally, the word is only known from the literary Old West Norse sources.

The wizards are drowned. Drawing by Halfdan Egidius.

The Ynglinga saga speaks of the deaths of the kings Vanlandi and Vibur , which the Sami sorceress Huld caused by Seiðr. These two figures are also mentioned in the Historia Norvegiae and are probably taken from the lost work of Ari inn froði . In the Historia Norvegiae there is no mention of Seiðr. Vanlandi suffocated a nightmare.

In Heimskringla it is said that Rögnvaldur réttilbeina (straight leg) - a son of Haraldr Hårfagre with Samin Snøfrid Svåsedotter - became a master of Seiðr, but his father hated magic. Erich Blutaxt burned him and 80 magicians at the behest of his father. According to the Historia Norwegiae , he was drowned, the usual type of execution for "seiðmenn". Maybe his father thought he was a pervert. His grandson Eivindr kelda was also a great magician. The story of Olav Tryggvason tells how he expelled the magicians out of the country and invited those who stayed to a drinking bout and burned the drunk in the hall. Only Eivindr kelda escaped through a skylight. He was then caught with many other wizards at Ögvaldsnes , and all of them were taken to an archipelago that was under water at high tide and tied up at low tide. So they all drowned. There is no question of magic damage, but it arises from the context. It is characteristic of the arrest of Eivindr kelda that when he came through Seiðr at night he covered himself and his companions in thick fog so that he could not be seen by the king's companions. But when day came the mist remained for the wizards, so that they could not orientate themselves, but the king's companions could see them wandering around without any orientation.

Haraldr Hårfagr (Haraldr Hårfagres) fell into the hands of Samin Snæfriður (Snøfrid Svåsedotter) by her father's Seiðr, so that he had no government business for several years. After she died, he could not perceive its decay for three years until his companions broke the spell and he smelled the decay. He had four sons from her. On the one hand, the episode was intended to explain his aversion to magic and, through the descendants of the two, secure a place for the Sami in Norwegian society, i.e. offer them an integration that should secure their loyalty.

The Danish king Harald Blauzahn had a magician in the form of a whale travel to Iceland to find out about the conditions there. He reported about dragons and fiends there.

“… Ek em an andi, kviknaður í mannslíkam með fjölkynngi Finna, en faðir minn ok móðir fengu áður ekki barn átt”. Síðan dó Eyvindr ok hafði verið hinn fjölkunngasti maður.

"... I am a spirit, brought to life in a human body through Finnish spells, and my father and mother could not have a child before." Then Eiyvindr, who was one of the most magical men, died. "

- Heimskringla. Saga of Olav Tryggvason chap. 76. Translation by Felix Niedner.

"... fylgði honum (Þóris hjartar) mikill fjölði Finna þegar er hann þurfti. Rauður var blótmaður mikill ok mjök fjölkunnigur . … Reri Rauður með dreka sinn út til hafs ok því næst lét hann draga segl sitt. Rauðr hafði jafnan byr hvert er hann vildi sigla, ok var það af fjölkynngi hans. "

“He (Rauður) had many Finns with him when he needed them. Rauður was still a great sacrifice and a magician. … [There follows a sea battle with King Olav Tryggvason, which Rauður lost.]… Rauður rowed his kite out to sea and raised the sails. Rauður always had a good wind, wherever he sailed, and that worked his magic. "

- Heimskringla. Saga of Olav Tryggvason chap. 78. Translation by Felix Niedner.

Sagas

Seiðr is rarely mentioned in the sagas, but all the more often about other sorcery. Today's Scandinavian studies point out that in the texts of the sagas it must be taken into account that none of the authors knew how to perform a Seiðr from their own experience and that some older traditions might have misunderstood. In any case, a precise course of the ritual cannot be inferred from the descriptions. A learned construction by Christian authors can therefore be expected, for whom the Seiðr was the devil from the start. However, the examples below do not show any Christian bias.

The word Seiðr is used in the Egils saga when Gunnhildur conjured that Egill Skallagrímsson should never rest in Iceland until she saw him.

The Gísla saga Súrssonar also tells of a Seiðr who was supposed to deliver those who had killed Þorgrím for blood revenge .

"Nú flytr Þorgrímr fra, seiðinn og veitir ser umbúð eftir venju sinni ok gerir sér hjall, ok stranger hann þetta fjölkynninngiliga meðallri ergi ok skelmiskap"

“Now Þorgrím started doing magic and prepared everything according to his custom. He made himself a pedestal and then performed this magic with much malice and malice. "

- Gísla saga Súrssonar chap. 18. Translation by Matthias Kruse.

On the one hand, it can be seen here that Seiðr and Fjölkynngi are used synonymously. The word "ergi" shows that he displayed the repulsive behavior "bad".

In the fourth chapter of the Eiríks saga rauða (saga about Erik the Red ) a seer named Þorbjörg is reported. It was supposed to predict the future of a famine in Greenland. Lotte Hedeager refers to the parallelism of the description with the traditional descriptions from the beginning of the 18th century, which were written by missionaries about pagan Sami rituals.

In the Laxdæla saga , Kotkell and his sons set up a magic scaffolding (Seiðhiall) on the bank, climb it and create a snowstorm with a magic song (Galdrar). Later they kill Hrút's son Kári with magic singing by going up on the roof of the house and singing their magic singing there.

In the Friðjófs saga hins frækna (Saga of Frithjof the Bold), two sorceresses mount a scaffold and conjure up a heavy storm that is supposed to destroy Friðjóf's ship. They appear to him on the sea and he strikes them so that he breaks their bones. At the same time, the sorceresses fall from their scaffolding.

In the Göngu-Hrolfs saga it is announced in the introduction that there will be talk of Seiðr, who will bring some misfortune and death, and others wealth and honor. There is a report of a Seiðr who makes Sørkvi invulnerable. It is later reported that Grímr the Terrible tried to prevent Hrolf from traveling by magic and brought an ice storm over his ships that lasted several days. Grímr had also sent twelve magicians from Ermsland to King Erik, who were on the way in a house in the forest. One of the crew, the dwarf Møndull, ran into the house and under the Seiðr high seat, which was erected on four beams while the magic chants were sung, and falsified the Seiðr so that the wizards confused everyone from the house over the bank cliffs ran to death.

Characteristics of the Seiðr

An important and almost consistently mentioned prop for the Seiðr is the raised seat or stand. In one case, a house roof also serves as a raised stand, as the above-mentioned Seiðr Kotkels against Hrút in the Laxdæla saga shows. In the house, the Völva sits on a chair that is thought of higher than the high seat of the host. Large magic scaffolds are erected in the open air to accommodate several magicians. Behind this is probably the idea that Seiðr and also the prophecy are to be performed clearly separately from the profane world. Grimm in his German Mythology RM Meyer, Old Germanic Religious History point to the relationship between "Seiðhjallr" and the tripod of the Delphic fortune-teller. Even after Diodor XVI, 26 the seer climbs an elevated construction in order to prophesy from there.

Another almost consistently described feature is that the Seiðr is carried out in groups. Wherever the annihilation of magicians is depicted, there are sometimes 30, sometimes 80 magicians. The whole family is involved in Kotkell in the Laxdæla saga . In the episode of the Greenlandic Völva in the saga of Eirik the Red, in which it is controversial whether it was actually Seiðr, many women are present who, however, cannot master the song “Varðlokkur”, which the Völva calls for. Therefore it remains with a solo song of the Guðriður. Also in the above quotation from the story of Olav Tryggvason it is reported that Rauður had many Finns with him when he needed them. That the Seiðr is performed by a single person without help is only known in a few places.

The task of these helpers is to initiate the magic song in the choir, which should bring about the trance state required for the Seiðr. According to the Laxdæla saga the singing was pleasant, according to Göngu-Hrólfs saga it was jarring. Here, too, there are clear parallels to the practices of the Noajdi among the Sami of putting themselves into a trance with a special song. In the Eiríks saga rauða , the Völva demands that a chant "Varðlokkur" or "Varðlokur" (depending on the handwriting) be intoned. This word occurs only here and is nowhere else recorded. "Varðlokkur" is interpreted as a lure chant for the spirits, while "Varðlokur" should be translated as "protective locks", ie a chant for the protection of the seer. According to Magnus Olsen, it is a chant by a choir set up in a circle around the Völva, which is supposed to hold on to the spirits and force them to give the seer the desired information about the future. Dag Strömbäck draws from the parallels with the Sami practices the interpretation that the person who practices the seiðr is brought into a trance by the choir and leaves his body while the body lies lifeless on the floor. In the Eiriks saga there is no mention of a choir. Then one of the helpers with special knowledge begins with the chant "Varðlokkur", which corresponds to the joik of the seeds, to call the magician's free soul back into his body. This is contradicted, however, since there is no question of a trance. On the contrary, the singing did not take place until after the seance, and the seer Þorbjörg thanked her for the singing, so she was completely in her senses. In general, says Dillmann, there is a lot of fantasizing about the interpretation and use of this episode, and he rejects the view that it is a testimony to shamanistic ideas or practice in ancient Scandinavia.

The equipment of the Seiðr also includes a staff (Seiðstafr). It is mentioned and described in both the Eiríks saga and the Laxdæla . It is also a special prop for the shamans and is placed in the shaman's grave.

If one does not assign the much-quoted episode in the Eiriks saga rauða to the Seiðr, one can see that the ritual of fortune-telling also contains many elements of the Seiðr.

Seiðr and shamanism

It is controversial whether the term “ shamanism ” can be used for pre-Christian Norse myths and the cult associated with them. Shamanism was originally a technical term for a phenomenon that belongs to North Asian and Arctic cultures. The term was later used in research for different types of magic. If one considers the ecstatic soul journey to be a sufficient criterion for shamanism, then Odin can be called a shaman. But that would cover many other sides of Odin. His important position as divine ruler would not be captured. It is probably more correct to distinguish the Old Norse Seiðr from Sami shamanism. There is much to suggest that the Sami shamans were considered more capable and powerful than the Norrønen magicians (Seiðmenn) or sorceresses.

The relationship between Seiðr and shamanism is also controversial. The parallels to the Noaids among the Sami, as they were described by Isaac Olsen (approx. 1680–1739), are striking. Both could undertake soul journeys to Olsen and change their bodies, had animal souls, practiced fortune telling and had the power to cause storms.

Even if the occurrence of these elements in the normal Seiðmenn is individually controversial, there is still broad agreement on the elements of circumpolar shamanism: the auxiliary spirits, the free soul, the journeys of the soul, the ecstasy and trance, the healings and the prophecies. Even if Siberian shamanism is regarded as classical, rock carvings in Alta and cave paintings in Nordland show that shamanistic rituals there as early as 2000 BC. B.C., i.e. in the transition period between the Younger Stone Age and the Early Metal Age , had gained a foothold.

Johan Fritzner said that Sami shamanism was originally adopted by the Scandinavians. This opinion has not been able to hold itself. The question of a takeover from one side is no longer pursued today as unanswerable, because it is based on a no longer represented diffusionism and the myths in a region would have influenced each other alternately when they emerged.

Both the Sami and the Norrønen people share the same idea of ​​magical weapons and clothing. The norrøne pagan belief, not least the Odin cult, has clear shamanistic features. However, Ohlmarks points out that there is no description of a seiðr in the sagas of a deep trance or ecstasy. Mircea Eliade considers the soul journey to be an essential part of shamanism, which is why he considers the Seiðr to be only similar to shamanism, because a soul journey does not occur with the norrönen Seiðr, while Hultkrantz regards the future as the essential element of shamanism - with or without Soul journey. Solli also emphasizes the parallels between Odin's self-sacrifice in the Hávamál and shamanistic initiation rites. Most researchers do not doubt that the Seiðr is shamanistic in its basic features.

According to Mircea Eliade, the Siberian shamans changed their sex or became transvestite . The spirits would have forced him to do this. In chap. 7 of the Ynglingasaga , Snorri writes that so much "ergi" was connected with "Fjölkunngi" that the men were ashamed to practice it and the temple priestesses were taught this art. Buchholz assumes that "ergi" is an elementary component of the Seiðr and therefore also applies to women. With the temple priestesses, "ergi" was not seen as so disgraceful. He refers to a passage in the Egils saga einhenda ok Ásmundar berserkjabana chap. 12, where female sexual greed is referred to as "ergi". However, too great a weight is attached to this point. At most one can assume that sexual arousal was also used as a means to achieve a trance, although it is denied that it was part of the normal Seiðr. The warning against sexual intercourse with sorceresses in verses 114 and 115 of the Hávamál seems to point in the same direction. He drives you crazy. But Raudvere points out that there is no mention of sexual activity or erotic symbolism in connection with Seiðr.

"Ruohtta-áibmu" was the realm of the dead of the Sami, where the death demon Ruohtta ruled. This realm of the dead was also associated with horse and horse sacrifice. Many earlier researchers, who started from a diffusionistic model, assumed that it was a cultural borrowing from the Sami neighbors, and therefore these ideas were declared to be borrowings from the normal faith ( Odin , Sleipnir ). But the horse motif is also known as hanging decoration from Sami graves. The eight-legged horse is well known to Siberian shamans in connection with ecstatic experiences. This jewelry was made in Karelia and the Baltic areas and also in areas further east.

Strömbäck also points out that with the Sami shamanism is usually carried out by men, but with the East Siberian peoples, men and women alike practice shamanism, whereby in many tribes the magic wielded by women is seen as more powerful than that of men so that it is assumed that that is the original and that exercised by men is only secondary.

White Seiðr

Even though the Seiðr is mainly reported as a magic spell, it was not committed to it. A distinction is therefore made between the “divinatory (or white) Seiðr” and the “black Seiðr”.

In the tradition, the white Seiðr is only ascribed to women. In the Landnáma bók a woman Þuríður sundafyllir (fjord filler) is mentioned, who owes her nickname to a magic (hún seiddi) with which she filled every fjord with fish in Hålogaland during a famine. It also appears in the aforementioned fourth chapter of the Eiriks saga rauða, in the Vatnsdæla saga, the Örvar-Odds saga and in the Órms Þáttr Stórólfssonar. How the magic happens exactly is not described, but the preparations and the behavior of the bystanders. The descriptions are essentially the same: The Völva wanders from farm to farm and is invited. She is received with the highest honors and care is taken for her comfort. After the seance is over, everyone goes to her seat and asks her about his or her particular affairs. Finally, she will be given a present when she leaves.

In all cases it takes place outside Iceland. According to Finnur Jónsson, professional fortune tellers wandering around Iceland were unknown. He therefore assumes from Þorbjörg in the Eiriks saga rauða that she came to Greenland directly from Norway. Dag Ströbeck doubts that, since the saga written in Iceland is certainly based on the author's own experience. Apart from that, many clairvoyant women are mentioned in the sagas.

The end of the Seiðr

The term "Seiðr" as a current procedure can be proven in 1281. An ordinance by King Erik II Magnusson and Bishop Árni Þorláksson deals with the punishment of Seiðr. “They should be put out to sea and sunk.” The same regulation already existed in the older Christian law of Gulathingslov from the 12th century in the form of the reforms by Øystein Erlendsson and Erling Skakke . A catalog of penance by Bishop Jón Halldórssons from 1326 lists the Seiðr as a penitential offense in a manuscript.

The magic with amulets and special signs was preserved and experienced a high point in the 17th century. This is testified by the witch trials up to 1720.

Individual evidence

  1. Fritzner Vol. 3 p. 198, keyword “Seiðr”.
  2. Fritzner Vol. 1 p. 433.
  3. Eiríks saga rauða (Saga of Eric the Red) chap. 4th
  4. Strömbeck p. 49 ff .; Solli p. 130 ff .: “Seiden på Herjolfsnes.”; Raudvere p. 122 ff. “En um morgininn at áliðnum degi var henni veittr sá umbúningr, sem hon þurfti at hafa til at Fremdja seiðinn” (On the morning of the following day everything was prepared that Þorbjörg needed for the Seiðr).
  5. ^ A b François-Xavier Dillmann: Sejd og shamanisme i de islandske sagaer . In: Myte and Ritual i det førkristne Norden. Et symposium. Odense 1994. pp. 23-24.
  6. At night people sat at a crossroads to “wake up trolls” and learn about the future from them. It was a variant of the necromancy. (de Vries 1956 p. 328 f.)
  7. Johannesson p. 791.
  8. de Vries (1977) p. 467.
  9. a b Dillmann p. 859.
  10. so that they could be bewitched. Sveinbjörn Egilsson, Lexikon poeticum . P. 367.
  11. ^ Text and translation from von See p. 785.
  12. Strömbäck p. 31 with reference to Henning Larsen: An Old Icelandic medical Miscellany 1931 p. 245, where the meaning of "berendi" = female genitalia (genitalia muliebria) is documented.
  13. Steinsland p. 185.
  14. Hávamál verses 146-163
  15. Lokasenna Strofe 24
  16. Strömbäck p. 26 with reference to the fact that the Seiðr changed shape. Others translate “sorceresses alike” (e.g. Sverre Bugge in: Studier over de nordiske Gude- og Heltesagns Oprindelse Raekke 1. Christiania 1881–1889 p. 137 f. However, Bugge has to change “vitka” to “vitku” Solli S. 148 thinks "after women" is possible).
  17. Ronald Grambo: Problemer knyttet tis studiet af sei. En program declaration . (Problems linked to the study of sich. A program explanation. ) In: Nordisk Hedendom. Et symposium. Odense 1991, ISBN 87-7492-773-6 , p. 137 with further references.
  18. Solli p. 148 with further references.
  19. ^ Margret Clunies Ross: Prolonged ecoes. Old Norse myths in medieval Northern society, vol 1 .: The myths. Odense 1994. pp. 208-211. Quoted in Solli p. 154.
  20. Buchholz p. 77.
  21. a b Solli p. 155.
  22. Heimskringla , the story of Harald Schönhaars chap. 35 (in the translation by Felix Nieder, chap. 34).
  23. Heimskringla . Saga of Olav Tryggvason chap. 62.
  24. a b Heimskringla . Saga of Olav Tryggvason chap. 63.
  25. Heimskringla . Saga of Olav Tryggvason chap. 33.
  26. ^ Strömbeck: Kulturhistorisk leksikon . P. 77 f.
  27. Simek (2003) p. 215.
  28. Egils saga chap. 59.
  29. Hedeager p. 102 f.
  30. Laxdæla saga chap. 35.
  31. Laxdæla saga chap. 37.
  32. The story of Frithjof the Bold . Translated by Gustaf Wenz. Jena 1922. Chap. 6 and 9.
  33. Göngu-Hrolfs saga, chap. 3 at the end.
  34. Göngu-Hrolfs saga, chap. 28 at the end.
  35. Strömbäck p. 113; so also Olrik p. 6.
  36. Strömbäck cites these and other examples from ancient writers on p. 114. However, this is not associated with a takeover or migration from Greece to Scandinavia.
  37. a b Strömbäck p. 119 names Vatnsdæla saga chap. 10, Gísla saga chap. 18 and Hrólf's saga kraka chap. 3.
  38. Strömbäck p. 121 f. cites reports by Sigv Kildal from 1730 and Isaac Olsen from the beginning of the 18th century.
  39. Konrad Maurer: The conversion of the Norwegian tribe to Christianity . Vol. 1. Munich 1855. p. 446 footnote 6.
  40. Raudvere p. 126 also assumes that the residents of the house took part in the ritual, but nothing is stated in the source.
  41. Magnus Olsen: "Varðlokur" in Maal og Minne 1916.
  42. Strömbäck p. 143 f.
  43. Solli p. 133 with further references.
  44. Steinsland p. 187.
  45. On Isaac Olsen see Samisk religion .
  46. Solli p. 169.
  47. Johan Fritzner: Lappernes Hedenskab og Troll Cathedral Art sammenholdt med andre Folks, især Nordmændenes, Tro og Overtro. (Norsk) Historisk Tidskrift Vol. 4 pp. 135–217.
  48. de Vries rejects a loan from the Sami language and considers North Germanic shamanism to be autochthonous , that is, it originated in the place itself.
  49. Buchholz p. 21.
  50. Mundal p. 112.
  51. Hedeager pp. 100-118 and Brit Solli.
  52. ^ Ohlmarks, studies. P. 334 f.
  53. Mercia Eliade: El chamanismo y las técnicas arcaicas del éxstasis. Fondo de cultura económica. México [1951] 1996. S, 378. Quoted by Solli p. 135.
  54. Åke Hultkrantz: Introduction: Ecological and phenomenological aspects of shamanism. In: Louise Bäckman and Åke Hultkrantz: (Ed.): Studies in Lapp shamanism. Acta Universitatis Stockholmiensis. Stockholm studies in comparative religion. Stockholm 1978. pp. 9-35, 20. Quoted in Solli p. 136.
  55. Solli p. 182.
  56. Mircea Eliade: Shamanism and archaic ecstasy technique . Frankfurt 2001.
  57. Buchholz p. 44.
  58. Raudvere p. 126
  59. Solli p. 154 with reference to Mircea Eliade.
  60. Larsen p. 119 f.
  61. Strömbäck p. 149 with further references in the footnotes.
  62. Landnámabók book 2 chap. 50. In the translation by Walter Baetke 1967 2nd book chap. 9. Solli p. 134 sees it as a fertility ritual.
  63. Strömbäck p. 139.
  64. Finnur Jónsson, “Um galdra, seið, seiðmenn og völur,” in Þrjár ritgjörðir, Finnur Jónsson, Valtyr Guðmundsson, and Bogi Th. Melsted (Copenhagen, 1892)
  65. Diplomatarium Islandicum Vol. 2 No. 97.
  66. Norges gamle love . Vol. 4 p. 18 No. 13 and Fortale X.
  67. Diplomatarium Islandicum Vol. 2 No. 367 B p. 604.
  68. Rune Blix Hagen p. 92.

literature

  • Peter Buchholz: Shamanistic traits in the old Icelandic tradition. Dissertation, Aku photo print a. Publishing house, Münster 1968.
  • François-Xavier Dillmann: Magic. § 3: Etymology, word history and semantics of Seiðr. § 4: Sources. § 5: Functions and areas of application of the Seiðr. In: Heinrich Beck, Dieter Geuenich, Heiko Steuer (Hrsg.): Reallexikon der Germanischen Altertumskunde . Vol. 35, de Gruyter, Berlin / New York 2007, ISBN 978-3-11-018784-7 , pp. 858-866.
  • Johan Fritzner: Ordbok over Det gamle norske Sprog. 3 vols. Oslo 1954.
  • Rune Blix Hagen: Dei europeiska trolldomsprosessane. Oslo 2007, ISBN 978-82-521-7016-0 .
  • Lotte Hedeager: Skygger af en anden virkelighed: oldnorske myter . Copenhagen 1997, ISBN 978-87-568-1424-9 .
  • Alexander Jóhannesson: Icelandic etymological dictionary. Bern 1956.
  • Lars Ivar Hansen: Samenes historie fram til 1750. Oslo 2007, ISBN 978-82-02-19672-1 .
  • Else Mundal: The perception of the Saamis and their religion in Old Norse sources. In: Juha Pentikäinen (Ed.): Shamanism and Northern Ecology. Religion and Society, Vol. 36, de Gruyter, 1996, ISBN 978-3-11-014186-3 , pp. 97-116.
  • Åke Ohlmarks: Studies on the problem of shamanism. CWK Gleerup, Lund 1939.
  • Neil S. Price: The Viking Way. Religion and War in Late Iron Age Scandinavia. Department of Archeology and Ancient History, Uppsala 2002, ISBN 91-506-1626-9 .
  • Catharina Raudvere: Kunskap och insikt i norrön tradition. Lund 2003, ISBN 978-91-89116-36-8 .
  • Klaus von See, Beatrice La Farge, Eve Picard, Katja Schulz (ed.): Commentary on the songs of the Edda. Volume 3: Songs of the gods: Volundarkviða, Alvíssmál, Baldrs draumar, Rígsþula, Hyndlolióð, Grottasongr. Winter, Heidelberg 2000, ISBN 978-3-8253-1136-0 .
  • Rudolf Simek : Lexicon of Germanic Mythology (= Kröner's pocket edition . Volume 368). 3rd, completely revised edition. Kröner, Stuttgart 2006, ISBN 3-520-36803-X .
  • Rudolf Simek: Religion and Mythology of the Teutons. Darmstadt 2003, ISBN 978-3-534-16910-8 .
  • Brit Solli: Seid: myter, sjamanisme og kjønn i vikingenes tid. Oslo 2002, ISBN 978-82-530-2403-5 .
  • Great stone country: Norrøn religion. Myter, riter, samfunn. Oslo 2005. ISBN 978-82-530-2607-7 .
  • Dag Strömbäck: Sejd och andra studier i nordisk själsuppfattning. Hedemora 2000, ISBN 978-91-7844-318-5 (reprint of the dissertation from 1935 with contributions by Bo Almquist, Gertrud Gidlung and Hans Mebius).
  • Dag Strömbäck: Sejd. In: Kulturhistorisk leksikon for nordisk middelalder fra vikingtid til reformationstid. Vol. 15, Copenhagen 1970, col. 75-79.
  • Snorri Sturluson: Heimskringla. Vol. I-III, Reykjavík 1991, ISBN 978-9979-3-0309-1 (New Icelandic).
  • Jan de Vries: Old Germanic history of religion. Vol. 1, Berlin 1956 (out of date for the subject discussed here).
  • Jan de Vries: Old Norse etymological dictionary. Leiden 1977.

See also