Sexual violence in Egypt

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Sexual harassment and assault were and are a significant problem in modern Egypt . Public discussions about this, triggered by particularly prominent cases since the mid-2000s, have led to a number of civil society initiatives and the establishment of several non-governmental organizations . The phenomenon gained new explosiveness and increased international attention through increased sexual assaults on women, including rape by groups of men, during mass demonstrations on Cairo's Tahrir Square as part of the revolution in Egypt in 2011 . The ongoing public debate led to the first changes in sex criminal law in 2014.

Qāsim Amīn (1863–1908), Egyptian women's rights activist and author of the works The Liberation of Women ( Tahrir Al-Mar'ah , 1899) and The New Woman ( Al-Mar'ah Al-Jadidah , 1901)

background

Egypt is one of the most populous Arab countries, the proportion of young people in the total population is very high. In 2012, the average age was just under 25, and just under a third of the total population was under 15 years of age.

In Egypt there were influential women's rights activists such as the poet Aïscha Taimur (1840–1902) as early as the 19th century . This came from a family closely linked to the rise of the Muhammad Ali dynasty . Around 1900 a first dispute about gender segregation and concealment broke out. The reform forces in the country, influential Qasim Amin among others , expressed criticism of the prevailing conditions, especially with regard to women's rights, and targeted the old elite and the local lower classes. One campaigned for an improved education for women, but at the same time stylized marriage and family as a place of national and religious authenticity. Political rights were denied to women, at the same time women were significantly involved in the protests against British colonial rule. Egyptian society makes a strong cultural and legal contrast between the different natures of men and women. Female sexuality is portrayed as an inherent danger.

As in other Islamic countries, attempts at emancipation or the elimination of traditional gender images by authoritarian governments have run like a red thread through recent history. The emancipation measures “from above” were always perceived as foreign infiltration through decadent and immoral western influence and part of an alien order imposed by force. In the 1960s there were (such) various modernization approaches, which among other things made possible the women's suffrage introduced in 1960 by General Gamal Abdel Nasser .

Further reforms for the cause of women are closely connected with the economic opening of his successor Anwar as-Sadat towards the USA and with reform projects of his wife or (since Sadat's assassination 1981) widow Jehan Sadat . Jehan's laws instituted a (controversial, although the practice as such is hardly widespread or economically feasible) prohibition of polygamy , the right to alimony, and improved custody of children after a divorce. The policy of opening up turned out to be ambivalent for the situation of women and the poor classes as a whole, because it primarily strengthened the private sector, but reduced the traditional areas of work for the socially disadvantaged. At the same time, powerful fundamentalist currents (see Muslim Brotherhood ) that wanted to reduce women to home and family grew stronger . Under constitutional law, equality was restricted insofar as any equality of women had to be in harmony with the Shari'a , traditional Islamic law. An interim reduction in female genital mutilation , which was widespread in Egypt as a whole, including among the Coptic Christian minority , as it was enacted in 1994 after the World Population Conference in Cairo, met with bitter resistance. As early as 1997, the 1994 restriction of surgery to hospitals was lifted. The equation of equal rights and ruling political power interests continued at the National Council for Women (NCW) founded under Mubarak in 2000 , which was headed by his wife Suzanne Mubarak . The close cooperation of the NCW with the United Nations and the interaction with the National Democratic Party of Egypt partially discredited the commitment to more women's rights as part of the authoritarian government strategy. The internet and especially social networks are increasingly giving women an independent space beyond the “reforms from above”.

Egypt is currently (2013) noted a profound culture of disregard for women in public areas .

A study by an Egyptian non-governmental organization published in 2008 - also funded by the EU - described the entire area of ​​harassing behavior up to and including rape. The study became publicly known and disseminated under the English title Clouds in Egypt's Sky (Clouds in the sky of Egypt). Sexual assaults against women are commonplace among the Egyptian public and take place regardless of the type of regime; sexual violence and harassment have also been used as political tools (see next section).

Sexual violence and harassment in public spaces

Concept history

The description and discussion of sexual harassment is controversial in Egypt, even with the related terminology. For sexual harassment or one-sided advances in public space, the word mu'aksa ( معاكسة) is used. Abdelmonem sees a (controversial) shift to the term taharrusch ("harassment") or taharrusch dschinsi (Arabicتحرش جنسي sexual harassment ). According to Abdelmonem, up until 2006 this related more to the harassment and rape of minors. The organization “Egyptian Center for Women's Rights” had previously chosen the term taharrush for its campaign against sexual harassment in everyday life; other initiatives kept this up. With the addition of a separate paragraph to criminal law paragraph 306, the term sexual harassment ( taharrusch dschinsi ) was first introduced into a legal text in 2014.

Case studies

In spring 2005, Egyptian women's rights activists who opposed the planned 2005 constitutional vote on the direct election of the president were attacked and mistreated in downtown Cairo by police officers and "baltigiyya", presumably state-hired agent provocateurs ; the event became known as Black Wednesday . Julia Gerlach sees such attacks in Egypt as a long-established political means of combating uprisings: “Sexual harassment has been used in Egypt for decades. Plainclothes police often stir up demonstrations, grab women by their pants or tear their clothes off. "

A very prominent example of sexual assault in Egypt occurred during the 2006 fast-breaking holiday , when a group of young men who had previously been turned away from a crowded movie theater aggressively molested women and girls in the city center. Video recordings of the incidents, initially ignored and denied by the state authorities, were made known by Egyptian bloggers such as Wael Abbas and Malek X. The concealment of the events was thus publicly and subsequently massively criticized. A broad public debate followed, mostly in independent newspapers.

In 2008, Noha Rushdie, a then 27-year-old filmmaker, succeeded in successfully completing a sexual harassment trial for the first time in Egypt. It was based on an undue violation of morality and an injury to their honor .

Sexual violence in Tahrir Square since 2011

Mass demonstration at Tahrir Square on February 9, 2011 a few days before Mubarak's resignation

The specific phenomenon of jointly committed sexual assaults was observed in 2011 during the political mass demonstrations on Cairo's Tahrir Square and discussed internationally. Women were surrounded and attacked at demonstrations, or taken to side streets and restaurants under threat of violence. Sometimes clothing was cut up or torn away; the same thing happened to companions and passers-by who wanted to help the attacked. In addition to numerous Egyptian demonstrators, several foreign journalists were also victims of rape and sexual assault in the vicinity of Tahrir Square between 2011 and 2013.

The case of South African television journalist Lara Logan , who on February 11, 2011, as CBS chief correspondent, reported on the mass celebrations of President Hosni Mubarak's resignation the day before when she was separated from her team, beaten and raped by around 250 men , made international headlines . The incident drew international attention to the phenomenon. US President Barack Obama personally expressed his condolences to Logan. From the perspective of women in Cairo, the 18 days prior to the fall of Mubarak were remembered as the days when there was virtually no harassment before it began again with greater severity.

Public discussion after 2011

In Egypt, sexual assaults have been observed much more frequently in public since the 2011 revolution , but they are also the subject of a civil society counter-movement that would have been unthinkable under the previous regime. The victim reports collected and documented by women's organizations with the aim of public prosecution also include those of group rape in Tahrir Square. The phenomenon of sexual violence against women and also counter-movements, such as the Internet portal HarassMap.org , have entered the scientific discourse and have been discussed controversially in some cases .

Headlines in Egypt were the way the security authorities dealt with protesters on March 9, 2011, one day after International Women's Day . A number of Egyptian activists were arrested after a demonstration in Tahrir Square and subjected to a forced virginity test (kashef el-'adhariyya). General Abd al-Fattah as-Sisi , the future military coup leader and president, went so far as to publicly justify the action; you had to do this to protect the police from allegations of rape. Some incidents, such as the girl with the blue bra ( Blue Bra or Tahrir Girl , Sit al Banat) - a cell phone video of such abuse - or the statement on the brutal rape of the musician Yasmine el-Baramawy, were widely spread via social media in Egypt thematized. The Finnish Islamic scholar Susanne Dahlgren stressed in a statement quoted by a local tabloid that the phenomenon is not limited to unveiled women. The girl with the blue bra was wearing an abaya . According to Clouds in Egypt's Sky, polls show that three quarters of women affected by public sexual assault were veiled.

Samira Ibrahim (like el-Baramawy) was also known for courageously and publicly speaking out on the shameful actions and, in Ibrahim's case, also taking committed legal action against government agencies.

Role during the Morsi government 2012-2013

Sexual violence as a political means was attributed , among other things, to the reign of Mohammed Morsi in a study conducted by the Heinrich Böll Foundation . However, Mohammed Morsi was only President of Egypt in 2012 until a coup on July 3, 2013, and Chairman of the Freedom and Justice Party , the political party of the Islamist Muslim Brotherhood and the first democratically elected President of Egypt. Sexual assaults, including those of a politically motivated nature, had also occurred before, as described. The political instrumentalization of the attacks by the Muslim Brotherhood went beyond the approaches of the military, as it also included religious motives in order to discriminate against those affected. The state apparatus was still riddled with supporters of the previous regime. The Muslim Brotherhood tried to play down the incidents or to blame them on the women concerned, and not least to discredit the opposition movement. According to Abu Islam, a prominent cleric and frequent television guest, suing a man for sexual assault would be like accusing a cat for eating exposed meat.

Activists like Noora Flinkman from HarassMap or Mariam Kirollos from OpAntiSH are well aware of the frustration of Egyptian men (listed above), but vehemently defend themselves against the argument that in some way excuses the everyday terrorization of women with suggestive remarks, clicking noises and physical grappling attacks without any awareness of wrongdoing.

On the evening of the second anniversary of the revolution in Egypt (January 25, 2013), after another massive incident at the associated demonstration, affected women met informally in Café Riche (on Talaat Harb near Tahrirplatz). They decided to make the incident public. Lamis El Hadidy, a well-known political television analyst and anchorwoman , devoted an entire television program to the events in early February 2013. A broader coalition of political groups and NGOs emerged and published a joint declaration against the events (and their alleged backers). Previously, this had not happened systematically, as the victims feared that the democracy movement would be weakened. None of the Islamist parties or religious organizations participated in the declaration. Reports of the women concerned fizzled out or were postponed indefinitely by the public prosecutor's office.

First legislative initiative in 2013

An amendment to the criminal law in Egypt that was requested and initiated was rejected. Amr Hamzawy helped to support the legislative proposal and put it into motion, Azza al Garf , a member of the Freedom and Justice Party , blamed those affected for the incidents, and her colleague Reda Al Hefnawy saw the authorities unable to watch women protect who took part in demonstrations with "thugs" (crooks) and voluntarily joined such a group of men. In March 2013, the Muslim Brotherhood sharply rejected the United Nations Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women, arguing that the declaration was in conflict with important foundations of Egyptian society. The background to this was not least the massive participation of women in the public demonstrations. These were directed against massive supply bottlenecks, food prices and petrol shortages and a desolate economic situation. The climate of the political conflict was hopelessly shattered. The renewed military coup in Egypt in 2013 led to a state crisis in Egypt in 2013 and 2014 .

Role in Egyptian cinema

From the mid-2000s, everyday sexual harassment was also an issue in Egyptian feature films. In view of the still large proportion of illiterate people in Egypt, like in the Arab world as a whole, movies are important broadly accessible and politically relevant media. During this time, several films were made about the oppression and harassment of women. In particular, Ihkî yâ Shahrâzâd (The Women / Girls of Cairo, Yusrî Nasr Allâh, 2009) and 678 (Muhammad Diyâb, 2010) stand out. The movie 678 (German Kairo 678 ) exemplified the phenomenon of the various forms of sexual violence in Egypt using three women of different origins, but attributes it to the sexual frustration of Egyptian men. Social constraints reduce a regular sex life to marriage, which takes place late (if at all) because of the financial outlay for a wedding such as your own apartment. Of the three protagonists, the first is attacked by a lone perpetrator, the second in the presence of her husband, who cannot help her, by a group, whereby the marriage fails. The third summons a group to successfully defend themselves against a lone perpetrator, but is turned away when a report is filed with the police. As the first woman who dares to report such an incident, she is invited to a TV show. The film was controversial, among other things, because one of the three women portrayed carries a knife to defend herself against the attacks. Mahmoud Hanfy Mahmoud, spokesman for a human rights organization, saw this as a reason to have the film banned. The authors resisted, arguing that they were simply portraying the everyday behavior of women.

Criminal law

The Egyptian criminal law has important loopholes in sexual issues, both in terms of rape and sexual assault regulations, and in particular leaves open the possibility of indicting the victim of fornication if doubts are raised about the lack of voluntariness. Marital rape is not a crime. Sexual violence against men is also not dealt with, even if such incidents, including those caused by the police, became known internationally as early as 2007.

In 2014, an amendment to the law was ratified, which expanded Article 306 of the Criminal Code and made corresponding honor and moral offenses more punishable. This was preceded by another incident at the Cairo University College of Law in which the police had to escort a young woman from the law university campus, who had been attacked and molested by a large group of men. The amendment to the law related to the violation of morality and stalking and was therefore much less comprehensive than required by a number of NGOs.

Countermeasures

Countermeasures explicitly include men. Activists appear in mixed groups and raise awareness of harassment. In a way, it is problematic that the supporters are also attacked by women. Women also cannot be sure who is supporting or threatening them. In some cases, anti-harassment patrols, organized by organizations such as OpAntiSH and Tahrir Bodyguard, mark themselves with colored vests at larger events. It is important to deal with the bystanders , the spectators or passers-by, whose indifference is not only lamented, but whose active engagement against the phenomenon must first be brought about. Corresponding changes in awareness are to be brought about, among other things, with training courses and public addresses, especially for the initially uninvolved audience . Abdelmonem also cites works from the environment of the German Heinrich Böll Foundation and the (independently financed) Institute of Development Studies at the University of Sussex and also mentions experiences from schoolyard bullying of school groups such as A Classmate in Distress .

International environment

A working paper from the Institute of Development Studies in Sussex describes the process, including the civil society initiatives. She concludes with explicit recommendations for action to governments, donation organizations and civil society and sees a research interest in politically motivated sexual violence not only in the event of war, but also in the event of political upheaval. Libya , Tunisia and Yemen in particular are ideal for country studies. Syria , which is temporarily connected to Egypt in a country union, is also of interest.

Based on a statement by the German Federal Criminal Police Office cited in the world on January 10, 2016, after the sexual assault on New Year's Eve 2015/2016 , the term "Taharrush gamea", which was controversial in Egypt (and incorrectly transcribed by the BKA), was also used in German and European media . The BKA sees the jointly committed sexual harassment (explicitly with the modus operandi Taharrush gamea) by women in public as a phenomenon that occurs in several Arab countries. A statement by the Ministry of the Interior to the Interior Committee of the North Rhine-Westphalian state parliament also named the term BKA.

Christoph Ehrhardt, the FAZ correspondent in Beirut , cited statements from Egyptian feminists who wondered about the “career” of the term, which (according to Noora Finkelman) is “nothing more than a word”. Erhardt also referred to the genesis of this article (still under the title Taharrush gamea ) in the German-language Wikipedia . He described similarities in the (previously known) actions of the perpetrators in Cologne to that of the gangs on Cairo's Tahrir Square after 2011. His interviewees, however, pointed to differences between the observed phenomena in Egypt and Germany and in particular emphasized a completely different role for the security authorities and alcohol abuse at the political rallies in Cairo and the “mass party” in Cologne. The former Middle East correspondent Julia Gerlach at Deutschlandradio also made a distinction between the politically motivated attacks and the actions of youth gangs . Other authors criticized the fact that the Arabic term was propagated primarily for xenophobic motives, including by right-wing politicians and groups.

Web links

Documentation

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ see 'Population clock ' (end of 2017: about 96.25 million people)
  2. ↑ a b c d The International Encyclopedia of Sexuality: Egypt, in The International Encyclopedia of Sexuality, Volume I - IV 1997–2001, edited by Robert T. Francoeur. In: www.sexarchive.info. Retrieved January 16, 2016 .
  3. ↑ Women in the Islamic World , Dt. Orientinstitut, 2013, p. 20.
  4. ↑ Mervat Fayez Hatem: Literature, gender, and nation-building in nineteenth-century Egypt: the life and works of 'A'isha Taymur. Literatures and cultures of the Islamic world. Palgrave Macmillan, Basingstoke: 2011, p. 10 ff.
  5. ↑ Mervat Fayez Hatem: Literature, gender, and nation-building in nineteenth-century Egypt: the life and works of 'A'isha Taymur. Literatures and cultures of the Islamic world. Palgrave Macmillan, Basingstoke: 2011, p. 8.
  6. ↑ a b Women in the Islamic World, Dt. Orientinstitut, 2013, p. 21.
  7. ↑ a b c Women in the Islamic World, Dt. Orientinstitut, 2013, p. 7 (introduction). For more details in the Egypt section, see p. 20ff.
  8. ↑ El-Baz, S .: The impact of social and economic factors on women's group formation in Egypt . In: D. Cahtty & A. Rabo: Organizing women: Formal and informal women's groups in the Middle East . Oxford: Berg Publishers. Quoted in the entry on Egypt in The International Encyclopedia of Sexuality , Vols I – IV (1997–2001), edited by Robert T. Francoeur.
  9. ^ Hatem, A .: Economic and political liberalization in Egypt and the demise of state feminism . In International Journal of Middle East Studies , No. 24 (1992), cited in the entry on Egypt in The International Encyclopedia of Sexuality , Volume I – IV (1997–2001), ed. by Robert T. Francoeur.
  10. ↑ spiegel.de December 27, 2017: Oppressed, circumcised, disenfranchised
  11. ↑ Women in the Islamic World , Dt. Orientinstitut, 2013, p. 20.
  12. ↑ a b Women in the Islamic World, Dt. Orientinstitut, 2013, p. 24.
  13. ↑ a b c Hassan, Rasha, Shoukry, Aliyaa & Abul Komsan, Nehad. Clouds in Egypt's Sky: Sexual Harassment: From Verbal Harassment to Rape. 1998. Quoted from Abdelmonem 2015 egypt.unfpa.org ( Memento of the original from January 7, 2017 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and not yet checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. (PDF). @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / egypt.unfpa.org
  14. ↑ a b c d e f g Angie Abdelmonem: Reconceptualizing Sexual Harassment in Egypt: A Longitudinal Assessment of el-Taharrush el-Ginsy in Arabic Online Forums and Anti-Sexual Harassment Activism. ( Memento of the original from January 25, 2016 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. (PDF) In: Kohl: A Journal for Body and Gender Research. 1 (summer 2015): pp. 23–41. @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / harassmap.org
  15. ↑ Angie Abdelmonem, Kohl 2015, p. 23 (abstract)
  16. ↑ Angie Abdelmonem, Kohl 2015, p. 34
  17. ↑ Paragraph 306 (b) in English ( Memento of the original from April 2, 2015 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. and Arabic ( memento of the original from January 18, 2016 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. Version on HarassMap.org , accessed January 18, 2016 @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / harassmap.org @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / harassmap.org
  18. ↑ Julia Gerlach: Spring of women on the Nile. In: Susanne Schröter (ed.): Gender equality through democratization? Transformations and Gender Relations in the Islamic World. Campus, Bielefeld 2013, ISBN 978-3-8376-2173-0 , p. 52.
  19. ↑ For a detailed examination of the role of bloggers, see Sarah Weirich, 2013 Rutgers University. Women's and Gender Studies, Blogging the Gendered Citizen and the Panoptical Web: The Cases of Egypt, Morocco, Saudi Arabia, and Palestine, on the incident see FS 10 The Interior Ministry denied the return of harassment in Cairo and said “Everything is fine, Effendim ! ” , Quoted from Mohamed Khayr. Al-Dustur Weekly, November 1, 2006.
  20. ↑ Samuli Schielke: Ambivalent Commitments: Troubles of Morality, Religiosity and Aspiration among Young Egyptians. In: Journal of Religion in Africa. 39 (2009) pp. 158–185 samuli-schielke.de (PDF), here pp. 158–161 (English).
  21. ↑ Angie Abdelmonem, 2015 “Kohl”, p. 26, references to Amar 2011; Ilahi 2008.
  22. ↑ Martin Gehlen: Egypt: Almost 100 sexual assaults on Tahrir Square ( Memento from January 12, 2016 on WebCite ), In: Zeit.de from July 3, 2013.
  23. ↑ Tahrir Square in Cairo: French reporter was sexually harassed. In: Spiegel Online of October 21, 2012, accessed on January 12, 2016
  24. ↑ Gang rape, the dark side of Egypt's protests. In: CNN.com, July 3, 2013, accessed January 12, 2016
  25. ↑ UK journalist assaulted in Tahrir Square: 'Please make it stop'. In: CNN.com of June 28, 2012 (English)
  26. ^ CBS News' Lara Logan Assaulted During Egypt Protests. In: CBS News of February 16, 2011, accessed January 13, 2016
  27. ↑ Brutal rapes in the shadow of Tahrir. In: Welt.de from February 1, 2013
  28. ↑ a b c "This Is Our Square" | Middle East Research and Information Project. In: www.merip.org. Retrieved January 15, 2016 .
  29. ↑ Viktoria Kleber: Women in Egypt: With crowdsourcing against sexual assault. In: Zeit Online from August 17, 2011.
  30. ↑ Vickie Langohr: Women's Rights Movements during Political Transitions: Activism against Public Sexual Violence in Egypt . In: International Journal of Middle East Studies . tape 47 , no. 01 , February 1, 2015, ISSN  1471-6380 , p. 131-135 , doi : 10.1017 / S0020743814001482 ( cambridge.org [accessed January 12, 2016]).
  31. ↑ See Testimony from a Survival of Gang Rape on Tahrir Square Vicinity. In: Nazra.org of January 26, 2013, accessed on January 13, 2016 (English)
  32. ↑ a b Angie Abdelmonem: Reconsidering de-politicization: HarassMap's bystander approach and creating critical mass to combat sexual harassment in Egypt . In: Égypte / Monde arabe . No. November 13 , 2015, ISSN  1110-5097 ( revues.org [accessed January 12, 2016]).
  33. ↑ Naisten joukkoahdistelu ”taharrush gamae” nousi otsikoihin Saksassa: ”Yritettiin kokeilla, meneekö läpi tällainen” (Finnish source, which explicitly makes the reference). In: Ilta-Sanomat. January 11, 2016, accessed January 12, 2016 (fi-FI).
  34. ↑ a b Tadros, Mariz. 2013a. “Whose Shame Is It? The Politics of Sexual Assault in Morsi's Egypt. " Heinrich Boll Foundation, Afrique Du Nord Tunis Quoted in Abdelmonem 2015, Reconsidering de-politicization ff
  35. ^ A b c Sandra A. Fernandez: Male voices in a Cairo social movement . In: Égypte / Monde arabe . No. November 13 , 2015, ISSN  1110-5097 ( revues.org [accessed January 12, 2016]).
  36. ↑ a b c Exploiting Egypt's Rape Culture for Political Gain . In: The Nation . August 8, 2013, ISSN  0027-8378 ( thenation.com [accessed on 15 January 2016]).
  37. ↑ a b Christoph Ehrhardt: Violence against women in Egypt Where sexual harassment is an everyday occurrence . In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung . January 15, 2016, ISSN  0174-4909 ( faz.net [accessed January 15, 2016]).
  38. ↑ a b Tadros, Mariz. 2013b. P. 23 ff
  39. ↑ a b Tadros, Mariz. 2013b. Pp. 26-27 (PDF).
  40. ^ The Muslim Brotherhood has shown its contempt for Egypt's women . In: The Guardian . March 18, 2013, ISSN  0261-3077 ( theguardian.com [accessed January 15, 2016]).
  41. ↑ HATE OF THE POLICE Egypt collapses. The hatred of the political camps paralyzes Egypt and leads more and more people to vent their frustration on government officials, comments M. Gehlen from Cairo. The time January 27, 2013
  42. ↑ a b c Nabil Mouline : Un ticket pour la liberté . In: Revue des mondes musulmans et de la Méditerranée . No. 134, December 17, 2013, ISSN  0997-1327 , pp. 131-144. doi : 10.4000 / remmm.8297 .
  43. ↑ Angie Abdelmonem, 2015 "Kohl", p. 26
  44. ↑ a b Citing potential harm to men's 'sensitive spots,' activist urges film ban , Al-Masry Al-Youm. December 27, 2010. 
  45. ↑ a b Tadros, Mariz. 2013b, pp. 24 and 25
  46. ↑ YouTube restores account of Egypt anti-torture blogger . In: Reuters . December 3, 2007 ( reuters.com [accessed January 17, 2016]).
  47. ↑ Angie Abdelmonem, 2015, "Kohl" p. 34, based on Mada Masr. "Victim Blamed After Sexual Assault at Cairo University." Mada Masr, 3-18-2014. 2014. madamasr.com ( Memento of the original from January 13, 2016 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.madamasr.com
  48. ↑ Tadros, Mariz. 2014. Reclaiming the Streets for Women's Dignity: Effective Initiatives in the Struggle Against Gender-Based Violence in Between Egypt's Two Revolutions. IDS Evidence Report 48, Institute of Development Studies at the University of Sussex , cited in Abdelmonem 2015, Reconsidering de-politicization ff
  49. ↑ Tadros, Mariz. 2013b. Politically Motivated Sexual Assault and the Law in Violent Transitions: A Case Study From Egypt. Institute of Development Studies, opendocs.ids.ac.uk (PDF) Quoted in Abdelmonem 2015, Reconsidering de-politicization ff.
  50. ↑ Thornberg, Robert. 2007. A Classmate in Distress: School Children as Bystanders and Their Reasons for How They Act. Social Psychology of Education , 10: 5-28., Quoted in Abdelmonem 2015, Reconsidering de-politicization ff.
  51. ↑ Tadros, Mariz. 2013b, p. 29
  52. ^ After sex attacks in Cologne: BKA wants to fight the phenomenon “taharrush gamea”. In: Focus Online. January 10, 2016, accessed February 25, 2017 .
  53. ↑ Martin Lutz: The phenomenon “taharrush gamea” has arrived in Germany . In: Welt Online . January 10, 2016 ( online [accessed January 13, 2016]).
  54. ^ Ministry of the Interior and Municipalities of North Rhine-Westphalia (ed.): Report of the Ministry of the Interior and Municipal Affairs on the attacks on Cologne Central Station on New Year's Eve . Düsseldorf January 10, 2016 ( online [PDF; 849 kB ; accessed on February 25, 2017] 15-page report and cover letter from Minister Jäger to the Presidium of the State Parliament and the Interior Committee). Report of the Ministry of the Interior and Municipal Affairs on the attacks at Cologne Central Station on New Year's Eve ( memento of the original from January 22, 2016 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was automatically inserted and not yet checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice.  @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.mik.nrw.de
  55. ↑ a b Christoph Ehrhardt: Violence against women in Egypt Where sexual harassment is an everyday occurrence . In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung . January 15, 2016, ISSN  0174-4909 ( faz.net [accessed January 15, 2016]).
  56. ↑ The frustration of young men turns into sexual violence. In: Deutschlandradio Kultur from January 13, 2016.
  57. ↑ Alex Shams: Neither Taharrush Gamea Nor Sexism Are Arab 'Cultural Practices'. In: Huffington Post . January 21, 2016, accessed on February 27, 2017 (English): "In recent days, a new term has suddenly appeared in the media to describe a supposedly Arab cultural practice:" taharrush gamea. " The term, which is misspelled (the second word should read gama'ei), just means “group harassment” in Arabic, but right-wing commentators are trying their hardest to convince you that it actually means “sexual assault by a bunch of Arab men ”or“ gang-rape game ”and that it's a normal thing in the Arab World. They're wrong, of course, on all fronts. But the invention of the term and the sudden currency it has gained in the mainstream Western media tells a darker tale of how xenophobic right-wing groups in Europe have cynically used reports of sexual violence against women to further a deeply racist, anti-refugee agenda . "
  58. ↑ Abdelmonem et al .: The 'Taharrush' Connection: Xenophobia, Islamophobia, and Sexual Violence in Germany and Beyond. Retrieved February 27, 2017 .
  59. ↑ Abdelmonem, Angie, Bavelaar, Rahma Esther, Wynne-Hughes, Elisa and Galán, Susana: The 'Taharrush' connection: xenophobia, Islamophobia, and sexual violence in Germany and beyond. (PDF) In: Jadaliyya. Arab Studies Institute, March 1, 2016, accessed on February 27, 2017 (English): “The term“ taharrush ”has been widely used by Western media and German authorities to portray collective sexual violence as a practice that originates from the Middle East and North Africa and is thus foreign to German and European culture. By connecting Cologne with Egypt in a highly misrepresented way, the media has been able to justify a racist platform against the continued acceptance of migrants and refugees coming to Europe. [...] Not surprisingly, far-right leaders have welcomed the connection between sexual violence and refugee / migrant populations across Europe. [...] By co-opting feminist demands for women's emancipation and their right to self-defense, these conservative forces instrumentalize the Cologne sexual assaults for their xenophobic ends. "