Hellerberg Jewish camp

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The so-called Jewish camp Hellerberg was a collective camp on the Heller not far from Dresden . From November 1942 to March 1943 it served as a warehouse for the Jews of Dresden who were forced to work at Zeiss Ikon . All inmates were in early March 1943 in the concentration camp Auschwitz deported . There is evidence that only ten of the camp's 293 prisoners survived the Holocaust. From May 1943 until the end of the Second World War , the camp continued to be used as a maternity camp for children of Eastern workers under the name Lager Kiesgrube ; During this time, over 200 small children died in the camp from a deliberate lack of care.

Chronological order

Memorial at Dresden-Neustadt train station, from where the Dresden Jews were deported
Building of the Goehle-Werk von Zeiss Ikon in Dresden

There had been a Jewish community in Dresden since 1837. The share of the Jewish population in the total population of Dresden was small: In 1890 0.3 percent of the population of Dresden were Jews, 20 years later it was 0.7 percent (3800 people). Jewish life in Dresden reached its heyday in the Weimar Republic , the Jewish community comprised around 5100 people in 1925 (0.8 percent of Dresden's population). In the course of increasing anti-Semitism in Dresden, too, many Jews left the city before 1933, so that in June 1933 only 4,397 “religious Jews” were still living in Dresden. At 0.26 percent, the share of the Jewish population in the total population of Dresden was well below the Reich average of 0.77 percent.

From 1933 the systematic exclusion of the Jewish population also began in Dresden, which was aggressively promoted primarily by Martin Mutschmann . The Semper Synagogue in Dresden was destroyed in the pogrom night from November 9th to 10th, 1938 ; In addition, 151 Jews, including the entire board of directors of the Jewish community, were deported to the Buchenwald and Sachsenhausen concentration camps that night in Dresden alone . From 1937/1938 onwards, the number of Jews whose apartments were given notice by housing associations or municipal apartment owners increased. A merger of Jews in ghettos was rejected by the police in 1938 by Heydrich and did not take place in Dresden either. With the law on tenancy agreements with Jews passed in May 1939 , it became possible to set up so-called “Jewish houses”. In Dresden in the same year the establishment of Jewish houses began; In total there were 37 houses in Dresden in which Jews lived in isolation.

The first deportation of Jews from the Dresden community took place in 1938; in October 1938, over 700 Polish Jews were deported from the Dresden district to Poland. In November 1941 the Jewish community only had 1,228 members. On January 20 and 21, 1942, 224 Jews from the Dresden-Bautzen administrative district were deported to the Riga ghetto . Exempted from the deportation were Jews in “mixed marriage” and their children, persons over 65 years of age and persons over 55 who were not fit for transport, persons who were awarded or were seriously wounded in the First World War and Jews who were in the armaments industry ( Goehle-Werk von Zeiss Ikon ) were busy. As a result, attempts were made to bring the approx. 300 Dresden Jews working in the armaments industry together in a shared living room, so Zeiss Ikon asked, among other things, whether a barrack camp in Prague could be used for this. The resolution passed in March 1942 prohibiting Jews from using public transport raised calls for a concentration of Jews working in the armaments industry. On the one hand, some of them had a special permit to use a tram with “Aryans”, which led to “a certain degree of traffic uncertainty”. On the other hand, the workers who had to walk to work were no longer fully able to work due to exhaustion.

The deportation of Jews over 65 years of age and people over 55 who could not be transported, as well as those who were honored or seriously wounded in the First World War, to Theresienstadt began in Dresden in the summer of 1942. In contrast to other cities, the transports were carried out in small groups of a maximum of 50 people by TRUCK. Seven such transports were scheduled for 1942; the transports were completed at the end of September 1942. The existing Jewish population in Dresden at the time now consisted predominantly of people who worked in the armaments industry as well as Jews in "mixed marriages" and their children.

The "Hellerberg Jewish Camp"

Establishment of the warehouse

Radeburger Strasse, house Weinbergstrasse 1 on the left, opposite the entrance to the warehouse

On November 10, 1942, employees of Zeiss Ikon met with members of the NSDAP district leadership and the Gestapo, including Henry Schmidt . The establishment of the so-called "Hellerberg Jewish Camp" was decided. It was one of numerous Zeiss Ikon camps in Dresden and the surrounding area and was run in-house as "Camp No. 16".

For the construction of the warehouse, Zeiss Ikon made its material warehouse available at Dr.-Todt-Straße 4 (today Radeburger Straße 4) north of the St. Pauli cemetery , which at the time was just outside the Dresden city area in a sand pit. Zeiss Ikon undertook to take over the facility of the warehouse. Among other things, “bed frames with straw sacks, cupboards (1 cupboard per family)” were planned. The inmates had to provide crockery, blankets and pillows as well as towels and wipes. They also had to set up the hospital room (including ten metal beds) and the office space. The branch office of the Reich Ministry of Armaments and Ammunition undertook to provide 200 chairs for the dining room and one additional chair for each inmate, but it was stipulated that if the chairs were not delivered, the Jewish community had to provide them.

The camp was to be administered by the inmates themselves, with Henry Schmidt responsible for appointing the camp elder, the administrative clerk and the cook. Each inmate in the camp had to pay RM 0.60 per day for their accommodation. Zeiss Ikon used the money to pay for the rent of the property, the security of the warehouse by a locking company, lighting, heating, water, telephone costs, garbage collection, repairs and cleaning agents. Zeiss Ikon was also responsible for organizing the food for the inmates, which, however, had to be paid for separately at the end of the month. On top of the market price of the goods there was "a surcharge for handling costs and sales tax". The medical care of the camp was entrusted to Willy Katz , who at the time was the only doctor in town who was allowed to treat Jews. The camp regulations lay with the Gestapo.

As a basic principle, it was established that the inmates must remain in the camp even if their employment at Zeiss Ikon ended. In addition, free storage spaces were allowed to be occupied by Jews who did not work at Zeiss Ikon. The status of the camp as a kind of short-term transit camp was sealed from the start, as the minutes of the meeting on November 10, 1942 noted that all inmates were to live in the camp “until the time of removal”.

Victor Klemperer reported in his diaries as early as November 13, 1942 that Jewish workers at Zeiss Ikon would be "in barracks" and that this had been a rumor for a while. The deportation of 279 Dresden Jews, who had previously lived in Jewish houses, to the barracks camp took place on November 23 and 24, 1942. "... this new type of deportation is so shameless because everything is so open," it said Eva Klemperer . All prisoners had to undergo an examination and disinfection in the Dresden decontamination facility during the transport. According to Victor Klemperer, this was the worst aspect of the deportation for many of those affected: “According to multiple reports, the worst thing about the camp affair has been the delousing of the women. While they were walking around naked between the Passion Stations in the institution, they were photographed by the Gestapo, they had to stand in the courtyard for a long time with wet hair in cold rainy weather, and their open and rifled luggage was also exposed to the rain without protection. ”The deportation was carried out by Zeiss Ikon recorded on film, the delousing was also filmed, with Henry Schmidt supervising the procedure on site. The film amalgamation of the last Jews in Dresden in the camp at Hellerberg on 23./24. Nov. 1942 only became known to the public in 1995. It also allows the warehouse entrance to be localized: it must have been opposite the house at Weinbergstrasse 1, so the building can be seen in the background on the way through the wooded property to the actual warehouse. It is possible that the goal posts on the property at Radeburger Straße 12A once belonged to the camp entrance.

With the completion of the deportation to the camp outside the city limits, Dresden was considered "practically 'Jew-free'" from the end of November 1942.

Life in the camp

The camp consisted of six accommodation and one communal barracks. Each accommodation barrack consisted of three rooms, each occupied by about 16 people. Accommodation was gender-segregated, with the exception of married couples and children under four years of age. According to Victor Klemperer, the communal barrack was reserved for nine married couples. In the camp there was a dining room, toilets, an infirmary as well as a tailoring, shoemaking and hairdressing shop. In addition, there were two washrooms with wash bowls as well as two bathtubs later, thanks to Willy Katz. The camp was guarded by a private locking company, which also controlled going out times. There was no fence. The warehouse was allowed to be left for the early and late shift at the Goehle plant on Heidestrasse 4, which is around 20 minutes away. For visits to the doctor or visits to the authorities, the camp management issued permits. Siegmund Selig Lehner was appointed camp elder and Elias Lichtenstein was appointed technical administrator.

There are different details about the conditions in the warehouse. Klemperer wrote down reports in his diary that he had received from camp residents. When preparing the bedrooms, the bed bags should have been stuffed with wet wood wool. The conditions were perceived in advance as catastrophic and described by Klemperer: “Unimaginably narrow and barbarically primitive, especially the toilets (wallless side by side and far, far too few), but also the narrow beds, etc. The carpenters said they were in the barracks been employed for Russian and Polish prisoners - luxury hotels against this Jewish camp in sand and mud! ”At the same time, Klemperer also pointed out relatively more positive aspects:“ Perks such as postal services, a vacation in Dresden, a camp library, toy permits for the children… One must wait. "The first reactions of the inmates were cautiously optimistic, which Klemperer registered with skepticism:" He [= Martin Reichenbach] had just imagined it to be even more horrific, he was already happy that no one beat him. […] All in all, captivity and agonizing vegetation. ”On December 1st, he noted:“ The people in the community seem […] to be a sworn community, to portray camp life as mild: it is bearable […] it sounds as if the discontented were spoiled and ungrateful creatures. […] But the majority of the camp inmates are strictly imprisoned, receive the scantest city vacation, always sit tightly together, etc., etc. It is even too pathetic that this imprisonment is already considered half happiness. It's not Poland, it's not the concentration camp! You don't get completely full, but you don't starve to death. You haven't been beaten yet. Etc. etc. ”On December 19, Klemperer noted that the inmates of the camp were forbidden to buy goods:“ They are one hell of a degree more trapped and poorly fed than before ”. The Auschwitz survivor Henry Meyer , who had also lived in the Hellerberg camp, said, looking back, “We actually got on very well in the [Hellerberg] camp [...] I wish we had been left there until the end of the war. Everyone would still be alive ”. One person died before the camp was closed: Sabine Scholz succumbed to a kidney infection on December 24, 1942.

Dissolution of the camp

View of the camp grounds, photo 2011

With the guidelines for the technical implementation of the evacuation of Jews to the East (KL Auschwitz) on February 20, 1943, the deportation of Jews working in armaments factories was made possible. The workers of the Hellerberg Jewish camp were arrested on February 27, 1943 as part of the so-called “ factory campaign ” throughout the empire . On the orders of Adolf Eichmann, the camp was declared a police detention center and fenced off. In addition to the previous camp inmates, Jews who had previously lived outside the camp (according to Klemperer, “all non-Mischehlinge”) were imprisoned in the camp. In addition, Jews were deported from Erfurt, Halle, Leipzig, Plauen and Chemnitz to the camp; Justin Sonder from Chemnitz was one of them . The camp was finally cleared on March 2, 1943. At that time, there were 293 Dresden residents among the prisoners who were deported to Auschwitz on March 3, 1943 via the Dresden-Neustadt train station . About 50 of the Dresden prisoners survived the selection. There is evidence that only ten inmates of the transport survived the Holocaust, including the musician Henry Meyer .

The camp was largely disbanded when it was removed. Only 32 people remained in the camp, including mostly Jews from Chemnitz, Halle, Leipzig and Plauen who were over 65 years old. They were deported to Theresienstadt at the end of March 1943. In the meantime, the camp had also served as a transit camp for deportations to Theresienstadt.

"Further use" as a gravel pit storage facility

There is little information about the "Kiesgrube Camp". Between May 1943 and the end of the war, the camp served as a maternity camp for children of Eastern workers ; 225 infants and toddlers of at least 497 born children died due to insufficient care. The last child died in March 1945. A work published in April 2004 under the title Forced Laborers in Dresden , which was published by the PDS parliamentary group in the city council of the state capital Dresden, located the camp at the then Dr.-Todt-Straße 120 and bordered it from the “Judenlager Hellerberg” on Dr.-Todt-Straße 4. Investigations by Annika Dube-Wnęk were able to locate the Kiesgrube camp on the site of the former Hellerberg Jewish camp, whose barracks continued to be used. The Kiesgrube camp was officially operated by the German Labor Front ; From June 1943, the actual on-site administration was the responsibility of the construction company W. Strauss & Co, which, among other things, transferred the rental income - each woman had to pay 0.30 RM rent per child - to the barrack owner Zeiss Ikon.

An aerial photo from March 25, 1945 shows the barrack camp with the buildings still in place. Shortly after 1945 the barracks were demolished and the sand pit in which the camp was located was partially filled. The area has been fallow since the end of the war and is now densely overgrown. There are no more traces of the camp.

Reception after 1945

Erich Höhne 1970
Ernst Hirsch 2013

After 1945, there was initially no dispute with the Hellerberg Jewish camp. It was not until the late 1980s that his first public employment took place: Henry Schmidt , who had gone into hiding after 1945 , was brought to trial in Dresden on July 27, 1987 for crimes against humanity . Point 2 of the indictment referred to his role in the establishment of the camp:

“On November 10, 1942, the accused agreed with the armaments company Zeiss-Ikon-AG to set up a forced labor camp in Dresden-Hellerberg, to which at least 300 citizens were deported on November 23, 1942. On March 2, 1943, he helped to deport the inmates to the Auschwitz concentration camp for extermination, where the majority were murdered. "

- Item 2 of the indictment (extract) against Henry Schmidt of July 27, 1987

The Dresden District Court sentenced Schmidt to life imprisonment on September 28, 1987. Schmidt died in 1996. In connection with the trial against Schmidt, the magazine Der Antifaschistische Kompetenzfänger published an article about the camp in 1987 in response to reader inquiries under the heading Camp Dresden-Hellerberg - once the gateway to hell . Victor Klemperer's diaries, which appeared from 1995 onwards, also revealed details about the camp, so Klemperer was in contact with the camp doctor Willy Katz, among others.

The discovery of the film The Amalgamation of the Last Jews in Dresden in the Hellerberg Camp on 23/24 attracted a lot of attention . November 1942 , which was created during the deportation to the camp on November 23 and 24, 1942. The film was shot on behalf of Zeiss Ikon by the then laboratory employee Erich Höhne , who gained importance as a photographer after 1945. At the end of the war, Höhne worked as a co-administrator of the Zeiss Ikon film warehouse and took the film for himself. It was only when his private photo archive was closed in 1995 that he found the film, which Ernst Hirsch had restored. The approximately 27-minute silent film is an edited copy of the original, so it partly contains propagandistic subtitles. The loading of luggage at the "Judenhaus" Sporergasse 2 and at Henriettenstift , Güntzstrasse 24, the examination of men and women in the "Städtische Entseuchungs-Anstalt" on Fabrikstrasse 6 (including Willy Katz and Henry Schmidt), the arrival is shown in the warehouse and the furnishings (including filling the cupboards, boys in the washroom). After a shot that Willy Katz shows in conversation with camp elder Siegmund Selig Lehner, the film ends abruptly. The discovery of the material led to an intensive study of the camp. Ernst Hirsch and Ulrich Teschner shot the 70-minute documentary The Jews Are Gone. The Dresden Hellerberg camp , where contemporary witnesses such as Henny Brenner and Henry Meyer had their say. The film premiered on November 23, 1997 to mark the 55th anniversary of the establishment of the camp. The film from 1942 has been transferred to the film archive of the Federal Archives . Copies of silent films and documentaries are among others in the holdings of Yad Vashem . Starting in 1996, a research project by the Saxon Memorials Foundation in collaboration with the Simon Dubnow Institute for Jewish History and Culture at the University of Leipzig and the New Synagogue Berlin Foundation - Centrum Judaicum was devoted to the scientific evaluation of the film. In 1998 the book Memory Has a Face was published as the result of the research . In addition, the films and pictures were part of a special exhibition that opened in 2006 in the Dresden City Hall.

Commemoration

Stumbling block for Fanny Hirsch, who was deported to Auschwitz via the Hellerberg camp in 1943 and murdered there on arrival

In 2002, the Society for Christian-Jewish Cooperation installed a memorial plaque on the former camp site as part of the Path of Remembrance project ; a new board was hung in 2012 at the confluence with Hammerweg. A so-called memorial in front of the St. Pauli cemetery has been a reminder of the camp since 2009. Among other things, the names of all deported camp inmates can be read on the billboard. The “Jewish camp Hellerberg” is noted as a station of suffering on stumbling blocks laid in Dresden. The marking is done in the sequence “interned 1942 / Hellerberge / deported 1943 / Auschwitz”.

Both the Hellerberg Jewish camp and the Kiesgrube camp have been marked with warning depots as part of the art project Engravings of the War (No. 9 and No. 62). In the St. Pauli cemetery, where many of the children who died in the Kiesgrube camp were buried, there was a simple tombstone that indicated the children who were buried. A new memorial was designed with the participation of students and was inaugurated on November 6, 2015. It is around 90 meters long and consists of individual tombstones for each of the 225 deceased children.

literature

Web links

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ Marcus Gryglewski: On the history of the National Socialist persecution of Jews in Dresden 1933–1945 . In: Norbert Haase, Stefi Jersch-Wenzel, Hermann Simon (eds.): Memory has a face . Saxon Memorials Foundation and Gustav Kiepenheuer Verlag, Leipzig 1998, p. 98.
  2. ↑ Marcus Gryglewski: On the history of the National Socialist persecution of Jews in Dresden 1933–1945 . In: Norbert Haase, Stefi Jersch-Wenzel, Hermann Simon (eds.): Memory has a face . Saxon Memorials Foundation and Gustav Kiepenheuer Verlag, Leipzig 1998, p. 100.
  3. ↑ Marcus Gryglewski: On the history of the National Socialist persecution of Jews in Dresden 1933–1945 . In: Norbert Haase, Stefi Jersch-Wenzel, Hermann Simon (eds.): Memory has a face . Saxon Memorials Foundation and Gustav Kiepenheuer Verlag, Leipzig 1998, p. 108.
  4. ↑ Marcus Gryglewski: On the history of the National Socialist persecution of Jews in Dresden 1933–1945 . In: Norbert Haase, Stefi Jersch-Wenzel, Hermann Simon (eds.): Memory has a face . Saxon Memorials Foundation and Gustav Kiepenheuer Verlag, Leipzig 1998, p. 111.
  5. ↑ Marcus Gryglewski: On the history of the National Socialist persecution of Jews in Dresden 1933–1945 . In: Norbert Haase, Stefi Jersch-Wenzel, Hermann Simon (eds.): Memory has a face . Saxon Memorials Foundation and Gustav Kiepenheuer Verlag, Leipzig 1998, pp. 112–113.
  6. ↑ Marcus Gryglewski: On the history of the National Socialist persecution of Jews in Dresden 1933–1945 . In: Norbert Haase, Stefi Jersch-Wenzel, Hermann Simon (eds.): Memory has a face . Saxon Memorials Foundation and Gustav Kiepenheuer Verlag, Leipzig 1998, p. 116.
  7. ↑ Marcus Gryglewski: On the history of the National Socialist persecution of Jews in Dresden 1933–1945 . In: Norbert Haase, Stefi Jersch-Wenzel, Hermann Simon (eds.): Memory has a face . Saxon Memorials Foundation and Gustav Kiepenheuer Verlag, Leipzig 1998, p. 121.
  8. ↑ Quoted from Marcus Gryglewski: On the history of the National Socialist persecution of Jews in Dresden 1933–1945 . In: Norbert Haase, Stefi Jersch-Wenzel, Hermann Simon (eds.): Memory has a face . Saxon Memorials Foundation and Gustav Kiepenheuer Verlag, Leipzig 1998, p. 123, FN 120.
  9. ↑ Marcus Gryglewski: On the history of the National Socialist persecution of Jews in Dresden 1933–1945 . In: Norbert Haase, Stefi Jersch-Wenzel, Hermann Simon (eds.): Memory has a face . Saxon Memorials Foundation and Gustav Kiepenheuer Verlag, Leipzig 1998, p. 128.
  10. ↑ Present were Wilhelm Stoffers (operations manager of the Goehle works), Karl Nitsche (Stoffers deputy), Friedrich Hempel (head of the optics department in the Goehle works), Werner Rieß (correspondent), Dr. Johannes Hasdenteufel (Zeiss-Ikon management), Henry Schmidt (Gestapo commissioner), Rudolf Müller (Gestapo, senior secretary) and Mr Köhler (NSDAP district leader). See the minutes of the meeting on November 10, 1942. In: Das "Judenlager" Hellerberg . In: Horst Busse, Udo Krause: Life sentence for the Gestapo commissioner . 2nd Edition. State Publishing House of the German Democratic Republic, Berlin 1989, p. 40.
  11. ↑ Walter Wießner, Reinhardt Balzk: forced laborers in Dresden ( Memento of 26 January 2009 at the Internet Archive ). Edition 2004, April 2004, p. 27 (PDF).
  12. ↑ a b c d e Minutes of the meeting on November 10, 1942. In: Das "Judenlager" Hellerberg . In: Horst Busse, Udo Krause: Life sentence for the Gestapo commissioner . 2nd Edition. State Publishing House of the German Democratic Republic, Berlin 1989, pp. 40–42.
  13. ^ Entry from November 13th, Friday towards evening. In: Walter Nowojski (ed.), Hadwig Klemperer (collaborator): Victor Klemperer. Diaries 1942 . 2nd Edition. Structure of Taschenbuch Verlag, Berlin 1999, p. 273.
  14. ↑ Marcus Gryglewski: On the history of the National Socialist persecution of Jews in Dresden 1933–1945 . In: Norbert Haase, Stefi Jersch-Wenzel, Hermann Simon (eds.): Memory has a face . Sächsische Gedenkstätten Foundation and Gustav Kiepenheuer Verlag, Leipzig 1998, p. 124, p. 133.
  15. ^ Entry from November 24th, Tuesday morning. In: Walter Nowojski (ed.), Hadwig Klemperer (collaborator): Victor Klemperer. Diaries 1942 . 2nd Edition. Structure of Taschenbuch Verlag, Berlin 1999, p. 280.
  16. ^ Entry from December 3, Thursday morning. In: Walter Nowojski (ed.), Hadwig Klemperer (collaborator): Victor Klemperer. Diaries 1942 . 2nd Edition. Structure of Taschenbuch Verlag, Berlin 1999, p. 286.
  17. ↑ Snapshots from a film. Photo documentation . In: Norbert Haase, Stefi Jersch-Wenzel, Hermann Simon (eds.): Memory has a face . Saxon Memorials Foundation and Gustav Kiepenheuer Verlag, Leipzig 1998, p. 65.
  18. ↑ a b The Jews are gone. The Dresden Hellerberg camp . A documentation by Ernst Hirsch and Ulrich Teschner. [Documentary]. Heller-Film, Dresden 1997.
  19. ↑ Marcus Gryglewski: On the history of the National Socialist persecution of Jews in Dresden 1933–1945 . In: Norbert Haase, Stefi Jersch-Wenzel, Hermann Simon (eds.): Memory has a face . Saxon Memorials Foundation and Gustav Kiepenheuer Verlag, Leipzig 1998, p. 133.
  20. ^ Entry from November 26th, Thursday towards evening. In: Walter Nowojski (ed.), Hadwig Klemperer (collaborator): Victor Klemperer. Diaries 1942 . 2nd Edition. Structure of Taschenbuch Verlag, Berlin 1999, p. 282.
  21. ^ Entry from January 7th, Thursday afternoon. In: Walter Nowojski (ed.), Hadwig Klemperer (collaborator): Victor Klemperer. Diaries 1943 . 2nd Edition. Structure of Taschenbuch Verlag, Berlin 1999, p. 8.
  22. ^ Entry from November 15, Sunday morning. In: Walter Nowojski (ed.), Hadwig Klemperer (collaborator): Victor Klemperer. Diaries 1942 . 2nd Edition. Structure of Taschenbuch Verlag, Berlin 1999, p. 275.
  23. ↑ a b Entry from November 24th, Tuesday morning. In: Walter Nowojski (ed.), Hadwig Klemperer (collaborator): Victor Klemperer. Diaries 1942 . 2nd Edition. Structure of Taschenbuch Verlag, Berlin 1999, p. 281.
  24. ^ Entry from November 26th, Thursday towards evening. In: Walter Nowojski (ed.), Hadwig Klemperer (collaborator): Victor Klemperer. Diaries 1942 . 2nd Edition. Structure of Taschenbuch Verlag, Berlin 1999, p. 282.
  25. ^ Entry from December 1st, Tuesday morning. In: Walter Nowojski (ed.), Hadwig Klemperer (collaborator): Victor Klemperer. Diaries 1942 . 2nd Edition. Structure of Taschenbuch Verlag, Berlin 1999, p. 285.
  26. ^ Entry from December 19, Saturday morning. In: Walter Nowojski (ed.), Hadwig Klemperer (collaborator): Victor Klemperer. Diaries 1942 . 2nd Edition. Structure of Taschenbuch Verlag, Berlin 1999, p. 291.
  27. ↑ Quoted from Marcus Gryglewski: On the history of the National Socialist persecution of Jews in Dresden 1933–1945 . In: Norbert Haase, Stefi Jersch-Wenzel, Hermann Simon (eds.): Memory has a face . Saxon Memorials Foundation and Gustav Kiepenheuer Verlag, Leipzig 1998, p. 135.
  28. ↑ Marcus Gryglewski: On the history of the National Socialist persecution of Jews in Dresden 1933–1945 . In: Norbert Haase, Stefi Jersch-Wenzel, Hermann Simon (eds.): Memory has a face . Saxon Memorials Foundation and Gustav Kiepenheuer Verlag, Leipzig 1998, p. 135, FN 160
  29. ^ Nora Goldenbogen: National Socialist Persecution of Jews in Dresden since 1938 - an overview . In: Dresdner Geschichtsverein (Ed.): Between integration and destruction. Jewish life in Dresden in the 19th and 20th centuries . Dresdner Hefte , Vol. 14, Issue 45, No. 1, 1996, p. 82.
  30. ^ Entry from February 28th, Sunday morning. In: Walter Nowojski (ed.), Hadwig Klemperer (collaborator): Victor Klemperer. Diaries 1943 . 2nd Edition. Structure of Taschenbuch Verlag, Berlin 1999, p. 39.
  31. ↑ Ulrich Pfaff: Auschwitz remains in him . In: Freie Presse / Chemnitzer Zeitung, February 12, 2016, p. 3.
  32. ↑ Marcus Gryglewski: On the history of the National Socialist persecution of Jews in Dresden 1933–1945 . In: Norbert Haase, Stefi Jersch-Wenzel, Hermann Simon (eds.): Memory has a face . Saxon Memorials Foundation and Gustav Kiepenheuer Verlag, Leipzig 1998, p. 178.
  33. ↑ See transport list in Norbert Haase, Stefi Jersch-Wenzel, Hermann Simon (ed.): Memory has a face . Saxon Memorials Foundation and Gustav Kiepenheuer Verlag, Leipzig 1998, pp. 184ff.
  34. ↑ a b Christine Pieper: The "Hellerberg Jewish Camp" - An (un) forgotten place? . In: Konstantin Hermann (ed.): Führerschule, Thingplatz, "Judenhaus". Topographies of the Nazi regime in Saxony . [Special edition for the Saxon State Center for Political Education]. Sandstein, Dresden 2014, p. 278.
  35. ↑ Marcus Gryglewski: On the history of the National Socialist persecution of Jews in Dresden 1933–1945 . In: Norbert Haase, Stefi Jersch-Wenzel, Hermann Simon (eds.): Memory has a face . Saxon Memorials Foundation and Gustav Kiepenheuer Verlag, Leipzig 1998, p. 142, FN 184.
  36. ↑ Kiesgrube maternity camp on zwangsarbeiterkinder-dresden.de
  37. ↑ Beate Diederichs: Nursed to death . In: Pieschener Zeitung , Issue 1, January / February 2011.
  38. ↑ Walter Wießner, Reinhardt Balzk: forced laborers in Dresden ( Memento of 26 January 2009 at the Internet Archive ). Edition 2004, April 2004, p. 28 (PDF).
  39. ↑ Annika Dube-Wnęk: Structural violence in the National Socialist social system using the example of the care facilities for foreign children and the research results for the “Kiesgrube maternity camp” in Dresden . Dresden, December 5, 2011 (Bachelor thesis at the Evangelical University for Social Work Dresden, online ), p. 42.
  40. ↑ Figure in: Marcus Gryglewski: On the History of Nazi persecution of Jews in Dresden from 1933 to 1945 . In: Norbert Haase, Stefi Jersch-Wenzel, Hermann Simon (eds.): Memory has a face . Saxon Memorials Foundation and Gustav Kiepenheuer Verlag, Leipzig 1998, p. 134.
  41. ↑ "Judenlager Hellerberg" on cj-dresden.de.
  42. ↑ Horst Busse, Udo Krause: Life sentence for the Gestapo commissioner . 2nd Edition. State Publishing House of the German Democratic Republic, Berlin 1989, p. 12.
  43. ^ Camp Dresden-Hellerberg - once the gateway to hell . In: The anti-fascist resistance fighter , No. 11, 1987, p. 24.
  44. ↑ Heidrun Hannusch: Erich Höhne had to make a film about "Jewish camps " . In: Dresdner Latest News , August 7, 1997, p. 13.
  45. ↑ Heidrun Hannusch: “The Jews are gone. The Dresden-Hellerberg camp ”premiered yesterday . In: Dresdner Latest News , November 24, 1997, p. 11.
  46. ↑ Lisa Werner-Art: Memory has a face - an exhibition in the Kulturrathaus . In: Dresdner Latest News , April 27, 2006, p. 18.
  47. ↑ Christine Pieper: The "Hellerberg Jewish Camp" - An (un) forgotten place? . In: Konstantin Hermann (ed.): Führerschule, Thingplatz, "Judenhaus". Topographies of the Nazi regime in Saxony . [Special edition for the Saxon State Center for Political Education]. Sandstein, Dresden 2014, p. 281.
  48. ↑ Overview of dunning depots in Dresden on mahndepots.de

Coordinates: 51 ° 5 ′ 23.9 "  N , 13 ° 44 ′ 23.4"  E