Residence rules

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Longhouse of the Mnong in the Central Highlands (Vietnam 2000)

Residence rules (from the Latin residere "to settle down"), rules of residence or order of residence are those social norms in ethnosociology that determine where a couple sets up their place of residence after marriage , whether and which spouse has to change their place of residence and where they move to. In an ethnic society , the rule of residence, together with the applicable ancestry and marriage rules, determines the family relationships and group affiliations , for example to which household children of married couples are counted.

In contrast, residence patterns denote the statistical recording of what married couples actually do - this can deviate from their usual residence rule ; Many couples from traditional ethnic groups set up their own new households (neolocal) in modern cities, although their tradition dictates a different living sequence rule.

Marital order of residence

Construction of a tree house in Papua New Guinea ( Milne Bay , 1885)

In the 1300 ethnic groups and indigenous peoples recorded worldwide, there are four groups of residence rules, differentiated according to where a married couple establishes their marital residence after marriage:

  • Married couples live with the husband or his family
  • Married couples live with the wife or their family
  • Married couples are free to choose
  • Spouses still live with their own families

Residence with the man

  • Patrilocal (“at the father's place”): The marital residence is with the husband's father , the wife must move in.
    Virilocal ("at the place of the man"): The marital residence lies with the husband, his father, family , clan or at the place of his ancestry group ( lineage ), the wife moves in. Virilocal with the meaning “with or near the man's family” is preferred to the patrilocal, which is perceived as misleading .

Residence with the woman

Longhouse of the matrilineal Iroquois , for around 500 people (USA 1885)
  • Matrilokal ("at the mother's place"): The marital residence is with or near the mother of the wife, the husband moves in.
    Uxorilokal ("at the place of the wife"): The marital residence lies with the wife, her mother, family, her clan or at the place of her ancestry group (lineage), the husband brings in. Uxorilokal is currently preferred to the misleading matrilokal with the meaning “with or near the woman's family” .
    Avunkulokal ("at the place of the mother's brother"): The marital residence is with the husband's uncle , with his mother's brother. Avunculocality is not directly linked to the social paternity of the avunculate , which is particularly practiced in the NATO- local residential sequence.

Choice of residence

  • Neolokal ( Latin for "at the new place") describes in ethnosociology a residential order (residence rule) in which a married couple sets up a new household as a nuclear family after their marriage , independent of the families of both partners . The couple resides in a place that does not coincide with the birthplace or place of origin of the husband or that of the wife. In the case of neo-local residential succession, no cohabiting descent groups such as lineages or clans can form, or existing groups dissolve in the long term. Neo-locality is particularly widespread in the individualistically oriented, highly industrialized western societies and thus gives the impression of being the “normal” and globally common residence rule; in this case, however, unfavorable economic situations can lead to married couples living with their parents . In 1957, the anthropologist George P. Murdock found in his World Ethnographic Sample that only 27 of the 565 ethnic groups and indigenous peoples examined had neolocality as the predominant rule of residence. With them the social status of men and women was relatively balanced. In some cases, the transition from neo- and bilocality to matri- and patrilocality was observed, and vice versa.
  • Bilocal ("in both places"): This rule allows a couple to live temporarily with the husband's parents and temporarily with the wife's parents.
  • Ambilokal ("in one of the two places"): The couple has the free choice between viri or uxori local residence with the parents of one or the other spouse, according to the personal preferences of the couple or based on the relative wealth and influence of the respective partner Parent families.

Residence unchanged

  • Natolokal ( Latin for "at the place of birth") describes in ethnosociology a residential order (residence rule) in which both spouses stay in their respective birth households after their marriage, the marriage then takes the form of a visiting marriage , in which the husband usually visits the wife temporarily , sometimes only overnight (see Mosuo in China, Khasi in India). Both spouses continue to live with their own relatives after their marriage (rarely practiced long-term). The residences of both partners remain separate from each other, common children belong to the wife's family, often connected with an avunculate in which the wife's brother takes on the role of the social father for his sister's children (he becomes her uncle ).
  • Sambandham ( Sanskrit : "be linked relationship"), a kind of walking marriages : One to the 18th century in South India practiced ritual connection between women of matrilineal organized Nayar -Kriegerkaste and men of patrilineal Nambudiri -Brahmanenkaste in which each partner its own Maintains residence.

Relationship between residence and unilinear descent

Longhouse of the Ê Ðê in the Central Highlands (Vietnam 2006)

Evaluations of the datasets of around 1200 ethnic groups in the Ethnographic Atlas resulted in the following distribution values ​​for the rules of residence (residence) in societies with a patri- linear or matri- linear ancestry rule (descent):

  • 46 percent of all ethnic groups arrange their ancestry purely patrician linearly , after the fathers line (589 companies):
    00095.6 percent live viri / patrician locally at the husband, whose father, family, ethnic group ( Lineage ) or communities
    0000 living 4.2 percent before especially neo- local (residence “at the new place”)
    00000.2 percent lives uxori / matri- local with the wife, her mother or family (1 ethnic group)
  • 13 percent of all ethnic groups arrange their ancestry purely matri- linearly , according to the maternal line (164 societies):
    00037.8 percent live avunku- local with the husband's mother's brother,
    00032.3 percent live uxori / matri- local with the wife, her mother, family , Lineage or clan
    00018.3 percent live viri / patriotically with their husband or father
    00011.6 percent live primarily nato- local (     staying separately “at the place of birth”) or neo- local
  • 28 percent of all ethnic groups derive cognatically and bilaterally from fathers and mothers, with different living consequences, often neo- local
  • 08 percent of all ethnic groups are derived from mother or father in various social contexts, with different living consequences
  • 05 percent ambiguous or missing data

It becomes clear that peoples organized according to the paternal line establish marital residence almost exclusively with the man, while with matrilineal peoples all possibilities of choosing a residence can be found.

In relation to all ethnic groups worldwide:

  • about 50 percent live viri- locally and patrician linearly
  • around 03 percent live viri- local - but are matri- linear
  • approximately 05 percent live avunku- locally and Matri- linearly
  • around 05 percent live uxori- local and are matri- linear
  • only 1 patrilineal ethnic group lives uxori- locally

A practical example illustrates the differences (see also the Moiety dual system ):

The small Ngaing people in Papua New Guinea follow a double, bilinear rule of descent: In one village, the patrilineal descent groups (Patri- Lineages ) are 3 to 5 generations deep  and form Patri- Clans , which make up the basic unit of the settlement. The rules of exogamy (important for marriage), land rights (important for horticulture and hunting) and ritual rights (important for men's cult ceremonies) are passed on and inherited through them . The matrilineal descent groups (Matri- Lineages ), who are entitled parallel to the men and who unite the totem right, are organized in a similar manner. The groups live scattered in the settlement area because they follow the marital succession rule of the patriotic locality: A married couple's residence is set up with the husband who lives with his father. Meetings for joint activities do not take place.

See also

literature

  • Thomas Bargatzky : Ethnology. An introduction to the science of the primordial societies. Buske, Hamburg 1997, ISBN 3-87548-039-2 , pp. 112–113: Chapter 5.2 Descendent groups and local groups ( page previews in the Google book search).

Web links

  • Lukas, Schindler, Stockinger: Postnuptial Residence. In: Online Interactive Glossary: ​​Marriage, Marriage, and Family. Institute for Cultural and Social Anthropology, University of Vienna, 1997 (in-depth remarks on living-order keywords, with sources).;
  • Gabriele Rasuly-Paleczek: Representation of the forms of residence. (PDF; 705 kB) (No longer available online.) In: Introduction to Ethnosociology. Part 2/2, Institute for Cultural and Social Anthropology, University of Vienna, 2006, pp. 226–233 , archived from the original on October 1, 2008 (206 pages; documents for your lecture in the 2006 summer semester, better than in the 2011 summer semester).;
  • Hans-Rudolf Wicker: Guide for the introductory lecture in social anthropology, 1995–2012. (PDF: 387 kB, 47 pp.) Institute for Social Anthropology, University of Bern, July 31, 2012, pp. 13/14 and 30/31 (revised version).
  • Dieter Steiner : Conceptual vocabulary of the rules of residence and descent. In: Social in the narrower sense. Own homepage, Zurich, 1998 (professor emeritus for human ecology ).;
  • Brian Schwimmer: Household and Domestic Organization: Residence Rules. In: Tutorial: Kinship and Social Organization; 1995-2003. Department of Anthropology, University of Manitoba, Canada (part of an extensive relatives tutorial).;
  • Dennis O'Neil: Sex and Marriage. Behavioral Sciences Department, Palomar College, San Marcos California, 2009 (English, extensive study tutorial on marriage and its regulation, with clear illustrations).

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ a b The Ethnographic Atlas by George P. Murdock now contains data sets on 1300 ethnic groups (as of December 2012 in the InterSciWiki ), of which often only samples were evaluated, for example in the HRAF project .
  2. ↑ Gabriele Rasuly-Paleczek: ad. Neo-local. (PDF; 705 kB) (No longer available online.) In: Introduction to Ethnosociology. Part 2/2, University of Vienna, 2006, pp. 230-231 , archived from the original on October 1, 2008 ; accessed on March 13, 2020 : "neolokal: literally" new place ". Neo-locality: The newly married couple moves to a place that is neither predetermined by the relatives of the husband nor by those of the wife, but rather sets up their own independent household. (cf. SCHMITZ 1964: 110, VIVELO 1981: p. 233 and BARGATZKY 1985: p. 61) Definition of neolocal according to BARNARD / SPENCER: “neolocal: Marriage involving a new place of residence. Neolocality involves a couple moving to a place which is the previous home of neither party. [«] (BARNARD / SPENCER 1997: p. 615) A neolocal pattern of residence prevails in our society (cf. HARRIS 1971: p. 321), as well in many non-European societies as a result of migration. "
  3. ↑ Lukas, Schindler, Stockinger: neolocal residence. In: Online Interactive Glossary: ​​Marriage, Marriage, and Family. University of Vienna, 1997, accessed on March 13, 2020 : “neolocal residence, definition: The recording of the postnuptial residence in a place that is identical to the place of birth or origin of the husband or the wife. After the marriage, the couple therefore choose a new place of residence independent of the parents of both spouses. This residence practice leads to the dissolution of any potential unilinear kinship group. "
  4. ↑ Hans-Rudolf Wicker: Guide for the introductory lecture in social anthropology, 1995–2012. (PDF: 387 kB, 47 pp.) Institute for Social Anthropology, University of Bern, July 31, 2012, pp. 30/31; Quote: “With the data of the HRAF Murdock was able to prove the following transitions: […] - transitions from neo-to-bilocality were determined; - The transition from unilocality in connection with unilinear descent to neolocality has been proven. Such change often leads to the disintegration of clan and lineage systems; - The transition from neo- and bilocality to matri- and patrilocality was also observed ”.
  5. ↑ a b Dieter Steiner : Conceptual vocabulary of the rules of residence and descent. In: Social in the narrower sense. Own homepage, Zurich, 1998, accessed on March 13, 2020 (emeritus professor for human ecology ).
  6. ↑ Lukas, Schindler, Stockinger: Ambilocal residence. In: Online Interactive Glossary: ​​Marriage, Marriage, and Family. University of Vienna, 1997, accessed on March 13, 2020 .
  7. ↑ The visiting marriage document Uschi Madeisky , Klaus Werner: Where is owned by the husband only the night. Visiting marriage to the Jaintia in India. Colorama film for Norddeutscher Rundfunk (NDR), Germany 1999 (60 minutes; info ).
  8. ↑ Lukas, Schindler, Stockinger: Natolokale Residenz. In: Online Interactive Glossary: ​​Marriage, Marriage, and Family. University of Vienna, 1997, accessed on March 13, 2020 .
  9. ↑ Lukas, Schindler, Stockinger: Sambandham. In: Online Interactive Glossary: ​​Marriage, Marriage, and Family. University of Vienna, 1997, accessed on March 13, 2020 .
  10. ^ J. Patrick Gray: Ethnographic Atlas Codebook. In: World Cultures. Volume 10, No. 1, 1998, pp. 86–136, here p. 104: Table 43 Descent: Major Type (one of the few evaluations of all 1267 ethnic groups at that time; PDF file; 2.4 MB; without page numbers ): “ 584 patrilineal […] 160 matrilineal "(46.1% patrilineal; 12.6% matrilineal).
  11. ↑ Hans-Rudolf Wicker: Guide for the introductory lecture in social anthropology, 1995–2012. (PDF: 387 kB, 47 p.) Institute for Social Anthropology, University of Bern, July 31, 2012, p. 13/14 (table: relationship between descent and post-marital residency ).
    The numbers on p. 13/14:
    589 patrilineal ethnic groups - their place of residence after marriage (residence rule):
    000563 (95.6%) live viri / patri-local with the husband or his father
    000001 0(0.2%) live uxori / matri-local with the wife or her mother
    000025 0(4.2%) have different rules of residence: neolokal, natolokal u. a.
    164 matrilineal ethnic groups - their matrimonial residence after marriage:
    000062 (37.8%) live avunculocally with the husband's mother's brother or mother's brother
    000053 (32.3%) live uxori / matri-locally with the wife or mother
    000030 (18 , 3%) live viri / patri-local with the husband or his father
    000019 (11.6%) have different rules of residence: neolocal, natolokal, etc. a.
  12. ↑ Robin Fox: Kinship and Marriage. To Anthropological Perspective. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 1967, ISBN 0-521-27823-6 , p. 115 (English; page preview in Google Book Search).