Patrilinearity ( Latin "in the line of the father": father line ) or father line refers to the transfer and inheritance of social characteristics and property as well as the family name exclusively through the male line from fathers to sons . The transfer of done kinship relations , social positions , offices, prestige , privileges and property from one generation to the next unilinear after the descentof the man. The line of the woman and her mother or her father has no meaning. Daughters are not taken into account in the paternal line of succession because they cannot continue the line of their father on their own: After a marriage , wives have to leave their parents' house and move in with their husbands ( patrilocality ) . Children together are then counted as part of his family and continue his line, not the name or lineage of the wife or her father.
The best-known forms of patrilinearity are “ lineages ”, especially among noble families and ruling families in the European cultural area . An ancestral line consists of an uninterrupted, always maritally legitimized father-son sequence back to a " progenitor ", the original founder of the family; Such a line is sometimes referred to as agnatic , previously also referred to as "paternal law".
Patrilinearity is a term used in ethnosociology to study the ideas of descent ( rules of descent ) and their significance for the social organization of a society , especially among ethnic groups and indigenous peoples . The direct opposite is matrilinearity , in which descent, transmission, and heredity are only regulated through the line of the mothers . There are also mixed forms, such as the bilateral, cognatic-bilateral derivation of the parentage of father and mother, which is also common in modern societies . For a few ethnic groups, sons inherit from their fathers and daughters from their mothers ( parallel inheritance ).
Around 50% of the 1300 ethnic peoples worldwide recorded in the Ethnographic Atlas are arranged in ascending order according to their origin using the line of the man, his father, his father ( grandfather ) and so on. This pure fathers-sons line is based on consanguinity and biological paternity , but does not always have to correspond to the facts (see cuckoo children ), especially in the case of generations of ancestors that are only orally transmitted (see legends of origin ). In addition, legal forms of relationship possible ( adoption , paternity ). In almost all patrilineal groups and societies, after a marriage, the marital residence is at the place of the husband, usually with his father, the wife has to move in.
In archaeological heredity ( archaeogenetics ), a human Adam of the Y chromosome was calculated using the " paternal " inheritance of the male Y-sex chromosome , who lived in Africa an estimated 75,000 years ago: With this Adam all men living today should be biologically in direct Line ( see below ).
In the patrilineal descent of a social group or society , only the male lineage of a person's ancestors decides about their group affiliations with corresponding rights and obligations. This father line runs in ascending order over the father , his father ( grandfather ), in turn his father ( great-grandfather ) and so on back. Patrilineal family trees refer at least to the paternal great-great-grandfather, but often have a depth of ten or more forefather generations. Paternal lines understand themselves as " bloodline ", whereby in each generation it is important that the descendant comes from a legitimate marriage ( marital status ). Special rules apply to legal paternity , for example through adoption or recognition of a child .
The sole reference to paternal origin inevitably means that the male sequence can only be continued in descending order via (legitimate) sons - daughters cannot continue their own paternal line because their children ( grandchildren ) are part of their husband's family, bear his family name and carry on his line, but not the line of his mother or her father. Almost always the wife has to move to the husband or his family after the marriage ( patrilocality ), often the social status and possible property of the wife is transferred to the husband. Consequently, it becomes the goal of every man within a marriage to produce a male " ancestor " who in turn produces a legitimate male descendant, and so on, otherwise his branch of the paternal "family tree" would end. Wives are expected to give birth to many sons so that at least one survives, whereby the firstborn or at least the oldest son is often preferred (principle of inheritance of primogeniture ).
"A daughter does not inherit any land from her father, unless she has no brothers, if she is an heir (wife-heir) , and then only for life."
Patrilinearity is a social construct , a conceptual idea that members of a group or society have of their origin ( ascendency ). The current lineage system (descent) acts as a social norm and controls , a man to whom his relationship is one and who not, who he can marry and who not, and from whom he inherited to whom he will inherit and.
In specialist literature as well as in international usage, the terms are often separated with a hyphen: Patri- Linearity , Patri- Locality , Patri- Lineage and Patri- Clan , in order to make it easier to distinguish them in the context of the text, also from maternal word combinations .
A purely patrilineal sequence of inheritance is sometimes referred to as agnatic , a term from ancient Roman law for exclusively male blood relatives , the agnates ( Latin agnatus "the born-in / after-born"), who are derived in an uninterrupted male paternal line from a common ancestor . Agnation was part of the Roman concept of “paternal violence” ( Patria Potestas ) and viewed women and male relatives as only “cognatic” (Latin “born with”), they did not belong to the “male line” (see also marriage in the Roman Empire ). Agnatically, a son is not related to his father's sisters ( aunts ), strictly speaking not even to his own sisters. The two invented “ family trees of Jesus Christ ” in the biblical Gospels provide good examples of agnation : pure (heir) father sequences over up to 78 generations ; the four ancestral mothers are the only women, but are only mentioned because agnates died without an heir son (see heir daughter ).
This view of women as cognatic distinguishes agnation from other patrilineal systems, in which the daughters are also considered to be members of the patrilineal descent group, but only the male members of the Patri line can pass on membership in the line to their descendants, including theirs Daughters.
In contrast to the extremely patriarchal legal concept of the Romans, patrilinearity is not necessarily connected with social domination , but it forms a basis for this. A distinction must also be made as to whether patrilinearity is examined as “paternal success” in individual social groups or in entire societies, and whether historical peoples are examined or current ethnic groups and indigenous peoples .
The Ethnosociology examined descent rules in terms of the resulting relationships , marriage rules and social organization; Actual biological relationships are only of marginal interest . The reasons why groups and societies with decided exclusivity only (still) follow the patrilineal line of fatherhood and not the obvious line of mothers or both lines at the same time are also explored. In contrast, more than half of the 1,300 indigenous peoples and ethnic groups worldwide have developed other concepts of descent and inheritance and follow the maternal line or both lines, which results in other relationships, marriage customs and social structures.
Patrilinearity used to be referred to as patrician law , because the systematic exclusion of daughters (and illegitimate children) from the lineage, together with birthright rights , is a right of inheritance and is a (pre-state) legal system (see also legal ethnology ). However, a father's right in the sense of male rule ( patriarchy ) includes more than just the paternal parentage regulation. The concept of paternal law was introduced in 1861 by the Swiss legal historian Johann Jakob Bachofen in his work The mother law, but is avoided in current research because of its vagueness. In addition, Bachofen had developed the term as part of his three-stage development theory of human societies ( evolutionism ), which is considered outdated (see multilinear evolution ).
The work of Bachofen and other "ethnologists" ( ethnologists ) accelerated the scientific development of today's ethnology ( social anthropology ), above all with extensive field research and data collections, which are recorded in the Ethnographic Atlas to this day (as of 2018: 1300 ethnic groups). In ethnology, ethnosociology was then developed from 1900, as a sub-area of ethnology and sociology , in order to systematize the investigation of social relationships in groups and societies. In recent research, the importance of descent in its manifestations of patrilinearity and matrilinearity is also fundamentally questioned (see criticism of the concept of descent ).
Patri-linearity as the sole origin usually follow 46% of the world's recognized indigenous peoples and ethnic groups (1998: 584 of 1267), of these live again 96% after a marriage patrician locally at the husband, whose father, family or lineage ( lineage , clan ) . In addition, there are around 5% (63 ethnic groups) for whom patri-linearity only applies to some of the social groups, while at the same time other lineages or clans align themselves matri- linearly to the maternal line (see also the frequent moiety system of two blood lines ).
A practical example illustrates the differences to purely patrilineal societies:
The small people of Ngaing in Papua New Guinea following a two-line, bilinear ancestry rule, from the father and the mother. In the village, the patriotic lineages comprise 3 to 5 generations and form larger patriotic clans , which make up the basic units of the settlement. The rules of exogamous marriage (between the clans), land rights (important for horticulture and hunting) and ritual rights (important for men's cult ceremonies ) are passed on and inherited through them . The maternal lineage groups (Matri- Lineages ), who are entitled to paralell to the men, are organized in a similar way, and they unite the totem right and thus exercise protective spirit functions. The individual groups live scattered in the settlement area and follow the marital continuation of residence rule of the patriotic locality: The residence of a married couple is set up with the husband who lives with his father. Both groups do not meet for joint activities.
Before social groups can organize themselves into patrilinear extended families , clans or tribes , they must be aware of the fact of biological paternity as the participation of male living beings in the generation of offspring. Going further, they must recognize human biological fatherhood , the fact that the man is involved in the creation of new life through the sexual act , which the woman gives birth to around nine months later. This involvement is not obvious, because conception as a fusion of sperm and egg cell can not be observed during fertilization , and the temporal relationship to later birth is barely comprehensible (even today, see presumption of paternity ).
The knowledge of biological paternity spread through animal husbandry , agriculture and sedentarism in a development lasting thousands of years from around 10,000 BC. In the wake of the " Neolithic Revolution " in various parts of the world. In 1914, the Polish researcher Bronislaw Malinowski found a society among the Trobrianders in Melanesia in the South Pacific that was not aware of biological paternity. With the increasing Neolithization and the spread of new knowledge, groups or entire societies developed or took over patrilineal forms of social organization at different times and for different reasons.
Single-line ( unilinear ) systems of descent such as patrilinearity can be found in many non-state-forming societies and ethnic groups in which important goods such as land and cattle must be divided up and bequeathed (see also Development of Private Property ). Georg Simmel sees a connection between the establishment of nomadic ways of life and patrilineal kinship systems. With the mobility of property, men remove women from the neighborhood of their families of origin.
Nevertheless, matriarchal descent retained or acquired a certain significance in incest prohibitions with regard to the mating of a son with close relatives from his maternal line.
Missing proof of paternity
For the first time in 1926 in Vienna , an anthropological report provided scientific evidence of a child's descent from a particular man. In the presence of which allows genetic analysis of a irrebuttable uniqueness , to parentage during pregnancy .
Since there is basically no external evidence of paternity that is equivalent to the birth of the child for a husband (a similar appearance is only an indication ), there is always the possibility that someone other than the husband is the biological father ( genitor ) of the child. This fundamental problem of patrilinearity is shown in the 2000 year old Roman legal proverb Pater semper incertus est: "The father is always uncertain", he first has to formally recognize the child as his. In contrast, Mater semper certa est : “The mother is always safe”, the mother is the woman who gave birth to the child (literally since 1992 in the German Civil Code in ). From this it followed with the Romans Pater est, quem nuptiae demonstrant: "Father is [only] who is proven to be such by marriage" (see also fatherhood in German law ).
The basis of almost all patrilineal groups and societies is therefore an official recognition of the paternity of legitimate children in social and, above all, legal aspects (see also declaration of marital status ). Usually this takes place in the days after the birth; some groups basically allow the father not to accept the child as his own and to reject paternity. The Roman patriarchal law Patria Potestas even allowed infanticide . With increasing social status , the clarity of parentage plays an increasingly important role, and in the event of a dispute, the arguments regarding the legitimacy of descendants and their (illegitimate) marital status become more intense .
The assurance of biological paternity is seen as an essential reason for patrilineal succession (see also Male Succession and Female Chastity in the Middle Ages , as well as Religious Provisions to Ensure Paternity ). One of the oldest surviving Germanic legal collections excluded women from the line of succession , even if there were no male heirs : the famous Lex Salica (Salic law) of the Frankish king Clovis I from the year 511, who had been baptized a Catholic a few years earlier .
In the strictly patrilineal Arab cultural area , as soon as the first son is born, a husband and his wife receive the kunya as a new component of the name: "Father of [name of son]" (Abū ...) and "Mother of [name of son]" (Umm ...) . Thus, after the birth of his first son al-Qāsim , the Prophet Mohammed was called Abu l-Qāsim : "father of al-Qāsim". Addressing a person with their kunya is a tribute to them. The Viennese social historian Michael Mitterauer wrote in 2003:
“The“ kunya ”in its original meaning shows the enormous importance of son births in this cultural area. Having ensured the continuation of the male line changed the position of a man or his wife in such a way that the personal name was expanded. The importance of son births has a fundamental influence on the family structure. "
Residence with a man is the norm
In almost all patrilineal groups or societies, a wife has to leave her parental home after her marriage and move to the residence or place of residence of her husband, his father or his family. This marital residential sequence ( residence rule ) is referred to as patriotic locality ( Latin “at the father's place”) or more generally as viri locality (“at the man's place”). This creates close relationships between the father and his sons and between the brothers and their families, while the wife's family is irrelevant. Usually fathers, brothers and sons form a core group, up to extensive Patri- Lineages and Patri- Clans , within which all kinship relationships relate to only one paternal line. All daughters marry outside (see exogamy ), sons bring in wives from other descent groups.
96 percent of all ethnic groups practicing with Patrilinearität patrilocality - all patrician local ethnic groups are 95 percent patrician linear (see ratio of residence and unilinear descent ). Worldwide there is only one ethnic group with a patri- linear rule of descent, but a matri- local residential sequence rule.
Patrilineal gender rules
In patrilineal communities and societies, the father is responsible for the social status of his ( recognized ) children, he also claims their representation to the outside world and the power of disposal over them. In marriages, this can not only affect common children, but also his children of other (former) women and the (former) children of his wife (s) who are not descended from him. The social and legal position of the wife depends very much on her ability to bear the largest possible number of male offspring. The inability to father sons often leads to the renunciation of the wife, to divorce from her or to marriage with a second or third wife ( polygyny , see polygyny ).
In order to exclude the possibility that the child of a married couple comes from another man, the patrilineal cultures develop many and drastic social regulations for the sexual coexistence (also in Germany the obedience paragraph was valid until 1957 ) . Wives should be kept away from other sexual contacts through limited opportunities to go out, concealment and severe punishment in the event of cheating . However, all unmarried women of fertile age are directly or indirectly affected by such rules . This results in a gender hierarchy in which women are pushed out of the public space, up to and including gender segregation in family meals.
In many old legal systems the woman was subordinate to the man: first to the father, then to the husband, as a widow and finally to the son (see gender guardianship as family patriarchalism: legal dependency of women).
Since daughters cannot continue their paternal line - their children are counted as part of the family and line of their respective husbands - men need male " ancestors ". From this context follows the growing disadvantage of daughters in patrilineal groups and societies. In extreme cases, unwanted daughters are even abandoned or killed (see Patria Potestas and the killing of women ). Not only are daughters excluded from the passing on and inheritance of social properties and property from their father - it is also not worth investing in them, because the time and material expenditure would be lost as soon as the daughter has moved to the husband's family after her marriage. This leads to daughters being “ married off ” as early as possible so that the husband can continue to support them and thereby relieve their family. In many cultures (including matrilineal ones ) a “ bride price ” is common, which the groom pays the parents of the bride (usually the father), also as compensation for his “expenses” of raising a daughter.
So it is worthwhile to make a certain effort to make daughters more interesting for their marriage, so that they can find a husband who is as wealthy as possible who will take care of them for life. In patrilineal cultural areas, this results in a restriction first of daughters, and finally of all women, to “feminine” qualities and skills that men like (see cultural conception of “femininity” and misogyny ).
The study of various kinship terms was approved by the Ethnosociology long time the center of their field research found. Extensive descriptions attempted to explain the various kinship relationships of ethnic societies and to distinguish them (see kinship systems according to Murdock ). In the meantime, ethnosociology understands the respective kinship system as only one of several factors in the investigation of social structures and the position of the individual in them.
Patrilineal kinship groups ( Kindreds ) include indirect blood relatives such as uncles , great aunts or nephews ( collateral relatives ) of both sexes, but never relatives of married-in wives ( brotherhood : affine , "adjacent" relatives). In the agnatic understanding of male succession, women are generally not counted as part of their own line, and daughters are also classified as only “ cognatic ” (“co-born”).
In patrilineal groups, relatives are mainly differentiated according to whether they are descended from siblings of different sexes (cross relatives ) or from siblings of the same sex (parallel relatives ) (see also patrilateral kinship ). This differentiation of the collateral side relatives into cross relatives and parallel relatives is one of the most important conditions for the systematic classification of kinship systems and for the explanation of marriage regulations.
The family separation plays a role especially in marriages , especially in cross-cousin marriages , in which a child of the father sister or mother brother may be married. For the sons will continue the man's line, not that of the mother. A special form of marriage develops in which “ illegitimate ” children are excluded.
"Father is whoever has been proven to be such by marriage: Pater est, quem nuptiae demonstrant "
- Within a patrilineal grouping of the Akan (Ntoro) , the following persons are taboo as sexual partners :
- the sister of one's own father,
- the daughter of one's own father's brother,
- the daughter of the son of the brother of his own father,
- the daughter of one's own son,
- as well as all women belonging to the same patrilineal group.
Far-reaching relationship systems develop, which through repeated marriages over several generations between different patrilineal descent groups or other kinship groups lead to a permanent alliance , with fixed marriage relationships only among each other.
In general, there is a ban on marriage to members of one's own descent group (lineage). But there is also a mirror-like principle of internal marriage ( endogamy ), according to which the members of the group should choose the spouse from the usually more extensive ancestry group, i.e. from a different segment than that to which their own lineage belongs.
Patrilineal groups and societies are almost always organized according to the principle of male seniority : the first-born (or) eldest son stands above his siblings , also above older sisters, he is the “ ancestor ”. The reason for the preference for the eldest son lies in the fact that the father has a longer influence; in patrilineal societies, the eldest son is habitually trained in the skills and occupation of the father and thus has the advantage of a longer education.
The eldest son is therefore with his birthright or elders right also in the first place in the line of succession (in matrilineal descent groups the last-born daughter, see Ultimagenitur with the northeast Indian Khasi ). In the event that there are no male descendants, patrilineal family genders develop complicated regulations regarding inheritance and legal succession , such as the majorate , the minorate , or in rare cases an heirloom or maiden rights . Sometimes the rights of the sons of a deceased family man have to be weighed against the privileges of his older brothers ( uncles ). In the nobility of the European cultural area which branches in such breaking points main line in a main and a secondary line or in a plurality of side lines (see House law ) as "male line" can be designated main line "go out" (see also crest right ).
Idealization of virility
Due to the lack of verifiability of fatherhood, it is easy for patrilineal groups to refer to a legendary or mythical generation of ancestors in order to construct group affiliations and rights derived from it (“genealogical fiction”, see legends of origin , examples: biblical “ father history ” and “ family trees Jesus ”).
In cultures with a patrilineal understanding of ancestry, the man's / father's power of procreation is often meaningfully excessive, for example through the wishful conception of the sperm as “male semen”, although it is not germinable in and of itself and therefore cannot be compared with plant seeds . So claimed in the 5th century BC BC the Greek philosophers Hippon and Anaxagoras , that only men form fertile seeds and the female organism only nourishes the germ, only serves as a "vessel" (see prehistory of genetics ).
A well-known example of this: The small patrilineal people of the Etoro in Papua New Guinea believes that sperm is the source of all male strength and power. Sperm is a scarce resource that cannot be produced, but can only be passed on by men to adolescent boys. As a result, men are reluctant to give their sperm to women except for the purpose of reproduction , and only for about 100 ritual days per year. With the Etoro, the ritual transition from boy to man ( initiation ) requires that pubescent boys perform oral sex ( blowjobs ) on older men and swallow their sperm. In this way, the boys should be given the ability to pass on the sperm they received to younger boys and women. Because the Etoro believe that homosexual intercourse strengthens boys and increases the fertility of plants, sex between men is not restricted. Such ideas can also be found among other peoples on the large island of New Guinea .
Basically, from the fact that the female side cannot continue the father-side line independently and cannot transfer her social position and property to her children (only to her husband), a social and cultural concentration on the man and his " masculinity " develops . Eventually the first human becomes a man (e.g. Adam ) and ultimately a male origin is asserted for all life. This view culminates in androcentrism , which sees men as the center, yardstick and norm and sees women as a deviation from this norm (compare hegemonic masculinity and masculinism ).
For all monotheistic religions (one- god belief ) and also for other belief systems , the patrilinear descent of their deities and spiritual beings , their prophets or their priests is of decisive importance, in Christianity starting with the progenitor Abraham up to the idea of God the father with his incarnate Son of God , the " Consecrated virgins " are betrothed as brides of Christ (see The Mystical Wedding of Consecrated Virgins ).
Even in classical Judaism , the line of succession for kings or high-ranking personalities was almost exclusively male. In the Old Testament , the Israelite King David received from his god YHWH the promise of the "eternal succession" ( 2 Book Samuel 7: 12-13 ), accordingly the Messiah (savior) became a late-born "root sprout" of the patrilineal line of the royal house of David hoped for ( Book Isaiah 11: 1 , see also the root of Jesse ). The Gospels of Luke and Matthew later create suitable " family trees of Jesus ": strictly agnatic lineages with up to 73 generations in a pure father-heir-son sequence in order to assert the descent of Jesus of Nazareth from the royal David (a " tipping " by means of a legend of origin).
In Jewish religious law ( Halacha ), Abraham is still regarded as the “ patriarch ” of the people. Even today, family membership is inherited only patrilineally, as is the tribal membership as Kohen (successor of the brother of Moses Aaron ) or as Levite (after the progenitor Levi , see also Levi of the Y chromosome ), as well as the community identity as a Sephardic or Ashkenazi Jew. For religious affiliation, on the other hand, only the mother is decisive: in conservative and Orthodox Judaism , a Jew is only considered to be a child of a Jewish mother. In the State of Israel , too , only a Jew whose ancestors were Jewish up to four generations back is officially considered a Jew, i.e. in a purely maternal line back to the great-great-grandmother .
In some religions , the idealization of patrilineal procreative power culminates in the mythological image of headbirth by male deities, the most famous example is Athena : the founding goddess of the Greek city of Athens arises from the head of the father of gods Zeus (see also thighbirth ). Such concepts reflect the historical interrogation of a foreign deity and their submission to an existing patrilineal system of descent.
In one-god religions, the idealization of manhood finally reaches its climax in the idea of a single male “ god ” as the sole “ creator of everything ”, who is almost always associated with a combative claim to absoluteness and does not tolerate any other creeds or revelations . In Yazidi monotheism there is not even a personification of evil because its god would be weak if he tolerated a second force beside him.
Genetic "Adam of the Y chromosome"
In biological heredity ( genetics ) the father side, may paternal lineage on the Y chromosome of man are determined on the basis of sections of DNA that without change from generation to generation passed on to - in people so the father only to his sons .
By analyzing lineages, archaeogenetics reconstructs the genetic history of a species . There, Adam of the Y chromosome refers to that primeval man who, as the common progenitor of all contemporary men, is biologically related through an unbroken line of exclusively male descendants. However, he does not necessarily have to be the ancestor of all women living today, because the analysis of the Y sex chromosome can only be carried out in men.
This Adam is a male complement to Eve of the mitochondria , the primeval first woman who is related to all present persons (not just women) through the unbroken line of her descendants and from whom all present human mitochondria (energy power plants) in our cells descend.
Current studies of the internal molecular clock and various genetic markers (short DNA segments) suggest that the calculated Adam of the Y chromosome lived in Africa an estimated 60,000 to 90,000 years ago , as did mitochondrial Eve , theirs around 100,000 years earlier Age is estimated to be 175,000 years (± 50,000).
However, a 2013 study for the Y chromosome of an African American man calculated that his sex chromosome had separated from all other Y chromosome lines an estimated 333,000 years ago and was similar to today's Y chromosomes of eleven men in African Cameroon .
- Chieftainship (political organization) - chief ↔ clan mother
- Patriarchy ( patriarchy )
- unilinear rules of descent (unilinear descent)
- Gabriele Rasuly-Paleczek: Relationships as an essential aspect of the formation of social groups; Descent as an essential category of group formation. ( Memento of October 21, 2013 in the Internet Archive ) (PDF: 1.9 MB, 58 pages: 33–90) In: Introduction to the forms of social organization (Part 2/5). Institute for Cultural and Social Anthropology, University of Vienna, 2011, pp. 37–41 and 45–63 (documents for their lecture in the summer semester 2011).
- Hans-Rudolf Wicker: 4. Matri-, patrilinearity and social evolution; 5. Men's worlds, women's worlds. (PDF: 387 kB; 47 pages) In: Guidelines for the introductory lecture in social anthropology, 1995–2012. Institute for Social Anthropology, University of Bern, July 31, 2012, pp. 27–35 (lecture notes; professor emeritus for ethnology).
- Gabriele Rasuly-Paleczek: Patrilineare Deszendenz. In: Introduction to Ethnosociology (Part 2/2). (PDF: 705 kB; 206 pages: 154–359) (No longer available online.) Lecture notes, Institute for Cultural and Social Anthropology, University of Vienna, 2006, p. 197 , archived from the original on October 1, 2008 ; accessed on March 12, 2020 : “The patrilineal descent, sometimes also called agnatic descent , is [...] a form of unilineal descent that is only derived from men. (VIVELO 1981: p.222) […] It should be noted in connection with patrilinearity, as already explained above, that although the descent occurs only through the men, the women are also members of the patrilinear descent group. Also ego 's sisters, Ego's daughters and Ego's patrilaterale aunts etc. are members of Ego's patriline. But it is only the male members of the patriline who can pass on membership in the patriline to their descendants. (cf. KEESING 1975: p.18) […] women derive their descent in a patrilineal system in exactly the same way as men. (VIVELO 1981: p.222) " .
- Hans-Rudolf Wicker: Deszendenz. In: Guide to Introductory Lecture in Social Anthropology, 1995–2012. (PDF: 387 kB; 47 pages) Lecture notes, Institute for Social Anthropology, University of Bern, July 31, 2012, pp. 11–12 , accessed on March 23, 2018 (Wicker is a professor emeritus of Ethnology): “Unilineare Deszendenz is a limitation on the paternal (patrilinear or agnatic) or maternal (matrilinear) line. [...] In accentuated form, unilinear descent can be found in many societies in which important goods (land, cattle) have to be divided up and bequeathed. Agricultural societies (e.g. China and Japan) or cattle breeding societies (Central Asia, the Near East, East Africa) therefore produced unilinearly organized relationships far more frequently than hunters. The sedentary way of life promotes territorial identification and the emphasis on group unity and solidarity. For example, the Nuer in southern Sudan (Evans-Pritchard 1940) and the Tallensi of Ghana (Fortes 1945) are patrilinearly organized. The Nayar in South India, Navajo, Trobriander, Iroquois, Tonga, Munduruku […] ”are organized in a matrilineal way .
- Duden editorial team: Father law. In: Duden online. Accessed on March 23, 2018 : "Father law: 1. (Ethnology) legal order in which descent and succession follow the paternal line" . Ibid: patrilineal: “following the paternal line in the line of succession; paternal law ".
- Lexicon entry: Father law . In: Bertelsmann: The new Universal Lexicon. Knowledge Media Verlag , Gütersloh / Munich 2006, p. 983 ( side view in the Google book search): “Father law, a social order, especially among shepherd peoples, the inheritance law and kinship of the individual according to his descent in fatherly. Line (patrilinear) determined. "
- The Ethnographic Atlas was founded in 1962 by the American anthropologist George Peter Murdock and contains extensive data sets on 1,300 ethnic groups and indigenous peoples worldwide (as of 2018 in InterSciWiki ); it serves the holistic cultural comparison of the peoples, z. B. in the international HRAF project .
J. Patrick Gray: Ethnographic Atlas Codebook. In: World Cultures. Volume 10, No. 1, 1998, pp. 86–136, here p. 104: Table 43 Descent: Major Type (English; one of the few evaluations of all ethnic groups recorded at that time in 1267; PDF: 2.4 MB, without page numbers on ss .uci.edu);
Quote: "584 Patrilineal […] 160 Matrilineal […] 52 Duolateral […] 49 Ambilineal […] 11 Quasi-lineages […] 349 bilateral […] 45 Mixed […] 17 Missing data".
Percent of the 1,267 ethnic groups (1998):
584 = 46.1% patrician linear: origin from the father and his forefathers
160 = 12.6% Matri- linear : origin of the mother and her foremothers
52 = 4.1% bi- linear , duolateral : different from mother and father from
49 = 3.9% ambi- linear : origin selected from mother or father
11 = 0.9% parallel : some of the mother, father from the other (quasi-lines)
349 = 27 , 6% bilateral, cognatic : origin of both mother and father (as in Western culture )
45 = 3.6% mixed + 17 = 1.6% missing data.
The Ethnographic Atlas by George P. Murdock now contains data sets on 1300 ethnic groups (as of 2015 in the InterSciWiki ), of which often only samples were evaluated, for example in the HRAF research project , a large-scale database for holistic cultural comparisons of 400 recorded peoples.
- Hans-Rudolf Wicker: Post-maritime housing rules. In: Guide to Introductory Lecture in Social Anthropology, 1995–2012. (PDF: 387 kB; 47 pages) Lecture notes, Institute for Social Anthropology, University of Bern, July 31, 2012, p. 13 , accessed on March 23, 2018 (Wicker is emeritus professor of ethnology): “In societies in which the patri - or if the local order of residence dominates, fathers, brothers and sons usually form a core group. In societies in which the matri- or uxorilocal order of living dominates, mothers, sisters and daughters usually form a core group. "
- Elke Hartmann : On the history of the matriarchal idea (= public lectures of the Humboldt University. Issue 133). Universität Berlin 2004, p. 19 (Inaugural lecture on the reception of Bachofen's Das Mutterrecht from 1861 to the present day; PDF: 296 kB, 37 pages on hu-berlin.de ).
Hans-Rudolf Wicker: Post-maritime housing rules. In:
Guide to Introductory Lecture in Social Anthropology, 1995–2012. (PDF: 387 kB, 47 pages) Lecture notes, Institute for Social Anthropology, University of Berne, July 31, 2012, pp 13-14 , accessed on 23 March 2018 (Wicker is professor emeritus of anthropology ).
The figures from the table on p. 14:
589 patrilineal ethnic groups - their marital residence after marriage ( residence rule ):
563 (95.6%) live viri / patri-local with the husband or his father
1 (0.2%) lives uxori / matri-local for the wife or her mother
25 (4.2%) have different rules of residence: neolocal , natolokal, etc.
- Dieter Steiner : Example of a modern transition society: The Trobriand islanders. In: Social in the narrower sense. Own homepage, Zurich, 1998, accessed on March 23, 2018 (Steiner is a professor emeritus for human ecology ): “At that time the Trobrianders still had a matrilineal organization in which parentage, kinship and social relationships were based on their mothers. Women had a significant share in community life [...] The male act of procreation was unknown and accordingly a child was viewed as only related to the mother. "
- Georg Simmel: Sociology of space , in: Rüdiger Kramme, Angela Rammstedt, Otthein Rammstedt (ed.): Georg Simmel: Complete edition in 24 volumes. Volume 7: Articles and Treatises 1901–1908. Volume I. Suhrkamp, Frankfurt.
- Gerhard Bott : The invention of the gods. Essays on Political Theology. Book on Demand, Norderstedt 2009, ISBN 978-3-8370-3272-7 , pp. 97 ff. (The long-time television journalist provides an in-depth, source-based argumentation on actually "bilinear" patrilinearity; page views in the Google book search).
- Otto Reche : On the history of biological proof of descent in Germany. In: People and Race. Volume 13, 1938, pp. 369-375. Note: The anthropological journal Volk und Rasse is a National Socialist source; Reche showed himself to be a supporter of the genocide in Eastern Europe during the Second World War - but the assessment of the Vienna report of 1926 as the first scientific evidence should be credible.
- Michael Mitterauer : Why Europe? Medieval basics of a special path. 4th edition. Beck, Munich 2004, ISBN 3-406-50893-6 , p. 101 ( side view in the Google book search).
- Gabriele Rasuly-Paleczek: Mechanisms to ensure patrilinear descent. In: Introduction to the forms of social organization (part 2/5). (PDF: 1.9 MB; 58 pages: 33–90) (No longer available online.) Lecture notes, Institute for Cultural and Social Anthropology, University of Vienna, 2011, p. 63 , archived from the original on October 21, 2013 ; Retrieved on March 12, 2020 : “We have already mentioned above that the conception of male offspring is of essential importance, since the continuation of the patriline can only be ensured through the male offspring. We also briefly went into the fact that the social status of a woman and her socio-legal position depend to a large extent on her ability to create the largest possible number of male offspring. Inability to bear male offspring often leads to the repudiation or divorce of the woman or to marriage to a second or third woman. "
Gabriele Rasuly-Paleczek: Characteristics of patrilineal societies in the Middle East. In:
Introduction to Ethnosociology (Part 2/2). (PDF: 705 kB; 206 pages: 154–359) (No longer available online.) Lecture notes, Institute for Cultural and Social Anthropology, University of Vienna, 2006, pp. 198–199 , archived from the original on October 1, 2008 ; Retrieved on March 12, 2020 : "[...] (see, for example, the research of Prof. DOSTAL) [...] DOSTAL names the following seven factors which, in his opinion, are relevant in relation to those shaped by the patrilineal ideology
Moral notions :
- strict sexual regulations
- preservation of the purity of descent
- separation of girls and married women
- high value of virginity
- severe punishment if one of the commandments is violated
- seniority principle
- high social
value of ancestors (according to DOSTAL: lecture "Introduction to Ethnosociology" WS 1991 / 92 [...]) " .
- Lukas, Schindler, Stockinger: Alliance system. In: Online Interactive Glossary: Marriage, Marriage, and Family. Institute for Cultural and Social Anthropology, University of Vienna, 1993–1997, accessed on March 12, 2020 (in-depth remarks, with references): “Alliance system: a system of relationships that is established and lasting through marriages between unilinear descendent groups or other kinship groups that have been repeated over several generations Marriage relationships are produced or expressed through them. "
- Gabriele Rasuly-Paleczek: Marriage forms. In: Introduction to Ethnosociology (Part 2/2). (PDF: 705 kB; 206 pages: 154–359) (No longer available online.) Lecture notes, Institute for Cultural and Social Anthropology, University of Vienna, 2006, p. 190 , archived from the original on October 1, 2008 ; accessed on March 12, 2020 : “In general, there is a ban on marriage to members of [one's] own lineage. However, there is a mirror-like principle of endogamy, which says that the members of the group should choose the spouse from the usually larger descent group. (cf. BARGATZKY 1985: p.58) That means, for example, from a different segment than the segment to which your own lineage belongs. "
- See on the subject of “male line and name line”: Bernhard Peter: All around the coat of arms: Passing on coats of arms in the family. Own homepage, 2006–2015, accessed on March 23, 2018 .
- Gabriele Rasuly-Paleczek: genealogical fiction. In: Introduction to Ethnosociology (Part 1/2). (PDF: 250 kB; 82 pages; without page numbers) (No longer available online.) Lecture notes, Institute for Cultural and Social Anthropology, University of Vienna, 2006, p. 69 , archived from the original on October 1, 2008 ; Retrieved on March 12, 2020 : "[…]" Genealogical fiction: A phenomenon related to Genealogical Amnesia, whereby genealogies may be adjusted to suit better the requirements of the present-day social and kinship structure or the interests of the person or group concerned . Actual genealogical ties may be forgotten or suppressed and new ones substituted. This process of readjustment or reconstruction of genealogies reveals aspects of the interplay between the 'ideal models' or kinship structure and the realities of relationships between persons and groups. (See Descent: Lineage Theory). "(SEYMOUR-SMITH 1986: p.130)" .
- Barbara A. West: Etoro (Edolo, Etolo). In: Same: Encyclopedia of the Peoples of Asia and Oceania. Infobase Publishing, New York 2009, ISBN 978-0-8160-7109-8 , p. 202 ( side view in Google book search).
- Dennis O'Neil: Sex and Marriage: Homosexuality. Behavioral Sciences Department, Palomar College, San Marcos California, 1997–2007, accessed on March 23, 2018 (in English, see Homosexuality among the Etoro at the bottom of the page; part of an extensive study tutorial).
- Karl Kerényi : Hermes, Guide of Souls. The Mythologem of the Masculine Source of Life. In: Dunquin Series. No. 7, Spring Publications, 1986 (English; first published in German 1942).
- Ruth Zeifert: Identity Dilemma: If the father is Jewish and the mother is not. In: Jüdische Allgemeine . August 17, 2006, accessed on March 23, 2018 (copy in haGalil.com ; Zeifert was working on a doctoral project on German children of Jewish fathers in 2006): “A person who is a child of a Jewish mother is Jewish. The law of religion, the Halacha, is clear there. It all depends on the mother. The father's origin and beliefs are irrelevant. That is why people with a Jewish father and non-Jewish mother - »father-Jews«, according to a term coined by Andreas Burnier in 1995 - are not considered to be the same. Even Reform Judaism adheres to this rule. "
- Max Ingman et al .: Mitochondrial Genome Variation and the Origin of Modern Humans. In: Nature . No. 408, Nature Publishing Group, London December 2000, , pp. 708-713 (English; doi: 10.1038 / 35047064 ).
- Fernando L. Mendez et al .: An African American Paternal Lineage Adds an Extremely Ancient Root to the Human Y Chromosome Phylogenetic Tree. In: American Journal of Human Genetics. Volume 92, No. 3, 2013, pp. 454-459 (English; doi: 10.1016 / j.ajhg.2013.02.002 ).
- Colin Barras: The father of all men is 340,000 years old. In: New Scientist Magazine. Reed Business Information, Sutton 2013, accessed on March 23, 2018 (English): "Albert Perry carried a secret in his DNA: a Y chromosome so distinctive that it reveals new information about the origin of our species. […] Perry did not descend from the genetic Adam. In fact, his Y chromosome was so distinct that his male lineage probably separated from all others about 338,000 years ago. [...] found similarities between Perry's and those in samples taken from 11 men, all living in one village in Cameroon. This may indicate where in Africa Perry's ancestors hailed from. Older than humanity: The first anatomically modern human fossils date back only 195,000 years, so Perry's Y chromosome lineage split from the rest of humanity long before our species appeared. […] In 2011, researchers examined human fossils from a Nigerian site called Iwo Eleru . The fossils showed a strange mix of ancient and modern features, which also suggested interbreeding between modern and archaic humans. "