Khasi

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The Khasi  - proper name Ki Khasi (" those born of a woman") or Ki Khun U Hynniewtrep ("the children of the seven huts ") - are an indigenous people in northeast India with over 1.4 million members in the small state of Meghalaya in the forerunners of the Himalaya mountains; they make up about half of the total population there. Around 35,000 Khasi live in the neighboring state of Assam and around 100,000 in Bangladesh, bordering to the south . The Khasi form a matrilineal society based on maternal lines in which descent, family name and succession are only derived from the mother, not the father. These relationships are anchored in the constitution of Meghalaya, also for the matrilineal neighboring people of the Garo ; Both founded the state in 1972, the Indian constitution guarantees them special protection and self-government rights as “registered tribes” ( Scheduled Tribes ). According to the Khasi tradition, land ownership is only in the hands of women; it ensures social and economic independence and security for the mothers and their extended families . Men belong to their mother's extended family , inherit the family name and clan affiliation from her and contribute to their upkeep; they are part of the community of solidarity, but usually cannot inherit any land. After a marriage, the husband usually moves in with his wife and her mother ( matrilocal order of residence ), and his children will belong to their extended family. The wife's brother is considered her protector and advisor and will traditionally look after her children as a social father ( avunculate of the mother brother ).

Most families practice traditional plant cultivation with animal husbandry as an on- demand economy and trade in excess crops on the weekly markets of around 3,000  Khasi village communities ; Men are almost always appointed as village chiefs . Families that belong together form associations ( clans ) which, in addition to their clan mothers, also have elected leaders ( chiefs ). The 3363 clans of the Khasi tribes, some of them very large, organize themselves politically as a tribal society , divided into 64  clan chiefdoms . The original origin of the Khasi is believed to be in the east, in the area of ​​the Mekong River ( see below ), because the Khasi language is in no way similar to the neighboring Indian languages. 83% of the Khasi are Christians from different churches, but also maintain their traditional, animistic religion Niam Khasi with ancestor worship and holy forests as well as their own egg oracle . Some Khasi villages became world famous for their large root bridges made from living rubber trees (see pictures ).

Khasi
Khasia Woman-03, Srimongol, Moulvibazar, Bangladesh, (C) Biplob Rahman 2012
Khasia Man-00, Khasia Hill, Srimongol, Moulvibazar, Bangladesh, (C) Biplob Rahman 2012

Recordings from Moulvibazar (Khasi Mountains, Sylhet District , Bangladesh, 2012)

population
Khasi in Meghalaya ( 2011 )

1,412,000 of 2,967,000 inhabitants. = 48%
0f717,000 women (50.8%) 00000= 49%
0f695,000 men (49.2%) 00000= 47%

≈ 260,000 Khasi households (from 1 person)

78  % live in rural areas , 22% in urban areas

≈ 74% reading ability in Meghalaya
≈ 77% of the Khasi 79  % of the women (52.2%) 76% of the men (47.8%)
0f
0f

≈ 44% employment ; 4.8% unemployed
40  % of the Khasi
0f34% of the women (43.5%)
0f45% of the men (56.5%)

55  % of the tribal people of Meghalayas

83  % Christians (different churches)

Indigenous religion: Niam Khasi (15%)

Historical
Khasi population development:
1901: 0.176,600 (in Assam: 00.340,524)
1951: 0.363,600 (in Assam: 00.605,674)
1971: 0.463,900 (in Assam: 01,011,699)
1981: 00... 0000(Meghalaya: 1,336,000)
1991: 00... 0000(Meghalaya: 1,775,000)
in 2001: '1,123,500 ( 56 , 0% of 2,318,800)
in 2011:
1,411,775   ( 47 , 6% of 2,966,889 )f

Meghalaya
Meghalaya 2012

Meghalayas 11  administrative districts

Khasi settle in the center and east in six districts of
West Khasi Hills
South West Khasi Hills
East Khasi Hills
West Jaintia Hills
East Jaintia Hills
Ri-Bhoi (in the northeast)

The whole Khasi area !outlined in red,
in the north almost to the great Brahmaputra ,
in the south steeply sloping to Bangladesh :

Khasi in Meghalaya

language

The Khasi is not an Indo-European language like most in India, but a Mon- Khmer language , closely related to Cambodian and Vietnamese . It is assumed that they are related to some isolated languages ​​in central India: the Khasi could have a bridge function between these and the large Austro-Asian language family , which originally came from China.

Khasi is divided into numerous dialects and has been an associated official language in Meghalaya since 2005 (alongside Garo and English); the four main dialects are Khasi, Pnar / Synteng (Jaintia), War and Lyngngam (names of Khasi sub-tribes). The 2011 census in India indicates 1,431,300 speakers, including the 1,411,800 Khasi in Meghalaya, 16,000 in the state of Assam and 1,000 Khasi in neighboring Mizoram . Broken down according to dialects, the result is: 1,038,000 speak Khasi, 319,300 speak Pnar / Synteng (Jaintia), 51,600 speak War, 11,600 speak Lyngngam and 10,900 other dialects.

The Khasi do not have their own script; from 1840 British Methodist missionaries introduced the Latin alphabet , and from 1890 the first Khasi-English dictionary and a translated edition of the Christian Bible appeared . In 1896 the first Khasi printing house was founded under the name Ri Khasi Press ("Khasiland-Verlag").

Today the Khasi in written and spoken form is a living language with its own literary tradition. In Meghalaya several newspapers appear in Khasi and there are radio programs and two television stations that broadcast exclusively in Khasi (see below on current conflict issues in the Khasi ). In 1984 the first color film appeared on Khasi: Manik Raitong by Ardhendu Bhattacharya , based on a folk legend of the Khasi; he was awarded the Indian National Film Award . In 2016 a translation of the Bible into the Khasi colloquial language appeared.

In 2000, the Meghalayas Ministry of Culture led a symposium on the life and works of Khasi authors ("Life and Works of Khasi Authors in the field of Khasi Literature") and a year later a conference on the promotion of Khasi and the neighboring Garo ("Growth and Development of Khasi and Garo Languages ​​") . In addition, the Ministry awarded the first literary prize State Literary Award 2000 for Khasi book .

The Khasi folklore knows a unique form of individual poetry , called phawar , which is used particularly in archery: With imaginative lectures in rhyming two-line lines, one's own advantages are praised and the weaknesses of opponents are mocked ( see below ).

education

In 1924, the first secondary school ( college ) was founded by the Irish Christian Brothers in what is now Meghalaya . The reading ability ( literacy ) increased from a low 27% in 1961 to 63% in 2001 and further to 74.4% in the 2011 census and was thus just above the India-wide average (73%). 77% of the Khasi were able to read and write, while the rate of women was 79%, 3% higher than that of men (see below for the gender-specific data ). Meghalaya has more than 14,000 schools, over 500  colleges and 10  universities , the majority of which are private. The largest is the state-owned North Eastern Hill University, founded in 1973 in the capital Shillong. The university has two linguistic departments, the Khasi Department and Garo Department, and the anthropological Anthropology Department , while the Meghalayas Ministry of Culture operates the Tribal Research Institute for the study of tribes ( Scheduled Tribes ). Here, Khasi professors and PhD students also research their own traditions and their changes, especially with regard to their matrilineal gender order .

In Shillong, the Christian Salesians have been running the “Don Bosco Center for Indigenous Cultures ” (DBCIC: Don Bosco Center for Indigenous Cultures ) with the large anthropological Don Bosco Museum since 2001 . The DBCIC includes research, publications, training and animation programs related to the cultures of Northeast India and the surrounding area.

Settlements

Over Meghalaya (literally "home of the clouds") the sky is mostly overcast; Cherrapunji holds the rain world record since 1861 (Laitmawsiang, Khasi Mountains, 2004)
Piyain River in the southern Khasi Mountains near Jaflong ( Sylhet District , Bangladesh, 2011)
The "Seven Sister Falls " (7 Sister Falls) near the mountain town of Cherrapunji : here the high plateau with the capital Shillong drops sharply to the south of Bangladesh (2013)
The Nohkalikai Falls near the mountain town of Cherrapunji are the highest in India at 340 meters (2014)

The area of ​​the Indian state of Meghalaya includes the Shillong Plateau, an elevation that lies in front of the great Himalayan mountains and rises from 30  meters above sea level to 1500 meters. In the middle, the mountainous chains of hills enclose a plateau on which a small elevation rises to almost 2000  m . Meghalaya roughly corresponds to a rectangle with about 300 km from west to east and about 100 km from south to north. The great Brahmaputra river flows around the state in the north and west, the horizontal southern edge of the plateau drops steeply to low-lying Bangladesh . The middle third of the state's area is formed by the Khasi Mountains (Khasi Hills) , whose name is derived from the people who were first mentioned as resident here around 1500 AD under the name "Khasi" (see below for origin ). The hilly mountains with the extensive plateau are divided into three administrative districts : West Khasi Hills , South West Khasi Hills (from 2012) and East Khasi Hills . The majority of the Khasi live in the area of ​​the plateau on which the capital Shillong is located (about 150,000 inhabitants); Shillong Peak rises to 1966  m , the highest point in Meghalaya. The whole plateau is fragmented, traversed by deeply cut gorges and valleys with great differences in altitude of 600 to 1900 meters.

Cloud country

The newly formed Sanskrit name Meghalaya means " Abode of the Clouds" and thus describes one of the rainiest areas in the world with over 120 rainy days in the extensive rainy season between April and October. In the south of Meghalaya, the Khasi mountains drop steeply and cause the rising monsoon clouds to rain down. Here, the mountain town of Cherrapunji has held the world record for the highest annual amount of precipitation (26.5 meters ) since 1861  , the village of Mawsynram has held the world record for the highest average annual amount (11.9 meters) since 2015. A part of this persistent monsoon rain flows off in countless waterfalls , the Nohkalikai Falls are the highest in India with 340 meters.

Ecoregion

The vegetation of the Khasi area consists mainly of monsoon forests , divided into three climatic zones: At altitudes between 30 and 300 meters there are tropical lowland rainforests and between 300 and 1100 meters subtropical wet forests , which extend up to the moderate altitude between 1100 and 1900 meters extend, with patchy cloud and cloud forests . Bamboo forests cover 14% of Meghalaya's area; a total of 12% of all wooded areas are state-owned and are looked after by supervisors.

Meghalaya is part of the Asian biodiversity hotspot Indo-Myanmar (Hotspot 19). The WWF ecoregion Meghalaya Subtropical Forests (IM0126) covers the entire elevation with its mountains and the high plateau and is considered to be one of the most biodiverse in Asia, with an exceptionally large number of indigenous plant and animal species. Hundreds of orchids , many original rice, banana and citrus species (such as the Khasi mandarine ), some magnolias ( Michelia ) and India's only pitcher plant: Nepenthes khasiana ("khasiana / khasianum" denotes endemic species of the Khasi mountains) come from here. . In Meghalaya 139 mammal species, including the living Asian elephant , the Bengal tiger , the clouded leopard , the endangered gold and leopard cats and seven primates such as the White-browed gibbon ( "little ape") and some macaques . 659 bird, 107  reptile and 152 fish species were identified. The WWF (World Wide Fund For Nature) states that two thirds of the entire ecoregion has already been deforested or degraded and the 7 state-protected areas make up less than 1% of the ecoregion. Large-scale mining of coal, limestone and uranium and the corresponding infrastructures also contribute to deforestation. The state Wildlife Institute of India (wii) states in 2017 that a total of 6% of the state area of ​​Meghalaya is protected as various types of protected area. The more than 100 sacred forests of the Khasi make only a small contribution to the urgently needed reforestation ( see below ).

Khasi groups

The varied nature between sea heights of 30  m at the edge of the area to over 1900 meters in the southern center is one of the reasons why clear differences have developed between the many Khasi villages and groups in terms of economy and way of life, dialects and traditions, despite their common language and social organization.

The Khasi are surrounded by several small tribes who count themselves among the Khasi and speak one of the main Khasi dialects or a related Mon Khmer language ; they are grouped together in censuses: "Khasi, Jaintia, Synteng, Pnar, War, Bhoi, Lyngngam" (see also the " Seven Huts " below ):

  • the Jaintia (also: Synteng / Pnar) settle in the east in the Jaintia Mountains, since 2012 divided into the districts of West Jaintia Hills and East Jaintia Hills
  • the Bhoi settle in the northeast on the border with Assam , in the district of Ri-Bhoi
  • the War settle in the south on the border with Bangladesh (differentiated into War-Khasi and War-Jaintia)
  • the Lyngngam settle in the west on the Garo Mountains (Garo Hills)

The 2011 Indian census identified 1,431,300 speakers of the Khasi: 1,038,000 speak Khasi, 319,300 speak Pnar / Synteng (Jaintia), 51,600 speak War, 11,600 speak Lyngngam and 10,900 other dialects.

The Christian missionary Joshua Project lists the Khasi in early 2019 with 1,470,000 members in Meghalaya; for the subgroups are given: 333,000 Bhoi, 77,000 War, 34,000 Lyngngam and 17,000 Khynriam. For the neighboring state of Assam 42,000 Khasi are recorded, in neighboring Mizoram 1000, in Nagaland 1,100, in West Bengal 1,400 as well as smaller groups in other states. A total of 1,518,000 Khasi are given for India, 83.5% of which are Christian. For Bangladesh, which borders on Meghalaya to the south, 85,000 Khasi are given, 84.3% Christian, about 48,000 in the border region to Meghalaya in the Sylhet district and 30,000 in the capital Dhaka .

The Khasi have close ties to the neighboring large matrilineal Garo people with almost 900,000 members throughout the western part of Meghalaya - together they established their own state in 1972 ( see below ). 15 other tribal populations are represented in Meghalaya (2011): Hajong (39,000 members), Raba (33,000), Koch (23,000), Karbi (19,000) and other smaller ones such as the Synteng (1,600; an independent group in the east and in Assam). The 17 tribal peoples together made up 86.1% of the total population in 2011, the Khasi alone 47.6% and the Garo 27.7% (compare demography of Meghalaya ). In 2001 the Khasi and Jaintia were 13th of the largest tribal peoples in India with 1.1 million members , the Garo 22nd with 0.7 million.

Village communities

The 2011 Indian census counted 6,450 villages in Meghalaya (380 uninhabited). 20% of the total population live in the 22 cities, a quarter of them at 1,500  m in the capital Shillong (143,000). Many Khasi also live here, because parts of the large city district belong to their ancestral area; in comparison, only 78% of the Khasi live in rural areas. The 1,411,800 Khasi make up around 48% of the population (2,966,900) and 55% of the state-protected tribal population ( Scheduled Tribes : 2,555,900). Since 2001 the number of Khasi has grown by 26% and the population by 28%.

In 2001 5780 villages were counted, 80% of the 2.3 million inhabitants lived in rural areas, as in 1991 when there were 5500 villages and 1.8 million inhabitants in Meghalaya. The proportion of the recognized tribal population was already over 90% when the state was founded in 1972.

Since 1981 with around 4900 villages and 1.3 million inhabitants, the population of Meghalaya has more than doubled to around 3 million in 2011, a population explosion of +122%, combined with extensive conflicts ( see below ). Nevertheless, Meghalaya, with a population density of only 132 per square kilometer, is one of the most sparsely populated states in India, like other of the " Seven Sister States " in northeast India (compare the basic data for the states / territories ). In 2001 this density was 102 inhabitants per km².

Since there are only a few flat areas in the whole of Meghalaya and hardly any wide river valleys, most of the approximately 3000 villages of the Khasi are located a little below hilltops, in small depressions, protected from the sometimes violent winds and storms and from strangers and animals. All the houses are close together, connected by narrow paths. As far as possible, every house has a small kitchen garden with fruit, vegetables and ornamental plants attached or nearby. In the villages there is no division into richer and poorer families, they live mixed together, with pigs, chickens and dogs roaming free in between. There are villages, one part of which is 100 meters higher than the other. The larger villages have a public building, a simple, sometimes only one-room primary school and a church; the Christian village priest and his family live in their own house, as does the clan chief if he comes from the village. In the past, several villages would occasionally come together to defend themselves together; all villages that are not connected are now integrated into the public administration. Many women run a small shop or a tea room with a kiosk in their village. One or two healers (nong ai dawai kynbat) live in each village ; The Khasi know hundreds of medicinal plants , 850 are listed for Meghalaya, over 370 medicinal plants are regularly used as folk medicine by three quarters of the population , mostly collected from the wild. In front of each village there is a small place for the weekly market, depending on the area by a river or under a group of trees. Adjacent is a spacious area with the family graves and in some places very large memorial stones to honor the ancestors ( see below ).

Houses

Houses of a Khasi village in Jaflong ( Sylhet District , Bangladesh, 2007)

The typical Khasi house is quite simple and rectangular, with a grass or corrugated iron roof in shell shape and three rooms: the porch ( veranda : shynghup ), the bedroom (rumpei) and in between the larger room for cooking and sitting (nengpei) . Traditionally the Khasi build wooden houses on stilts, nails are undesirable, they are considered taboo ; a leaning wooden ladder leads to the raised entrance area. In addition, a house should have a maximum of three stone walls and the altar in the center may only consist of one type of metal. The buildings of richer Khasi are more modern, with sturdier metal roofs with chimneys, glass windows, and sturdy doors; some have western style houses and facilities .

In the center of every house is the kitchen stove, the lucky location of which is determined with an egg oracle even before a house is built: The shell parts of thrown eggs indicate where the stove should be and whether the whole building project will turn out favorably or not. The hearth forms the social center of the family in the evening, accompanied by stories, songs and music (compare social and religious meanings of the hearth ). In the cool winter time with temperatures around 5 degrees the stove provides the only warmth.

As soon as a house is ready and the family moves in, the house blessing of the ka Shad-Kynjoh Khaskain begins after the ceremony : a ritual initiation dance that lasts from sunset to sunrise.

Village as a community

According to the Khasi tradition, each village sees itself as a community , as an independent social, political and economic unit that administers itself in the village council (through consensus finding ). Village self-government is widespread in India (compare the Panchayati Raj system : self-government by five councilors), but in the tribal state of Meghalaya it has a state-recognized form: Here, each village community usually includes members of four to six different clans (associations of large families ) who see themselves together as an in- group , with a strong sense of togetherness and sometimes their own language dialect and traditions. Village leaders usually become men (see below on village political structures ). If possible, marriage takes place within the village, but in any case outside of one's own clan (see below on marriage rules ). Most of the Khasi live in their village for life, most of the villages have existed for centuries, and their location is very rarely changed. Village solidarity often precedes clan solidarity; as a community , farming, irrigation or trade projects are implemented; earlier could also to military raids or assaults (raids) unloved neighboring villages belong.

"Cleanest Village in Asia"

Khasi villages have a reputation for being some of the cleanest in Asia; the residents keep them well-kept and return frequently in the dry season (November – February). They refer to the Khasi tradition, according to which purity comes its own beauty. The wild growing " broom grass " is widespread across the country in the mountains and hills , some Khasi villages practice the traditional (art) craft of broom binding and cultivate various suitable plants.

Root bridge at "Asia's cleanest village" (
Mawlynnong , southern Khasi mountains near Bangladesh, Meghalaya, 2016)

The small mountain village of Mawlynnong 90 km south of Shillong in the southeastern Khasi Mountains received the award as “cleanest village in Asia” and in 2005 as “cleanest village in India” (by the travel magazine Discover India ); In 2004 a report by National Geographic made the village famous. The Khasi tribe of the War-Jaintia, who are also famous for their root bridges over jungle rivers, live in this area near Bangladesh . In the allegedly 500 year old village, each of the almost 100 households has running water with their own toilet. In front of each house there is a handmade funnel-shaped waste paper basket made of bamboo, which has become a village symbol. Mawlynnong sees himself as "God's own garden" (God's own Garden) , plastic bags and throwing away garbage and smoking are prohibited, recycling is part of everyday life. The entire village community participates in a state funding program for rural areas , the incomes of the ancestral families have doubled in 15 years, reading skills have increased to 94% (Khasi average: 77%). Besides betel nut palms (areca nuts) and betel leaves ( paan ), broom grass is also harvested and processed here; daily sweeping is part of the village project; As in many Indian villages, the paths between the well-kept houses are made of weatherproof concrete sidewalks. They form a contrast to the stone-paved jungle path that meanders to the centuries-old root bridge.

Names sung

About 30 km north of Mawlynnong is the Khasi mountain village of Kongthong , which is about the same size and is known for its peculiarity of giving each baby a melody as an additional "name". An abbreviated version is used to address the person and can be heard as a sung call throughout the village. The members of the around 100 ancestral families communicate accordingly in the surrounding jungle forests when the air is filled with the sounds of nature during the rainy season. This centuries-old tradition is dedicated to the mythical founder of the respective clan and is called Jingrwai Lawbei : "Song of the Great Mother" of the clan (see below for the worship of the clan founder Lawbei-Tynrai ). This custom can also be found in eleven neighboring villages (see below for peculiar Khasi names ).

Sacred forests

Longest living bridge worldwide (52 meters; near Rangthylliang, eastern Khasi mountains, 1999)

More than 100 Khasi villages have set up a sacred forest in their area, often with memorial stones for the ancestors and places of worship for the protective deities of the village (compare sacred grove , burial forest ). These forests are protected and preserved as an expression of the closeness to nature of the religion Niam Khasi , any extraction of forest products is forbidden and annoys the local deities and nature spirits . 105 sacred groves are officially  recognized in Meghalaya under local names such as Law Niam (religious), Law Lyngdoh (priestly) or Law Kyntang (village), [List:] almost all of them are in the Khasi area (with other names in the Jaintia area) . The holy forests have 58  springs , important for the village or urban water supply; Dozens of other forests are waiting to be registered. In the last decades the village communities have been trying to enlarge these natural forest reserves with growing environmental awareness , combined with the demand for financial support for the urgently needed reforestation . The holy Khasi forests are internationally respected as soil improvement ( melioration ) and as species protection for the many native plant and animal species and their migratory corridors ( biotope network ). But with a total of 10,000  hectares , the small forests form only tiny patches within the already two-thirds deforested area of ​​Meghalaya.

In addition to the hundreds of medicinal plants that the Khasi garden, collect and regularly use (850 are listed for Meghalaya), there are many plants that are used in religious ceremonies. A study from 2017 lists 35 different plants with their meaning and exact use in religious activities and emphasizes the species-protective effect of the respect for plants by the Khasi. Many of these plants are grown in the kitchen gardens close to the house, most of them grow naturally in the sacred forests and preserve biological diversity ( biodiversity ).

Root bridges

Double-decker root bridge (near Nongriat, southern Khasi mountains, 2011)

The long-lasting and very productive monsoon rains cause a huge swelling of mountain streams and rivers in the up to 2000 meter high mountains between March and November, temporarily preventing them from crossing and individual villages are cut off from the exchange of goods for months. A tribe of the Khasi in particular has found solutions for these changing water levels in order to build on the forces of nature with little effort: The War-Jaintia of the southern Khasi mountains let the aerial roots of the Indian rubber tree (Ficus elastica) through bamboo poles or hollowed trunks of the betel nut palm grow from one side of the narrow gorge to the other. After 15 years, the plants begin to form a stable connection across the water. Sticks, stones and pounded earth are tied into the growing network of roots in order to obtain a “ living bridge ” that will endure centuries (compare the research field of building botany ). Continuously nurtured and strengthened, these elastic structures withstand the violent storms and occasional earthquakes in the region without major damage. They also offer wild animals opportunities to move around and are said to last for up to 500 years. The two-story bridges in places, together with the highest waterfalls in India, are among the sights of the southeastern Khasi and Jaintia mountains in the border area with Bangladesh.

Khasi economy

Most Khasi extended families ( iing ) work in the manner of a family business and form overarching associations in the manner of agricultural cooperatives , especially in the village communities ( see above ). Around 1800 documents of the British East India Company describe the Khasi as a very experienced market-oriented people, with a stable economy consisting of the three elements of land ownership, field work with production and trade in the many local markets.

Many families do farming as demand economy ( subsistence ) and use different types of traditional field construction ( Pflanzbau ) and can be combined manageable livestock with some pigs, native cattle, goats, chickens or bees and perhaps a small village shop. The main food of the Khasi is cooked rice, vegetables and eggs, meat or (dried) fish; Legumes and nuts are not common. There are some food taboos , so cow or goat milk may not be drunk. The main vegetables grown are potatoes, sweet potatoes , cabbage and, increasingly, tomatoes, while the fruit is mainly the sweet khasi mandarins , pineapples and bananas, distributed in different altitudes. On the plateau, the kitchen gardens with vegetables, spices, medicinal plants and orchids are protected by small walls and hedges. There are a few villages with small industries such as cutlers, otherwise there is very little industrial production in the Khasi area. The proliferation of the sewing machine has made it possible to mass-produce garments at home, but increasingly cheap plastic is replacing traditional weaving.

Land ownership

The entire land of a village and its individual extended families is regulated in the manner of a cooperative or cooperative and administered by the village community or its village council: There are around 30 different types of land ownership in a village, some relate to common areas and common areas (village land) or collective and co-ownership , other land areas are inherited only within individual family lines ( see below ) and others relate to newly developed or privately acquired properties. Over the centuries, locally different systems with stable traditions have developed in order to guarantee the well-being of the resident families and to hold together the basis of economic activity for the entire village (compare agricultural community ). All villagers have equal access to the cultivation of the communal land (for self-sufficiency ), not differentiated according to social prestige or wealth. The village community can lease land or rights of use to outsiders (transfer of use), for example for a private plantation or animal farm or for the extraction of mineral resources. In 2011, around 82% of all houses in Meghalaya were owned by the owner, only 16% were rented out. A 2003 government survey of household land ownership in India found that the Scheduled Tribes owned slightly more households than the Indian average, and that each tribal household owned slightly more land than the average (0.70 hectares at 0.56 per household).

Conflicts:

  • A comprehensive study of 2007 on the question of social security within the Meghalaya tribes came to the conclusion that the way in which Khasi land is dealt with is changing noticeably: Increasingly, parts of the village and family land are becoming private property, especially Khasi men are becoming new landowners (non-indigenous people are prohibited from buying land in Meghalaya). This weakens the economic foundations of the families and villages, in addition to the overexploitation of the remaining common land (compare the tragedy of the commons  - the tragedy of the anti-commons ). Many families see themselves being forced by the privatization to switch to less productive areas, which in turn increases the harmful effects of their slash-and-burn agriculture ( see below ). As the owners of the (family) land, women are exposed to growing social insecurities; Increasingly, women cannot offer a desired husband any social security to start a family, which in turn increases the desire of men to own their own land. Across India, too, the proportion of land ownership fell among the 705 registered tribes (Scheduled Tribes): in 2001 45% of tribesmen worked on their own land, in 2011 it was only 35%, while the proportion of tribesmen who worked on foreign land , with 46% remained the same.

Fishing

In the southern foothills of the mountain ranges, the monsoon water masses run off in numerous small and large rivers and at times form crystal clear lakes, the network of water bodies is very rich in fish and species. The village communities have always drawn up binding rules for their area, set catch quotas and issue fishing bans during the spawning season in order to preserve the sustainability of the economic basis of their community . Meghalaya's government has set up funding programs and banned chemical and blasting aids that were used in other places.

In the southern Khasi Mountains, the Khasi tribe of the War use their own traditional methods of fishing with techniques and devices for different types of water, seasons and animals for self-sufficiency. For the war, edible fish and other aquatic animals are the main source of their protein , along with meat ; if the catch is dried within hours, it can be stored for a few days. Edible aquatic plants are also collected or harvested at the appropriate time. There are six different plants that are used to stunning animals, so a juice of berries, which is poisonous for fish, is put into the running water of a river, then the stunned fish are collected downstream (compare fishing with plant poisons ). Eleven plants are used as bait for different types of trapping, differently woven bamboo baskets serve as traps , and some frog species are caught. These traditional and cooperative forms of management protect the fish population and demonstrably preserve the biological diversity of the many bodies of water.

Farming

The Khasi Mountains consist of many chains of hills with a large plateau crossed by valleys and gorges at 1500  m , on which Shillong is also located. In the south this open, very humid plateau drops steeply towards Bangladesh, accompanied by many waterfalls. For up to nine months between March and November, tropical monsoon rains soak the wet and rainforests of the mountains and hills. The jungle merges into extensive areas with shrubbery and scrub , on the plateau there are smaller grassland areas.

The Khasi cultivate four different types of land:

  1. extensive forest and jungle areas in the hills to collect, for traditional agroforestry and for alternating slash and burn shifting cultivation (shifting cultivation)
  2. Local grassy areas on the plateau, especially for corn and millet ( food crops for self-sufficiency)
  3. Moist areas, especially for private rice cultivation, mainly in the southeastern neighboring Jaintia area ( cash crops for sale)
  4. small field and kitchen garden areas near the house for mixed cultivation (various fruit, vegetable, aromatic and ornamental plants )

Accordingly, the village communities have specialized in the management of their respective natural surroundings and thereby developed differences in way of life and traditions, right up to their own language dialects (compare ecosystem people ). At the same time, the differences in cultivation have led to intensive trade, even between distant villages, which forms one of the three pillars of the Khasi economy (alongside land ownership and field work).

Conflicts:

  • There is a sustained population explosion in Meghalaya (annual increase of over 2.5%), so the total population grew from 1.33 million in 1981 to just under 3 million in 2011 (+122%). This led to major problems early on because the available cultivation areas in the mountain and hill areas are limited; Hardly any more can be developed and new jobs can be created. Agriculture accounts for 70% of the overall economy, but more and more Khasi families can no longer get (new) land ownership; their relatives have to seek their happiness in wage labor, mostly low paid. Already in 2001 poverty had risen considerably in the whole of Meghalaya, whereas the government set up appropriate subsidy programs; In 2011, 11% of the total population lived below the statistical poverty line . The growth rate of the population in the six Khasi administrative districts corresponded to the national average of almost 3% annually, 78% of the Khasi lived in the countryside; the share of the Khasi in the population had fallen from 56% in 2001 to 48% (see table of population data ). The population of Meghalaya is expected to grow to 3.77 million in 2020.

Broom grass

In the mountains and hills grows the " broom grass" , a sweet grass of the Amriso species (Thysanolaena maxima) , which can be found at altitudes of 1,800 meters and which holds together the most varied of soils with its dense roots. Amriso is also funded by the International Climate Initiative (IKI) as an adaptable, promising plant, the German Environment Ministry supports an initiative in the nearby mountainous state of Nepal , which is similarly endangered by landslides and frequent earthquakes . Harvesting, planting and selling of the broom grass has been promoted by the Meghalaya government since 1995, after corresponding products were presented at a trade fair in India's capital and were in great demand. In 2000, an initial survey showed that 40,000 families benefit from the broom grass and its processing. Although the buying middlemen earn the same amount from the products, the broom grass enables the families to earn additional income, especially in the low-income winter season. It also offers an alternative to harmful hiking slash and burn ( see below ) and is increasingly being grown on a plantation basis as cash crops for sale. The traditional (art) craft of broom binding is widespread and is pursued by whole Khasi villages and specifically cultivating various suitable plants. Across India, 250 million households buy two new brooms every year, preferably made from broom grass.

Slash and burn

Earlier
slash and burn in what is now the small UNESCO biosphere reserve Nokrek in the Garo Mountains (2004)

In the wooded hills, the field construction of the Khasi conditionally changing fire clearance for the acquisition of new acreage ( hiking Pflanzbau ), in Asia generally considered jhumming known (see the trunks of Jumma ) or slash and burn cultivation (Hack-and-fuel cultivation ). To this end, at the beginning of the four-month dry season in November, the entire village community decides to cut down a limited area, sometimes an entire hilltop or flank. Mostly the areas are on steep mountain slopes. All vegetation is chopped off and left for a few weeks so that it can dry out in the sun before the remains are burned off in a controlled manner. The remaining trees and rhizomes are also set on fire. The ash provides minerals to the soil and makes it more fertile. Without plowing beforehand , the seeds are sown at the beginning of the new rainy season in March, which means that no irrigation is necessary. The cultivation by the individual families follows the division of the land as determined by the village community. Normally, an area with annual crop rotation is used for three or four years, then it remains fallow land for various slow-growing crops and a new jhum area is opened up ("hiking cultivation"). 40% of the area of ​​Meghalaya is cultivated by shifting cultivation .

The jhumming requires many hours of work, the effort can only be done collectively; in Meghalaya around 52,000 families depend on it. For centuries, this farming method has preserved the protective vegetation of the hills and mountain flanks because the village communities did not want to "exploit" their own lands, but wanted to cultivate them sustainably. The shifting cultivation is the optimal local adaptation to the violent monsoon rains meant affected hilly areas to organic pure a variety of crops for self-sufficiency to grow (sometimes up to 30 simultaneously). Slash-and-burn clearing is generally decreasing because its yield decreases, because the damage caused has lasting effects on the entire habitats ( biomes ) of the village communities.

Conflicts:

  • The time intervals between clearing and slashing in the same place used to be 15 years or more, during which the soil and its protective vegetation could recover - the change is becoming increasingly shorter, sometimes to less than 5 years. For decades, this overexploitation has led to severe soil erosion ( soil degradation ) because there is no vegetation to protect the soil and to store the monsoon rain masses ; the running water washes the fertile topsoil down into the valley, while other watercourses seep away . To counteract this, university-trained Khasi have successfully introduced new cultivation methods, including stationary terrace cultivation. The government programs recommend above all a switch from shifting cultivation to plantation-like cash crops for sale, for example broom grass, which with its strong roots can hold together even eroded and depleted soils and very quickly produces a lot of biomass . Plantation cultivation, however, requires a fundamental change from traditional, mixed cultivation methods to monocultures , with all the known disadvantages such as high investment costs, the inevitable use of chemical fertilizers and poisons and the elimination of self-sufficiency. Increasing plantations also do not replace the necessary protective vegetation and prevent the possibilities of traditional, mixed agroforestry . In addition to cash crops, the government supports the establishment of protected areas and sacred forests modeled on the Khasi ( see above ).
  • The Garo Mountains to the west are particularly affected by deforestation , where international projects with alternatives to slash and burn are running with the willing participation of the village communities. In the Garo Mountains, it is the wildlife that suffers, the number of elephants living in the wild has fallen to less than 1000 (in 2008 there were still 1811 elephants in Meghalaya), and the number of gibbon apes has more than halved. Here the matrilineal Garo adopt the Khasi tradition of natural forest reserves ; these should also ensure the elephants' migration corridors .

trade

Road seller of Paan : chopped betel nuts and spices, wrapped in sheets of Betelpfeffers and coated with slaked lime ; The legal sale and daily chewing of the mildly numbing drug is widespread in India, it reddens gums and blackens teeth ( Shillong , Meghalaya, 2014)

At the beginning of the influence of the British East India Company from 1750, the Khasi still conducted extensive trade with their neighboring peoples, in the east as far as Cambodia  - their Mon- Khmer language is related to Cambodian , from which their original origin is assumed ( see below ). Some time later, as part of their advancing conquests, the British imposed a comprehensive boycott of all Khasi goods, which led to growing resistance from the chiefs in the border areas. In the peace negotiations that began in 1860, the chiefdoms were granted tax exemptions and self-government, and the Khasi’s extensive trade flourished again. The British colonial rulers were impressed by the economic and trading skills of the Khasi, but they were dependent on cross-border exchanges. Even today, almost all of the extended Khasi families trade in excess crops or specially made products, are middlemen or intermediaries, or run a shop.

Conflicts:

  • The nationwide Khasi trade is limited in the south by the generally closed border with Muslim Bangladesh (420 km long); around 100,000 Khasi also live there in the large Sylhet district . Until 1971, an extensive trade network spanned between the Brahmaputra River in the north, the Khasi Mountains and the large area of ​​the Ganges in the south, mainly via markets along the main highway between Calcutta via Shillong to Guwahati , still built by the British occupiers (cf. the National Highway 40 ). The third Indo-Pakistani war brought this network to a standstill. In 1972 the state of Bangladesh split off and became independent, border traffic was hardly possible any more, and the whole of northeast India was cut off from access to the Indian Ocean . The exchange of goods remained difficult for decades, and the Khasi could no longer trade their coveted khasi mandarins (original type), betel nuts (areca nuts) and betel leaves ( paan ) as well as their rich mineral resources (coal and limestone ) to the south. Although the border is still impermeable, around 90% of the export of khasi mandarins went to Bangladesh in 2015, while trade connections to northern India are generally low and only run through a narrow bottleneck via West Bengal .
  • The abundant uranium deposits in the southwestern Khasi Mountains (9 million tons) have been withdrawn from trading because the valuable metal is only exploited by the Indian government, without any influence on the part of the authorities (India is a nuclear power ). This fact and the widespread environmental damage caused by toxic uranium mining have become a public issue in Meghalaya, which the three most important Khasi organizations also use ethno-centered arguments under the heading of “foreign infiltration” ( see below ). In 2018, the dispute over illegal coal mining in the form of "rat hole mining" on the Khasi area also played an important role in the election and the subsequent formation of a new government (see coal mining in Meghalaya ).

Weekly markets

Markets take place alternately in the many villages, on a specially prepared market place on the edge of the village near the memorial stones . The frequent weekly markets fulfill not only economic but also important social tasks, they enable the constant exchange of information, serve as a marriage market and sometimes organize sporting competitions. The most popular is archery, of which the Khasi are particularly proud of its distinctive tradition (see below for archery ). The largest market is in the middle of the Khasi area in the capital Shillong (at 1500  m ): Police Bazar occupies an entire district, is open daily and attracts visitors and traders from the wide plateau and the surrounding Khasi mountains.

Gender specific data

Meghalaya is the only ( federal ) state in the world with an officially matrilineal society (maternal lines), both the Meghalaya government and the Indian Union government emphasize this matrilineal society , whose parentage rule and family affiliation is anchored in the constitution. In 2011 the Khasi had a share of 47.6% of the total population, the Garo 27.7% (together 75.3%). Both are recognized as Scheduled Tribes and together made up 87.4% of the 17 tribal peoples in Meghalaya, who in turn made up 86.2% of the total population; In India there were a total of 705 recognized Scheduled Tribes in 2011, with a share of 8.6% of the population of India (1,210,855,000).

The following lists from 2011 compare the data from Khasi, Garo, Meghalaya, Scheduled Tribes and all of India - broken down by women and men and their proportions in the total group. For example reading ability: 77% of the Khasi can write, for women it is 79% (all ♀ from 7 years), for men only 76% (all ♂ from 7 years); There are 448,600 female alphabets and 411,200 male alphabets, so the total number is divided into 52.2% women and 47.8% men: 4.4% more Khasi women than men can write. This breakdown is calculated below for the employment rates, gender distributions and literacy rates. Then various metrics for wealth and gender equality are listed.

Employment rate

2011: Shares of the 705 scheduled tribes to the populations of 29 states and 7 union territories in India
  • highest proportion: 85-95%
  • low proportion: 2–9%
  • 08.6% of the total population
    86.1% of the inhabitants of Meghalaya   55.2% are Khasi (48% of the inhabitants) 32.1% are Garo (28% of the inhabitants)

    Nowadays, Khasi are increasingly pursuing a modern career or studying at one of ten universities such as the North Eastern Hill University in Shillong, founded in 1973 (about 150,000 inhabitants). Their families keep a few animals for self-sufficiency and cultivate their own garden areas ( horticulture ). Since 82% of all houses in Meghalaya are owner-occupied and all villagers have equal rights of use to the community land ( see above ), there is only a low official unemployment rate of 4.8%. In 2012, 11.9% of the population in Meghalaya lived below the poverty line (less than 890 Indian rupees per month in the countryside or 1150 in cities), while it was 21.9% throughout India (816 rupees per month in the countryside, 1000 in cities ).

    2011, the official calculated employment rate in India the ratio of the number of employed persons (workers) to all other residents:

    Employment rates 2011
    Khasi   (48% of the population, 55% of the tribes) Garo  (28% of the population, 32% of the Tribes)

    0rr 40.2 % , of which 59% in agriculture

     ♀ 34.4% of women: '43.5% of those in employment
     ♂ 44.7% of men: 56.5%

    0rr 40.0 % , of which 72% in agriculture

     ♀ 35.4% of women: '44.1% of the employed
     ♂ 44.5% of men: 55.9%

    Scheduled Tribes in Meghalaya  (86% of the population) ST in India   (705 recognized: 9% of all population)

    0rr 40.3 % , of which 64% in agriculture

     ♀ 34.9% of women: '43.6% of those in employment
     ♂ 49.7% of men: 56.4%

    0rr 48.7 % , of which 79% in agriculture

     ♀ 43.5% of women: '44.4% of those in employment
     ♂ 53.9% of men: 55.6%

    Meghalaya  (3 million inhabitants) India  (1.21 billion inhabitants 2011)

    0rr 44.3 % (2001: 49%)

            ...% of women: '...
            ...% of men: ...

    0rr 39.8 % , of which 55% in agriculture

     ♀ 25.5% of women: '31.1% of the employed
     ♂ 53.3% of men: 68.9%

    The Tribes employment rate in Meghalaya was the 4th lowest of the 29 states in India at 40% .

    Worldwide, the rate is calculated the proportion of workers from all working people in the age of 15-64 years, in 2018 the average of the 36 member states was the OECD at 68.3% (60.8% in women and 76.0% for men ), in India 2012: 53.3% = 27.3% for ♀ and 78.5% for ♂ (compare India in the list of global employment rates ).

    Sex ratio

    2011: Gender distribution in India
    Number of male babies up to 1 year in relation to 100 female
    Meghalaya: ≈ 104 ♂ to 100 ♀  

    The gender distribution in India was officially calculated in 2011 according to the number of women in relation to 1,000 men; among the Khasi this was ♀ 717,000 to 695,000 = 1,033 women to 1,000 men. The Khasi have no relation to gender preference, which is practiced through abortion of female embryos in large parts of India and China - this shows the number of girls under 7 years in relation to 1000 boys (together 21%):

    Gender relations 2011 (2001, 1991)
    Female relatives per 1000 males Girls per 1000 boys (together ≈ 20%)
    1033 ♀ with the Khasi (1017) 971 with the Khasi (979)
    0988 ♀ with the Garo (979) 976 at the Garo (...)
    1013 ♀ at Scheduled Tribes in Meghalaya (1000) 973 at Scheduled Tribes in Meghalaya (974, 991)
    0990 ♀ at Scheduled Tribes in India (978) 957 at Scheduled Tribes in India (972, 985)
    0989 ♀ in Meghalaya (972; 1901: 1036) 970 in Meghalaya (973, 986)
    0943 ♀ in India (933) 914 in India (927, 945)
    0984 = global average 935 = global average

    In 2011 Meghalaya was 6th in India, 1st: Kerala with 1,084 females to 1,000 males; for children, Meghalaya was in second place with 970, behind Arunachal Pradesh with 972 girls to 1000 boys.

    The sex ratio of male to 100 female residents is measured worldwide; in 2015 it was 102 ♂ (107 ♂ babies to 100 ♀), in India: 107.6 males, at birth: 110.7 boys per 100 girls .

    Literacy rate

    2011: Reading skills in India : 73.0 %
    Meghalaya     |  Women  |  Men | Card
    all:   '  74.4% 72.9% 76.0%     Khasi: 77.0%    
    78.5 % 75.5%     Garo : 71.8% 67.6% 76.0%     
    
     

    Meghalaya | Women | Men
    2001: 62.6% 59.6% 65.4%
    1991: 49.1% 44.9% 53.1%
    1981: 43.2% 38.3% 47.8%
    1971: 35.1% 29 .3% 40.4%
    1961: 32.0% 25.3% 38.1%
    1951: 15.8% 11.2% 20.2%

    The reading ability was calculated in India in 2011 for all persons aged 7 years. Among the Khasi, the 3% higher reading rate rate among women compared to men (4.4% more women can read) clearly stands out from the national and India-wide differences between the sexes. The rate shows how much girls' schooling is valued by the Khasi - also in contrast to the neighboring matrilineal Garo, although they have a particularly balanced gender ratio (50.3% of the 820,000 Garo in Meghalaya are male), but 6, 4% more men than women can read, the female literacy rate is 8.4% lower than the male:

    Literacy rates 2011   (2001)
    Khasi   (48% of the population, 55% of the tribes) Garo  (28% of the population, 32% of the Tribes)

    0rr 77.0 %   (66%)

     ♀ 78.5% of women: 52.2  % of the alphabets  ♂ 75.5% of men: 47.8% '

    0rr 71.8 %   (55%)

     ♀ 67.6% of women: '46.8% of the alphabets
     ♂ 76.0% of men: 53.2%

    Scheduled Tribes in Meghalaya  (86% of the population) ST in India  (705 recognized: 9% of all population)

    0rr 74.5 %   (61%)

     ♀ 73.6% of women: '50.0% of the alphabets
     ♂ 75.5% of men: 50.0%

    0rr 59.0 %   (47%)

     ♀ 49.4% of women: '41.8% of the alphabets
     ♂ 68.5% of men: 58.2%

    Meghalaya  (3 million inhabitants) India  (1.21 billion inhabitants 2011)

    0rr 74.4 %   (63%; 1951: 16%)

     ♀ 72.9% of women: '48.8% of the alphabets
     ♂ 76.0% of men: 51.2%

    0rr 73.0 %   ( 65% ; 1951: 18%)

     ♀ 64.6% of women: '43.0% of the alphabets
     ♂ 80.9% of men: 57.0%

    Worldwide reading ability is measured from the age of 15; in 2015 it was 86.3% (82.7% for women and 90.0% for men), in India: 71.2% = 60.6% for ♀ and 81.3% at ♂ (compare India in the list of global literacy rates ).

    Indices

    2006 with values ​​from the Union government :
    HDI India:  '0.605
    Meghalaya : 0.629   (see map)
    2006 - United Nations values :
    HDI India: f0.544
    Meghalaya: 0.543 ( HDI list of the UNDP )
    2011: Gross domestic product (GDP)
    2011fper capita in India ( world list )
    2011fMeghalaya low  
    2014: Meghalaya in 20th place

    Human and Gender Development

    As a benchmark for prosperity and gender equality in the countries of the world, the United Nations Development Program UNDP calculates several statistical indices annually (key figures with values ​​from a low 0.001 to an optimal 1,000):

    1. HDI Human Development Index " Human Development Index " = average life expectancy , years of schooling and purchasing power per capita (officially from 1990)
    2. GDI Gender Development Index " Index of gender-specific development " = HDI values ​​of women and men in relation to one another (officially from 1995)
    3. GEM Gender Empowerment Measure " Women Participation Index " = political and economic participation and income, separated by gender (1995-2014)
    4. GII Gender Inequality Index " Index of gender-specific inequality " = reproductive health of women, proportion of women in parliament as well as school education and labor force participation in a gender comparison (from 2010)

    Both the Meghalayas government (planning department) and the Indian Union government (ministry for women's and child development) have made their own calculations based on UNDP calculation methods, some with different values. They serve as a planning basis for improvement programs; the respective ranking can refer to the 29 states of India or also include the 7 union territories . The HDI of the total of 705 Scheduled Tribes is calculated as a low 0.270 (unchanged since 2000).

    • 1991: HDI from Meghalaya in 18th place with 0.464 (India: 0.432)
    According to Meghalaya's government: 'Rank 24 with 0.365 (India: 0.381) , and the former
    GDI Gender Disparity Index:   Rank  '7 with 0.807 (India: 0,676).

    Both governments cite the matrilinearity of society (“due to matrilineal society”) as the reason for this gender improvement compared to the average for India .

    • 2006: HDI from Meghalaya in 22nd place with 0.543 (India: 0.544)
    The Union government states: 17th place with 0.629 (India: 0.605) , and the
    GDI Gender Development Index: 14th place with 0.624 (India: 0.590), as well as the
    GEM Gender Empowerment Measure: Rank 28 with 0.346 (India: 0.497) .
    UNDP's GII Gender Inequality Index in 2011 for all of India: 0.617 at 129th place (out of 146 countries)
    HDI of all Scheduled Tribes remains at just 0.270
    India ranks 130th in the world with 0.640 (2016: 129th) , comparable to Namibia , in the group of countries with " medium human development"
    GDI Gender Development Index: Rank 149 with 0.841 ( HDI 0.575 ♀ to 0.683 ♂ )
    GII Gender Inequality Index ranked 127 with 0.524

    In terms of gender, the large Indian state with its more than 1.3 billion inhabitants has low values, mainly due to the low employment and political participation of women (GDI and GII are not known for Meghalaya).

    Femdex (2015)

    The index called Femdex ( Female Empowerment Index : comparable to the earlier GEM) was calculated by the McKinsey Global Institute in 2015 for the 28 Indian states and the 3 largest of the Union territories. Meghalaya came second with 0.69 (behind Mizoram with 0.70; India: 0.54) , comparable to Argentina , China and Indonesia  - while the neighboring Assam had the third lowest Femdex in India with 0.47 (comparable to Yemen or Chad ). Gender equality with regard to work was significantly more pronounced in Meghalaya and Mizoram with 0.56 than in the other states, whereby women in Mizoram were socially better off with 0.87 than in Meghalaya with 0.82 (rank 1: Chandigarh with 0.92) .

    Social organization

    The Khasi people consists of several tribes and sub-tribes, listed in the 2011 census as "Khasi, Jaintia, Synteng, Pnar, War, Bhoi, Lyngngam" (1,412,000 in Meghalaya state, 48% of the total population). Each tribe is made up of independent clans , each clan consists of many extended families who see themselves as related to one another. These clans form over 60 chiefdoms in the Khasi and Jaintia area (see below for the political structures ).

    Large matrilineal families ("houses")

    The smallest independent social and economic unit of the Khasi is the 3- generation family, called iing (house, family), respectfully and lovingly referred to as shi iing "a house": a woman with her children and the children of her daughters, that is the extended family of a grandmother with grandchildren . All members of the iing live together or close together in the village community , including the (unmarried) sons and grandsons. This family is managed by the grandmother, in coordination with all adult relatives (cooperative). Often a brother or uncle lives with the grandmother, sometimes a sister or aunt, preferably with offspring.

    The following diagram shows an example of an iing , founded by the "mother", to which the family names are related (grandmother from the point of view of her grandchildren):

     
     
     
     
    Master mother
    foremothers
    (grandmother)
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
    Mother brother
    (great uncle)
    social father
     
    " Mother "
    (Grandmother)
    Age: 33 ~ 55
     
     
     
    Mother sister
    (great aunt)
    ... has only sons
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
    Sons
    social fathers
     
    Youngest heir daughter
     
     
    Daughter
    ... without children
     
    Daughter
    elder
     
     
    Nephews (cousins)
    marriage ban
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
    Grandsons
     
    Granddaughter
    youngest
     
    Granddaughters
    older
     
     
    Granddaughters
     
    Grandson
    ... social father
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
    ... great-grandchild
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
    • Real estate: The house and land, the rights of use and the assets of a large family are exclusively in the competent hands of the "mother", usually managed by her older brother ("mother brother") or her uncle (her social father ), in consultation with everyone adult members of the iing in the form of a cooperative or cooperative as a community of solidarity . The “mother” started her iing with her own kitchen garden and residential house as well as land use rights, for which her descendants developed or earned additional land and rights of use within the village community (see above on village land management ). Your youngest daughter will inherit all of this and in turn pass it on to her youngest daughter (see below for succession by youngest daughters ). If a woman has no daughter, she cannot start an iing because the family would not continue; the woman stays with her mother (perhaps with sons) or joins a sister and her children to support them.
    Data
    A local woman asking about Govt.  schemes during the interactive session, at the Public Information Campaign on Bharat Nirman, at Tynring, E. Khasi Hills district of Meghalaya on September 21, 2013

    A Khasi woman asks questions at an information event on the measures of Bharat Nirman , the state support program for rural areas (Tynring, eastern Khasi Mountains , Meghalaya, 2013)

    Matrilinearity

    Northeast India:' Khasi, Garo
    South India: Nayar , Lakshadweep'

    Linearity of all 1267 ethnic groups worldwide: (1998)

    • 160 = 12 , 6% matri- linear = descent, group membership, privileges and inheritance from the mother and her foremothers (nothing from the father)
    • 584 = 46.1% patri- linear = descent, group membership, privileges and inheritance from the father and his forefathers (nothing from the mother)
    • 349 = 27.6% bilateral, cognatic = origin of mother and father and all grandparents (also common in western culture )
    • 52 = 4.1% bi- linear, duolateral = different things from mother and father
    • 49 = 3.9% ambi- linear = freely selectable: either entirely from the mother or from the father
    • 11 = 0.9% parallel = passed on from mother to daughters and from father to sons
    • 45 = 3.6% mixed • 17 = absent

    1300 ethnic groups are recorded worldwide (2018).

    Matrilocality

    164 matrilineal ethnic groups worldwide - their marital residence after marriage:

    • 62 = 38% live avunku -local = with the wife's mother's brother (maternal uncle), rarely with the husband's mother's brother
    • 53 = 32% live matri- local = with the wife's mother; also: uxori -lokal = "at the place of the wife"
    • 30 = 18% live patri -Local = the father of the husband; also: viri- local = "at the place of the man"
    • 19 = 12% have different rules:
    neo -local = in a new place
    bi- local = in both places (mother / father)
    ambi- local = selectable: with mother or father
    nato -local = at the respective place of birth = " visiting marriage ": man only comes overnight

    1 patri- linear ethnicity out of 584 lives in matri- local.

    Matrifocality

    Matrifocality = "matrifocussed, matrix-centered"
    = modern researchstatus:'a woman + her children + the children of her daughters form the core

    " Matriarchy " = Latin. "Rule of the mother"
     feminist: "in the beginning the mothers" '

    History of matriarchal theories =
    1861: Johann Jakob Bachofens "mother right" ...

    Matriarchy?
    • Identical descent: All shown relatives are related by blood , they are all descendants of the same woman: the mother of the "mother" (from the grandchild's point of view: the great-grandmother ). In their understanding of consanguinity, the biological fathers of the relatives play no role, they do not belong to the iing . This extended family also does not include the children of brothers, sons or grandchildren - like biological fathers, all children of male family members belong to the extended families of their own mothers. The family shown is therefore not a whole, but half an extended family (only 1 of the 2 parental lines of descent ): The sons of all generations inherit the family and clan names from their mother, but cannot inherit them, and sons cannot pass them on Inheriting property, title or privilege from her mother (and neither from her father).
      This restriction to the parentage is technically called matrilinearity : "in the line of the mother", and is found in around 160 ethnic groups and indigenous peoples worldwide  . Such a line of mothers goes back over the biological foremothers to an ancestral mother (sometimes just to say " haft" ), who is revered as the founder of the entire line ( see below ). In contrast, there are families of other peoples who derive their descent only from the father and his forefathers ( patrilinearity : “in the line of the father”); with some peoples children inherit certain affiliations and positions only from the mother-side, others only from the father-side ( bilinearity , example: Jewish religion from the mother - Jewish ethnicity from the father).
      The Khasi also know forms of joint adoption : After adopting an unrelated person “as a child”, this person becomes a member of the family of the adopting mother and receives her clan membership.
    • Social fathers: All brothers care for the children and grandchildren of their sisters, in all generations (see below for the meaning of mother brothers and their social fatherhood).
    • Husbands: With the women of the iing "married" husbands can live as supporters of the whole family - but they are not members of the "house" because they are the sons of other iing to whom they belong. The married men of the family (brothers, sons, grandchildren) are absent, they live in the families of their wives, as married supporters; their biological children also belong there (see below on the place of residence with the mother ). Since all husbands are also social fathers for their own siblings, the biological children of a husband always have a social father, often several (see below for the family roles of men ).

    Advantages of the matri- linear extended family:

    • The “mother” first took care of her children and does the same for the children of her daughters (the eggs of the daughters have already arisen in the womb of the “mother”). With the accumulated economic assets of the family, the “mother” now also ensures that her grandchildren can raise their needs and can look after them. This support of a mother by her mother is seen as a human evolutionary advantage because it measurably improves the survival chances of the grandchildren - in comparison to other primate species and also to the patrilineal families, in which the wives live fundamentally separate from their mothers and often from the mother of the husband must subordinate (compare findings on the importance of the maternal grandmother ).
    • The power of disposal over the economic assets in the hands of only one group mother guarantees the protection of all relatives, including those unable to work: children, the sick, the disabled, the disabled and the elderly of several generations. This means that all men and women are covered as members of their mother or sister family. All of your interests in this social security act as a control over the group mother and her advisory brother or uncle not to endanger the group's assets through stubborn decisions or interests. The extended Khasi family sees itself as a community of solidarity in the form of a “ social insurance ” to which all relatives “pay” their available labor and income.

    Matrilinear lineages ("bellies")

    At the latest with the birth of the “great-grandchild” indicated in the diagram, his grandmother (the “older daughter”) will consider moving out. With her husband, a brother or uncle as well as her children and the husbands of her daughters, she will now found her own iing , a new “house” (compare also aristocratic / ruler “house” and differences between “house, family, family gender ). Then the “mother” “produced” a new, independent extended family from her own womb : a grandmother with granddaughters. She is now great-grandmother, probably about 50 years old, and has as an experienced family manager her family successfully managed - in close cooperation with the many other branches of the family of their line and the other clan families in their community.

    With the departure of the "older daughter", the remaining extended family has grown to become the next largest social unit of the Khasi, a self-confident kpoh , literally "belly, womb", technically lineage : a "single lineage group" with at least 4 living generations, followed by the Khasi tracing back to the line of her mother, her mother, and so on (mother line). Worldwide there are individual families with 6 generations, the Guinness Book names 7 as a world record: a line through 6 generations of women from 109-year-old great-great-great-great-grandmother Augusta Bunge to her newborn biological great-great-great-great-grandchild in the USA in 1989 (compare generation names ). The diagram of a living Khasi great, great, great grandmother would show over 200 members of her 6 successor generations.

    This lineage, respectfully referred to as shi kpoh “one belly” (one lap, united, united), is continued by the heir and then her youngest daughter, and with each “older daughter” in each generation, new iings are found. The extended family of the older daughter, who moved out, will in turn grow into a kpoh a generation later , a lineage of its own (also known as a “subclan”). Khasi women are generally not viewed as inferior if they have no children, or only sons, or if they do not feel called to start their own home - their support and security are welcome in a sisterly household.

    The designation of such large family groups as " clan " is imprecise and out of date, it refers to the old Germanic tribes ; The designation as “ gender ” (succession according to the “ male line ”) is also reserved for the patri- linear large families . The designation of a lineage as a “clan” is also wrong, because such a group sees itself as a superordinate association of many individual lineages, which derive their commonality from ancestry, a local origin or other identity-creating references (compare also totemistic clans ).

    Ancestor worship

    The original founder of a kpoh is revered as "the old grandmother": ka Lawbei tymms . This ancestral mother is asked for protection against suspected external negative influences on the whole family with ceremonies and offerings . The worship of ancestors, or ancestral cult in technical terms , is a natural part of the Khasi 's worldview: The foundress' remembered powers extend to the present day and are often implored to ward off unwanted forces from the surrounding nature or from other people. For her part, the kpoh founder is seen as a blood-related descendant of the original "Basic Great Mother" of the entire line, the ka Lawbei-Tynrai (lawbei: great mother; tynrai: fundamental; see above about sung names ). In the course of centuries hundreds of blood-related lineages may have outgrown the ancestor's "belly" (kpoh) - she will be honored in memory by all of her descendants. This presence of the common ancestors has the effect that all of these descendants feel that they are “siblings” with one another and share a solidarity that distinguishes them from the descendants of the other Khasi ancestors (see culture of remembrance ). They see themselves as members of a large family and form a “ clan ”, in the manner of an interest group , with all kpoh members as “subclans”.

    In addition to the respective kpoh ancestral mother, her (then) husband is also honored and asked for assistance: u Thawlang , as “the first father”, can provide spiritual help, especially in disputes within the family. The eldest brother of the ancestral mother is even more venerated than u Suid-Nia: “the first uncle” (mother's side). It is often found as the largest of the three upright memorial stones (mawbynna) , some of which can be several meters high (comparable to megaliths ). The upright stones represent the male ancestors who protect their sisters and nieces lying down. There are no tombs , but memorials of honor that are visible from afar, comparable to the old European menhirs (see pictures ).

    Residence with the mother

    Khasi follow their traditional marriage rules , which prohibit marriage within their own clan and can punish them with the final repudiation of the couple (see below on the religious incest taboo ). This general rule of exogamy (outside marriage) initially prevents incest , since all groups of ancestry within a clan ( kpoh , iing ) are blood related to one another through branching maternal lines - or at least are considered to be physically related. Proceeding serve exogamous marriage regulations' need genetic mix by systematically avoiding similar heritage within his own clan. In addition, marriages between clans often serve to promote social fraternization or the political alliance of clans (formation of alliances). Most clans around the world only marry members of other clans, some of them were formed solely for this reason. Marriage partners must be sought in the extended families of other Khasi clans, including the children of the mother's brother or mother's uncle, because these cousins ​​do not belong to their own clan, but to the clans of their mothers (compare the ethnological term of cross-cousin marriage ). Before a planned marriage, the mothers of the bride and groom will check carefully whether the two had a common ancestor in the distant past . This rule of exogamy is restricted by opposing endogamous do's and don'ts (internal marriage): Marriage within the Khasi village community is welcome ; In many clans, non-Khasi spouses are not welcome, and in recent times men have even threatened to punish them ( see below ). In the border areas there is a tolerated exchange of marriage partners with neighboring indigenous people ( see below ).

    In the middle of the last century, Khasi women mostly married between the ages of 13 and 18 and men between 18 and 35; now there is a legal minimum age of 18 for women and 21 for men. In 2001 the census of marriages among Khasi (with Jaintia) and the small group of Synteng (1,300 members) showed :

    • 63.4% unmarried (highest rate of Scheduled Tribes in Meghalaya)
    • 30.9% married (lowest rate of tribes)
    • 03.2% widowed
    • 02.5% divorced / separated (highest rate of tribes)
    • 01.4% of the girls under the age of 18 had married (lowest rate of Tribes; highest: 1.8% for Synteng)
    • 01.3% of men under the age of 21 had married (1.5% among the Synteng: highest rate)

    In order to choose a husband, a woman must either offer social security as an inheritance daughter through the property of her mother family, or as an “older daughter” the possibility of being supported by her mother family. The youngest daughter will never move out of her mother's house, the future daughter must move in with her; older daughters have more freedom and can, in the course of time, set up a new residence with their husband near the mother's house.

    In general, the desire for contact is made by the women, and the local weekly markets also serve as a marriage market . The young men like to come here or they proudly present themselves to the assembled ladies at the monthly celebrations and festivals of the Khasi calendar. At wedding celebrations , ritual gifts are exchanged between the two families, such as the widely appreciated betel nuts and betel leaves . Bride price payments or a morning gift from the husband do not exist with the Khasi, nor does the dowry system of dowry , which is widespread throughout India , in which husbands demand high dowry from the bride's parents (compare dowry murder ). The spouse's clan is respectfully referred to as kha (comparable to a brotherhood ), while one's own clan is affectionately referred to as kur . According to both the Khasi tradition and its Christianization, the Khasi lead marital relationships monogamous (“unmarried”). A divorce was traditionally quite easy and could be initiated by the woman, even today the divorce rate among the Khasi is slightly above the Indian average. There are hardly any “ single parents ” Khasi mothers and the problems associated with them, since at least female family members live in the house, and the older brother or uncle is important for the mother and her child.

    The chosen husband has so far supported his own mother family and worked for her - now the wife expects that he will move in with her and her extended family and support her and the planned children. This choice of marital residence is technically called matrilocality : “at the place of the mother”. In the evaluation of all around 1,300 data sets on ethnic groups and indigenous peoples worldwide, matrilocality is found in a third of the around 160  matrilinear cultures, even more prefer an avunculocality : the marital choice of residence with the wife's mother's brother (her maternal uncle). In the case of a wife who is not entitled to inheritance, a place of residence “in a new location” ( neolocal ) has recently been increasingly considered, whereby job opportunities in cities play a role.

    Since a wife is normally covered by her mother's family, she is not necessarily dependent on the presence and work of her husband, in some cases the husband is mainly with his own extended family, both spouses remain "at the place of their birth" ( natolokal ) . Earlier ethnologists ( ethnologists ) reported observations made by the Khasi tribe of the Jaintia ( Synteng / Pnar), that the husband stayed at his mother's place of residence and visited his wife only occasionally, mostly overnight. In 1952, the German priest and ethnologist Wilhelm Schmidt advocated the thesis of a “ visiting marriage ” as an “even older form of maternal right ” (compare also the small southern Chinese people of the Mosuo ). In fact, Khasi husbands often do not bring all of their work into the wife's household or leave their partner (temporarily); this is balanced out by the unmarried male members of the extended family living with them and by the support of the wife's mother (grandmother of the children).

    After a birth, a Khasi mother in her extended family is not only supported by her mother and other experienced relatives, but also by her social father (uncle), her favorite brother, and - if desired (and known) - the child's biological father .

    Succession of the youngest daughter (ultimagenitur)

    To this day, almost all Khasi cling to their traditional way of life within a matri- linear and matri- local social order (technical language matrifocality : "matricentriert, matrifocusiert"), in which the maternal lineage, choice of residence and succession predominates: the children are assigned to the mother and Goods, rights, privileges and duties are inherited from mothers to their daughters, preferably the youngest. The male descendants within an extended family also receive the family and clan name, are assigned to the entire lineage and live at their mother's place (as long as unmarried), at an advanced age with a sister and her children. However, they cannot pass this membership on to their biological children, because they are descended from their mother, not from her (compare rules of descent on descent). Therefore men do not inherit goods from their mother; they would be taken from family property without offering any benefit to the extended family. In the Jaintia tribe, a man's (motherly) clan can even claim his private property as clan property. A Khasi man cannot bequeath anything to his children except personal things, because the inherited goods would change from his mother's clan to the clan of the mother of his children. Such a change of property and land between clans is impossible and only possible in mutual mutual exchange (in earlier times sometimes also warlike).

    The land and buildings belong to the group mother, mostly managed by her brother or her social father (uncle). The income from work, agriculture, production and trade of the family members also goes to the mother. In earlier times, the Khasi had no distinct private property apart from their personal jewelry , land owned by a large family is still mostly managed in the form of a cooperative or cooperative (see above on the large family as social insurance ).

    Ultimagenitur

    The youngest daughter of a Khasi mother has an official title: ka Khadduh (“the custodian” of the ancestral property), bestowed by the mother when she does not want another child. According to tradition, the last-born is the mother's chief heir and will inherit the family's house and land (compare heir daughter ). She will cherish her mother's jewelry, which may have been accumulated for generations. Older sisters expect a small share of the inheritance, especially when they are about to start their own “house” ( iing ) . Sons rarely get an inheritance share, maybe some movable property like animals, but no land. In the case of the War-Khasi tribe (in the southern border area) the inheritance is divided equally between daughters and sons.

    The succession to the youngest child is technically called Ultimogenitur (lastborn right), in the case of the youngest daughter Ultim a genitur (“the lastborn as succession”) - in double contrast to Primogenitur as the right of inheritance of the firstborn son in patrilineal families. In some Khasi areas, the youngest daughter receives the best school education right from the start; Schooling is generally encouraged, but women have 3% more reading skills than men (see above on the literacy rate ). In contrast to the Khasi, among the matrilineal people neighboring to the west, the Garo prefers to inherit the eldest daughter (the firstborn as heir daughter: Prim a genitur). With them the position of the village director (nokmas) is only taken over by a youngest daughter.

    The following diagram shows the succession of the youngest daughter:

     
     
     
     
    " Mother "
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
    Sons
     
    youngest =
    heir
     
    older
    daughter
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
    Grandsons
     
    (youngest)
    granddaughter
     
    (youngest)
    granddaughter
     
    Grandsons
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     

    After the death of the “mother”, her youngest daughter inherits most or all of the economic assets and family land and becomes the new head of the extended family ( iing ) or the larger lineage ( kpoh ) . She could very well be a grandmother herself. She also inherits the ka bat ka Niam , the religious, spiritual responsibility for the extended family (see below on the religion of Niam Khasi ), as well as the ka ling-seng , the group ceremony (iing: house, family; seng: united). The understanding of the united Khasi extended family as a managed cooperative requires constant coordination with all adult family members, including the more experienced and respected elders, from the heiress . She will in turn pass on the management and the entire property to her youngest daughter; In this form, the Lineages have held their country together for many centuries, but have always supported the newly emerging family branches with a house and a small field. The youngest daughter of an “older daughter” also inherits their property and jewelry, if they have already been accumulated; in any event, she inherits responsibility for her siblings and her sisters' children (her nieces and nephews).

    If the intended heir daughter turns out to be too young or unsuitable or is not accepted by the family council, an older daughter or a daughter of the mother sister can take the place: If a sister daughter ( cousin of the heir daughter) is chosen , this would also be the straight line of the Continue “mother”, only not over the youngest sideline (compare straight lines versus lateral relatives , always relative: all children and grandchildren of a woman continue their straight line, all children are sideline to each other).

    Reasons for the Ultimagenitur regulation and its advantages for the extended family:

    1. The preference for only one child (as the sole heir) keeps the accumulated property of the whole family together - if several children inherit a separate share, the economic assets and the social security and effectiveness of all relatives are weakened.
    2. All Khasi would like to have a daughter - less to continue the line or for inheritance reasons, but to care for her in old age.
    3. The youngest daughter assures longer the maintenance and care of her mother in old age - traditionally the youngest often receives a preferred education and early takes on the role of personal assistant and trainees of the mother in order to prepare for their management tasks (training to a family manager ) ; all family members live in the knowledge that the sole heir is prepared and will look after the parents.
    4. The youngest usually outlives her older sisters - the handover of overall responsibility from one generation to the next changes less frequently.
    5. The heiress cannot claim any additional authority as the oldest or most experienced of the children - she has to coordinate with all adult family members ( principle of consensus ), and she also has her experienced social father (uncle: mother-brother) and usually an older brother by her side.

    If a mother has another daughter after the "heir-daughter", she will take over the tasks. A mother's ability to conceive is limited in time, her natural menopause can begin from the age of 45 (average: from 51 years; compare also the grandmother hypothesis ). In contrast, fathers can father many children when they are old, which often results in problems in patri- linear families with regard to illegitimacy (legitimacy), neglect or even neglect of such children - with the Khasi there are hardly any problems in this regard.

    Conflicts:

    • The heir daughter is prepared for her role right from the start - but is also forced into responsibility. For a girl of today this requires a far-reaching assessment of her situation, because as the heiress she can never leave her beloved shi iing . Although she offers the future husband a “good match” with social security, the future would have to be completely subordinate to their perspective on life - another place of residence would be excluded, not without the “mother” (and her husband). But not all men are ready for this, many prefer to move in with an “older daughter” and, if possible, outside of her mother's house. The prevailing assessment does not name any abnormalities or social frictions, because the obligations of the respective expectation are never too strict and allow scope for their execution. If the intended heir does not make it or does not want to take on the responsibility, there are obvious alternatives: Your sister or a cousin (daughter of the mother sister) can agree to stay with the mother until the end of her life and to take over the family management from her. In addition, sisters and brothers as well as uncles and aunts like to help because community is important to them .

    Matrilineal clans

    Each Khasi clan sees itself as an interest group of related kpoh (bellies) and iing (houses) and derives its entire ancestry from a common ancestor, an original ancestral mother who may have lived many generations and centuries ago. This is respectfully called “The Great Mother of the Root” (of the clan tree): ka Lawbei-Tynrai (lawbei: great mother; tynrai: fundamental). Not all clans can name their founder and the subsequent generation of mothers by name; they then generally speak of their "basic grandmothers", who are highly adored. Again and again had joined on special occasions, individual groups or small tribes other Khasi clans and then embellished a common origin (a " Ansippung " with fictitious genealogy). All clans take for granted that none of these many founders were related to each other . However, some clans are derived from different daughters of a “basic grandmother”, each see themselves as an independent clan line and often together form a clan association . Over time, individual branches of the family have become independent clans, and perhaps foreign groups have also joined in in between: The names of the matrilineal clans collected by a Khasi researcher amounted to 3363, united to form clan associations and chiefdoms . In contrast, the 1 million members of the neighboring matrilineal Garo are divided into only three large clans (katchis) .

    Clan mother

    A Khasi clan is headed by a clan mother (compare "clan mother" with Indians ), usually one of the oldest and most experienced women in the large family association - while the clan chief, who is co-determined by her, performs administrative, representative and political tasks outside. Clan mothers and chiefs are bound by resolutions of the clan council (dorbar) or clan assemblies and can be voted out of office if necessary. Like other indigenous peoples , the Khasi know a strict division of labor according to gender ( gender order ) in many areas that can hardly be broken for individual people : women are responsible for their activities, men for theirs. Both areas are mutually coordinated. An example of the responsibilities relates to a legend from the Jaintia tribe, according to which the clan mother - as spiritual director also the high priestess  - administered the entire property of the chieftainship and was reluctant to give her chief scant financial resources.

    Mixed lines

    In border areas or when the occasion arises, entire families can be “ adopted ” by a lineage or their clan , with appropriate admission rituals . Individual Khasi subgroups handle the importance of the male lineage differently and involve both genders in inheritance. In the northeastern Khasi tribe of the Bhoi (in the district of Ri-Bhoi ), maternal lineages can be continued over two generations: There a woman without a daughter will ask her son to marry a woman from the neighboring Karbi people . The small ethnic group of the Karbi, also called Mikir, settles in the adjacent Assamese district of Karbi Anglong and consists of patri- linear clans (father lines). The children of such a mixed marriage belong to the patrilineal Karbi clan of the wife, because the Khasi father cannot pass on his mother-side group membership to his children. His youngest granddaughter, however, takes over the name of her Khasi great-grandmother and continues her line matrilineally; thus she changes her clan affiliation (within her village community) and changes from the Karbi back to the Khasi people. Such mixtures and alliances between opposing clan rules of ancestry exist in different border areas, in some clans or tribes some members feel they belong to another tribe or clan - depending on the lineage they prefer. There are whole clan groups that call themselves Garo -Khasi, while others try to distinguish themselves as their own sub-tribe from other Khasi tribes (see below on the “ Seven Huts ”).

    With tribal diversity, the unity and community of the respective clan (kur) and the pride in belonging remain fundamental . Correspondingly, the male leaders of the Khasi do not lead a tribe, but their clan, elected chief by their clan council and the clan mother. In an association of clans, the largest clan provides the common chief; he works together with the other leaders and clan mothers, but presides over them in a representative manner and also represents the whole community externally.

    Roles of men

    Gem washer on the Piyain River in Jaflong ( Sylhet District , Bangladesh, 2009)

    Like almost all of the around 160 matrilineal ethnic groups worldwide  , the Khasi also follow a traditional division of labor between the sexes (compare difference: gender habitus vs. gender role , gender order ). Khasi men are just as important as their tribe women : They have basic tasks within their nuclear family, extended family ( iing ) and lineage ( kpoh ) , but also have tasks in external representation, also representative and religious, which are seldom or rarely perceived by women. While the female principle is revered in the imagination of the strong goddess who is assisted by a husband, the British colonial rulers tried for 150 years to restrict the role model for landowning women to the family and domestic sphere. This pressure is continued within the Khasi's own organizations through a growing male self-esteem, which can increasingly take on masculinist forms, accompanied by nationalist and populist opinion-forming.

    The following list describes the social roles that arise for Khasi men through kinship, marriage and politics:

    1. Sons are just as welcome as daughters (see above on the gender ratio ), but Khasi would like at least one daughter to look after in old age. Sons receive the family and clan names from their mother as an expression of group membership also in the parent clan , but according to the Khasi tradition they cannot inherit any rights, titles or privileges from their mother, especially no land or house ownership. Sons do not inherit anything from the father, because he can not inherit his group membership and normally does not own any land or property of his own. A son pays a large part of his mother's upkeep, later that of his wife and her mother.
    2. Brothers are very important for sisters: a brother will protect and support his sister, maybe also live with her and her husband, but above all take on social fatherhood for their children (his nieces and nephews ) , the sisters children will also call him father . The eldest brother becomes the leading and protective uncle of the family.
    3. In addition to their social paternity, uncles ( kñi , mother brothers) have the task of administering the land and property of their family: They are the experienced advisers to their sisters and nieces and can take on tasks as the male head of their extended family or lineage (see above on uncle- Adoration ). The paternal uncles (father brothers) have no special role as such, nor do the paternal aunts (father sisters). On the other hand, the mother's aunts (mother sisters) are close family members.
    4. Cousins are differentiated according to the parental side with which they are siblings: the sons of mother sisters belong to the family and are equal to their own brothers. The sons of father sisters belong to another clan, are not seen as blood relatives and can be married (compare cross-cousin marriage ).
    5. Husbands are always welcome in the families of women, they are considered to be the head of their core family , contribute to the upkeep of the wife's extended family and help with the maintenance and management of their family property. A husband lives with his wife close to or in their extended family, but continues to take care of their sister's children. It can happen that both spouses stay with their mother families by mutual agreement (compare visiting marriage : the husband visits his wife only overnight). He has a relaxed relationship with other children of his wife (his stepchildren ): He will take on the role of their social father, without weighing up which child he might prefer for hereditary reasons. As long as a husband lives with his wife, he cannot claim any land use rights from his family of origin; he cultivates the land of his wife and her family or works for them.
    6. Fathers are seen as members of another clan (see internal clan prohibition of marriage ), whose lineage is honored but not continued by his children because they only belong to their mother's clan. While the mother's clan is affectionately called kur , the father's clan is respectfully called kha , which expresses a kind of brotherhood . The Khasi motto "Know your cure, know your Kha" (tip kur tip kha) expresses the connection between the two clan origins. A father cannot bequeath anything, but knows that his children are in good hands with the mother; in his own clan he takes over the protection of the sister as a brother and social paternity for their children as an uncle.
    7. Grandfathers do not play a special role: the father's father has little relation to his children's children - he lives with his own family and as a great-uncle is important for his sister's children and grandchildren there. As the grandmother's husband, the mother's father probably lives with the extended family, but is also the social father of his own sisters' children.
    8. The head of the family (jaid) is a man: in the nuclear family the husband (if he lives with him) or the wife's uncle or older brother, in the extended family the grandmother's husband together with her brother and uncle. The head of the family mainly has official duties at religious ceremonies. The Christianization preaches Khasi for two centuries the notion of the father as "head of household", the Khasi tradition on the other hand sees the uncle of his wife (u KNI) , their social Father, as "chief" and protector.
    9. The village chief (village head-man) is appointed by the village council, similar to an official mayor, usually a man. The Indian system of village Panchayat self-government also prefers men for this political task and only uses masculine terms (see below on village politics ).
    10. The chief of a clan (chief) is appointed by the clan council (dorbar) and the clan mother (often her nephew) - only in rare cases does a woman take on this political task of external representation and coordination with other villages and chiefs. Already in the British colonial period the importance of the clan chiefs towards the clan mothers was increased ( see below ).

    The weighting of the individual roles and their design can differ in the various Khasi groups and tribes - the interplay between the husband and the wife's uncle (her social father) and the wife's older brother (her protector and social father of their children) remains fundamental ): If one does not live with the woman, then one of the others, children definitely have a “father” by their side.

    Mother brother (social father)

    Rural photo from the book Folk-tales of the Khasis (1920)

    Although many Khasi men move to their wives after marriage ( matrilocal ), where they have to contribute their work and earnings, after the birth of a child, the wife's (older) brother will also develop a close relationship with the child, it will him also call father . Khasi men generally look after their sister children (their nephews and nieces ) and assume social paternity for them from the start (compare social parenting ). This meaning of the mother brother can be found in most of the approximately 160 matrilineal ethnic groups worldwide. For comparison: In the German language there is also the old term “ uncle ” for the maternal uncle , he had a special meaning as a carer for the children of his sister (compare also godfather ). In Latin, the mother's brother is called avunculus , from which the avunculate for the social paternity of the mother's uncle is derived. Together with the avunculocality (marital residence with the mother's brother), the avunculate can be understood as the selection of relatives : promoting the siblings as part of the carrier of their own genetic material ( kinship coefficient : 25%) to strengthen overall biological fitness . Another socio-cultural evolutionary advantage comes from the fact that Khasi children can have several “fathers” at their side as protectors and supporters.

    classification

    The exclusion of Khasi men from the inheritance of the lands and buildings of their mother families guarantees that the possession of the economic foundations remains in the hands of women, more precisely: the (grand) mothers. This does not give them the ability to operate for their own purposes and out of personal interest - the mothers manage the land and houses as social security for the entire extended family. As a result, all men (as sons and brothers) are covered by the families of their mothers, for this purpose they contribute their work and earnings there (see above on mother's social security ). Mothers also secure the children of their daughters - but not the children of their sons, because they are not counted as part of the family, but rather belong to the family and clan of the respective mother and her mother. For a Khasi man as a father, this means that his biological children are socially and economically secure in the family of the (wife) wife, with his requested assistance; in addition, his children have a social “father” there, their uncle. A husband always has to fulfill his family duties and to protect and support the children of his sister, for whom he, as an uncle, is the social father.

    For men in matrilineal societies, this twofold father role results in a fundamental contradiction between their fatherly feelings for their biological children and their responsibility for the ( blood-related ) children of their sister. This constellation was called a “matrilinear puzzle ” during research in the “matrilinear belt” of the African Congo region : the sisters continue the male line, while his biological offspring continue the line of their mother. The mother, in turn, has to deal with the influence of her brother, who exercises a kind of guardianship over her children.

    Conflicts

    The labor and earnings of a Khasi man belong to his mother before his marriage - after his wife and mother are married. This clear division has changed in the last few decades, and older daughters and sons also want to have a greater share in inheritances. Increasingly, men are claiming their own rights with regard to the choice of marital domicile as well as the ancestry of their children and the passing on of their own family name. As wage laborers, craftsmen, traders or businessmen, men want to dispose of their own earnings and accumulate their own property, including real estate (see above on the conflicts caused by land privatization and the population explosion ). In addition, there is widespread rural exodus ( urbanization ), because men and young married couples are increasingly moving to the larger cities and adapting to the western lifestyle . In 2011, 22% of the Khasi lived in an urban area (national average: 20%) and there were 1.6% more women than men (23,000) among the 1.4 million Khasi in Meghalaya state. For decades, the Khasi have been fighting against the increasing immigration of single men from Hindu West Bengal and the neighboring Muslim Bangladesh to the south . Since the founding of the state in 1972, there have been repeated protests with violent attacks against "strangers", especially in the capital Shillong, where West Bengali, Nepalese and others who have been resident for generations were attacked as "non-tribal". The largest riots took place in 1987, 1992 and 2013.

    The Khasi Autonomous Tribal Council (KHADC: Khasi Hills Autonomous District Council ) is almost entirely male, and the two interest groups, Federation of Khasi Jaintia and Garo Peoples (FKJGP) and Khasi Students Union (KSU), are also dominated by men (see also below to male village councils ). With the population explosion in Meghalaya (from 1.3 to 3 million in 30 years), self-related demarcations of the Khasi against “foreign infiltration” increased sharply (compare ethnocentrism ), combined with nationalist and populist attitudes. These organizations lament the increasing intercultural marriages of women with non-Khasi, some of which are linked to financial interests (both sides). In 2018, the KHADC prepared a change in the law to punish Khasi women with the loss of their nationality and Indian tribal rights if they marry a non-Khasi (comparable to the religious incest taboo with threatened clan violation). Khasi men would not be affected by the law, and they would rarely marry non-Khasi. After violent protests by Khasi women's organizations and human rights activists , the Governor Meghalayas (as representative of the Indian President) refused to sign the amendment because it fundamentally violates the Indian Constitution.

    Political organization

    Village politics

    The basis of the political conditions of the Khasi is still the individual village community ( see above ). The village council (dorbar shnong) administers the village and appoints a male village head (Rangbah Shnong) . Since families from several clans live in each village, clan mothers (remotely living) have only limited influence on the local politics of a village. The dorbar shnong forms the superordinate village facility for joint regulations and planning. The village council and its rangbah are also responsible for the administration of justice according to the state-recognized Khasi tribal laws , as well as for the performance of religious ceremonies and rituals . Here, all the Khasi are considered equal, there is no Before authorizations ( privileges ), status differences do not matter. In this sense, the Khasi are called democratic . This equality also applies with regard to the use of the village common land (for self-sufficiency ), which is regulated and administered by mutual agreement by the dorbar shnong ( see above ).

    Double structures

    Since the Khasi village council does not have money from state taxes, it can levy its own fees, for example when changing ownership of land. At the same time, the head must seek funding from his state administrative district and win over the local politicians. This interplay of tribal self-administration and state responsibilities leaves a wide scope for arbitrariness and corruption with a lack of transparency as to where state subsidies seep away. The 2015 newspaper article denounced such practices as widespread.

    Sex habit

    Following the traditional gender order between women and men, men are almost always assigned the task of village council or head. Only a few Khasi women are willing to take on such an office in addition to their family and economic responsibilities, and without much prior knowledge and experience (compare difference: gender habitus vs. gender role ). The system of Panchayat self-government (“assembly of the five elders / wise men ”), which is common in India, also prefers men for these leadership tasks, and accordingly only male terms are used (village head-man). Criticism of this definition of the gender division of tasks has grown in the last few decades, but so has its self-confident defense by Khasi men. In 2015, an article in Meghalaya's long-established newspaper The Shillong Times explains the criticism of the rigid attitudes of many Khasi village councilors, not wanting female village councilors that this restriction of women was in no way due to the Khasi tradition, but to an increasing hegemonic masculinity (see above on the image of men of the Khasi organizations ).

    In the neighboring matrilineal Garo to the west , the position of village chief (nokmas) is only taken over by a youngest daughter, elected by her female relatives - her husband is assigned executive power .

    Clan chief

    Each Khasi clan has a leader in addition to its chief clan mother: u Syiem , the chief or chieftain, in rare cases female (compare “chief” for non-European peoples , Scottish “ clan chief ” and Pacific “ big man ”). During the clashes from 1765 and the following British colonial period (1824-1947), the English officials specifically strengthened the male leaders in order to undermine the political weight and authority of the clan mothers and to gain influence.

    The chief of a clan is usually a son of the clan mother or her nephew (son of the sister), confirmed by the electoral or executive council of the clan; in the event of discrepancies, all adult clan members are interviewed. While the clan mother is responsible for the management of the large family association, the Syiem performs administrative, representative and political tasks on behalf of the clan also outside, with its own veto right within the clan and its own lineage ( kpoh ) within the framework of the usual consensus principle . Such a division of tasks between the sexes exists in almost all of the around 160  matrilineal ethnic groups worldwide. As a diplomatic representative, the chief has to organize large hunts or events such as festivals for invited representatives of other clans and provide them with impressive entertainment. The title of Syiem is primarily an honorary title for performing religious ceremonies and rituals for individual villages or areas in which his clan is represented. In the absence of property taxes, a clan chief's sources of income are primarily the collection of market duties and fees, as well as the issuing of licenses to distill rice whiskey in his area.

    Clan chiefdoms

    1947: the then 25 Khasi "states" (clan chiefdoms) in the Khasi mountains (excluding the northern district of Ri-Bhoi )

    The Khasi form a " tribal society ": Over many centuries, changing alliances and (armed) conflicts between clans have led to the formation of today's 64 " chiefdoms " of the Khasi and Jaintia. Each chieftainship sees itself as a Hima (" state "; among the Jaintia Ilaka ) and is supported by a clan or clan association (compare the differences between chiefdom vs. tribal chief and chiefdom ).

    The 16 clan states of the actual Khasi are called Hima Syiem (English: Syiemship ), for example the Hima Syiem Sohra in the rainy southern Khasi mountains around the mountain town of Cherrapunji , or the neighboring large Hima Syiem Khyrim , known for its annual festival Pom-Blang Nongkrem in the small town of Smit near Shillong .

    There are also 25  sirdarships ( e.g. Hima Sirdar Mawlong near Cherrapunji), 3  lyngdohships ( e.g. Hima Lyngdoh Mawphlang near Shillong) and 1  wahadadarship in the south: Hima Wahadadar Shella .

    In the Jaintia Mountains, the 19 clan states are called Dolloiships , for example Ilaka Dolloi Amwi or Ilaka Dolloi Saipung . Unlike the other Khasi States in the Jaintia (could Synteng / Pnar) individual Dollois grow into influential " king oc-" larger areas regier (ed), headed by a Raja ( "Lord, lord, king").

    These 64 “states” today probably emerged from voluntary amalgamations of individual villages, which were joined by others, followed by occasional wars and conquests among one another and changing alliances. In the neighboring matrilineal Garo to the west, however, the individual village associations have maintained their independence to this day (around 80 female Nokmaships ), their three large clans have not formed any "chiefdoms".

    In the approximately 3000 Khasi village communities , several clans always live cooperatively together, which is why political alliances of the villages sometimes run across the clan lines, which means that the clan mothers have additional, higher-level management tasks. It has happened that entire villages have changed their affiliation to a clan state or a tribal subgroup has joined another Khasi clan or tribe; For such occasions there are social rituals that can also include foreign groups (compare ritual purity ).

    Executive Council (dorbar)

    The basic political decisions are made in the dorbar , the executive council of the clan or chieftainship (executive council) . While the village councils (dorbar shnong) are responsible for local affairs in the village area, the dorbar regulates overarching matters within the family network and the resulting land ownership and usage rights in various villages. Together with his Syiem , he is responsible for the jurisdiction in relation to clan affairs and for prosecuting violations of persons or property. He is subordinate to the highest "Autonomous District Council" of the Khasi (KHADC), which is responsible for the legislation and the supervision of the succession of chiefs.

    Traditional clan classes

    In some chiefdoms, the Khasi clans involved were traditionally divided into three classes: noble, common and servant. The majority were commoners , only a few were servants ( servants , unfree) who had to take on duties in his household as the chief's assistants. Advisors, councilors and electors to the chief could only be members of a noble family (compare nobility ), as could the state or village priests .

    Self-government in the Autonomous District Council

    In the states of Northeast India , some large Scheduled Tribes (“registered tribal communities”) have a separate right of self-government for their areas, set out in an appendix to the Indian constitution called the Sixth Schedule (“6th listing”). In it, the tribal communities are given the three democratic branches of legislation ( legislative ), jurisdiction ( judiciary ) and exercising power ( executive ) - in coordination with the governor of the respective state appointed by the Indian president, who has to countersign laws.

    In Meghalaya there are three ADCs ( Autonomous District Councils: " Autonomous District Councils") for the tribal population of the Khasi Mountains (KHADC), the Jaintia Mountains (JHADC) and the Garo Mountains (GHADC). Each of these governing bodies is made up of freely elected representatives from the relevant state administrative districts , with the leader of the grouping with the most votes being appointed by the governor Meghalayas to the executive board of the council (CEM: Chief Executive Member ). He proposes further executive members to the governor , with whom he forms the executive committee (executive body ) of his autonomous district council. With the exception of the capital Shillong, the three ADCs cover the entire state territory of Meghalaya. There are a total of 25 autonomous districts for individual Scheduled Tribes, all in Northeast India.

    The Khasi Hills Autonomous District Council (KHADC), based in Shillong, is responsible for the area of ​​the 4 state districts West Khasi Hills , South West Khasi Hills , East Khasi Hills and Ri-Bhoi in the northeast; he is responsible for the self-administration of the following Khasi affairs:

    • Responsibility for all land (except for the state-protected areas, which together make up about 5% of the area of ​​Meghalaya)
    • Responsibility for all forests (except the protected ones, which total 1%)
    • Supervision of the sacred groves of Khasi villages ( see above )
    • Use of any land or body of water for agricultural purposes (except for the protected areas)
    • Regulation of the ownership and inheritance rights of (land) property (in Meghalaya the sale of land to non-indigenous people is prohibited)
    • Regulation of jhumming (Brandrodung) and other forms of shifting cultivation (see above for shifting )
    • Establishment of village or city administration, the police and public health and sanitary engineering (water supply, sewage)
    • Establishment of village or city governing bodies and the regulation of their responsibilities
    • Appointment and succession of clan chiefs and their responsibilities
    • Marriage matters
    • social customs ( e.g. organizing festivals)

    The Jaintia Hills Autonomous District Council (JHADC), based in Jowai, has corresponding responsibilities for the two east-bordering districts of West Jaintia Hills and East Jaintia Hills .

    The Garo Hills Autonomous District Council (GHADC), based in Tura, is responsible for the Garo Mountains in the west and their districts .

    Conflicts:

    • In the 1990s, Meghalaya's government blocked the disbursement of Central Indian and state subsidies to the Khasi District Council KHADC because it was involved in "corrupt practices". The government also denied the district council's right to use the funds it was entitled to for its own development projects - it should limit itself to protecting the culture and identity and the land of the tribe. The KHADC was also refused the (small) share of tax revenues, which meant that it could not pay the salaries of the elementary school teachers. Autonomous district councils in the other north-east Indian states also complain about such restrictions, and they do not receive extensive financial resources, although they are set out in the five-year plans.

    religion

    According to the 2011 census in India , 83% of the Khasi are Christian . With 75% Christians, Meghalaya is one of three predominantly Christian states in India (see Meghalaya in India-wide comparison ), alongside Mizoram and Nagaland , which are also in northeast India , with 87% Christians each; In nearby Arunachal Pradesh , Christians form a narrow majority with 30.3%. In all of India there were only 2.3% Christians ( India in a worldwide comparison ). In mainland India, Christians see themselves harassed and even persecuted in many places, in 2016 there were 10 attacks on priests a week, and Christian churches were burned down again and again. The radical Hindu cadre organization Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), which wants to transform India into a purely Hindu state (compare Hindutva : Hindu nationalism), plays a leading role . There had been no religious disputes of this kind in Meghalaya, but since 2016 the RSS has also been appearing here more intensively and mainly advertises around 17% non-Christian Khasi, who almost all follow their traditional religion Niam Khasi ( Niamtre among the Jaintia).

    The following list compares the proportions of religious followers among the Khasi, Garo, across Meghalaya and in India:

    Khasi (1,412,000 = 47.6% of the population)' Garo (821,000 = 27.7% of the population)' Meghalaya (2,967,000 E.)' India (1,211 million pop.)'
    % Religion 2011' % Religion 2011' % Religion 2011 (2001)' % Religion 2011 (2001)'
    1 83.14% Christians (different churches) 95.86% Christians 74.59% Christian (70.25%)' 2.30% Christian (2.34%)'
    2 0.72% Hindus 0.58% Hindus 11.53% Hindus (13.27%)' 79.80% Hindus (80.46%)'
    3 0.36% Muslims 0.44% Muslims 4.40% Muslims (4.28%)' 14.23% Muslims (13.43%)'
    4th 0.13% Buddhists 0.41% Buddhists 0.33% Buddhists (0.20%)' 0.70% Buddhists (0.77%)'
    5 0.01% Sikhs 0.02% Sikhs 0.10% Sikhs (0.13%)' 1.72% Sikhs (1.87%)'
    6th <0.01% Jainas <0.01% Jainas 0.02% Jainas (0.03%)' 0.37% Jainas (0.41%)'
    7th 15.41% "Other rel. And beliefs" 2.47% "Different rel. And conviction." 8.71% "Other ..." '(11.53%) 0.66% 7,937,734 (0.65%)'
    8th 9.24% Niam Khasi (89.5% rural ) 0% Niam Khasi 4.59% Niam Khasi (138,480) 0.01% Niam Khasi (138,512)
    9 5.49% Niamtre (Jaintia; '88.1% rural) 0% Niamtre 2.73% Niamtre (84,258) <0.01% Niamtre (84,276)
    10 0% Songsarek (Garo religion) 2.10% Songsarek (100% rural) 0.65% Songsarek (19,803) 0.41% Sarna (4,957,467)
    11 0.48% Atheists (6,830: 92% rural) 0.16% Atheists (1,339: 99% rural) 0.29% Atheists (9,089) <0.01% Atheists (33,304)
    12 0.22% "not specified" 0.21% "not specified" 0.32% "not specified" 0.24% "not specified"

    Over the centuries, the Khasi have hardly allowed themselves to be influenced by neighboring major religions, whereby their delimited language and ethnic community play a major role. There are around 350,000 Hindus (12%) in the whole of Meghalaya, but only 3 of the 17 tribal peoples are Hindu: the Hajong , the Raba and the Koch , together around 100,000 members (in principle, Scheduled Tribes have free choice of religion at any time).

    For the neighboring state of Assam, the Indian census of 2011 lists around 16,000 Khasi as a recognized scheduled tribe: 87.6% Christians and 11.9% Hindus and 0.3% Muslims (0% “other religions”). 98.8% of the 1034 Khasi recognized in Mizoram are Christian.

    The Christian missionary Joshua Project lists in January 2019 for the allegedly 1,470,000 Khasi in Meghalaya, 42,000 in Assam and around 6,000 in some other places in India: 83.5% Christians, 1.1% Hindus, 0.3% Muslims, 0.1% Buddhists and 15% “unknown”; the 85,000 Khasi in Bangladesh to the south : 84.3% Christians, 13.2% Hindus and 2.5% "unknown".

    Among the Khasi in Meghalaya there is a high proportion of "other religions and beliefs" (15%), almost all followers of the traditional Khasi religion Niam Khasi or Niamtre among the Jaintia ( see below ); The relatively large proportion of atheists is also striking (0.5% do not believe in divinity): At 6,830, the Khasi make up a fifth of the very few Indian atheists (33,300, compare atheism in India ).

    Christianization

    From 1813 onwards, the Khasi were the target of many Christian missionaries , especially Protestantism with British characteristics (compare Christian mission in India ). The arrival of the first missionary in the Khasi Mountains has been documented by himself: Krishna Pal was to the English Baptist missionierter Hindu .

    In Meghalaya , the majority of the Khasi have been Christians from various churches for a long time, especially the Presbyterians . A smaller proportion belong to the Catholic Church in India , which has 3 dioceses in the Khasi area:

    1. Shillong Archdiocese ( Ri-Bhoi and East Khasi Hills Districts )
    2. Diocese of Nongstoin ( South West Khasi Hills and West Khasi Hills districts )
    3. Diocese of Jowai ( West Jaintia Hills and East Jaintia Hills districts )

    In the Garo area (96% Christians) there is the Tura diocese . The Salesians of Don Bosco have a large branch in Shillong with a school, college, institute and museum ( see above ).

    Despite regular visits to their local church, the 83% Christian Khasi also maintain many traditional beliefs and rules as part of everyday folk beliefs , for example in the ancestral worship of the clan ancestors in the form of memorial stones. Christian Khasi are increasingly striving to incorporate their own culture into the design of church services. This applies not only to the musical accompaniment by traditional Khasi instruments ( see below ), but also to the development of one's own kind of Christianity in the sense of an “ indigenous Christianity”. In addition, there are 15% of the Khasi who do not belong to any of the known religions.

    Indigenous religion "Niam Khasi"

    Khasi memorial stones to ancestor-worship : the upright stones represent male ancestors, the center of the maternal uncle of the lineage founder, the bricks lying served as sacrificial table for the founder - now who are victims of all inside the house on a altar placed ( Eco Park near Cherrapunji , southern Khasi mountains, Meghalaya, 2016)
    Megalithic memorial stones from the book
    Folk-tales of the Khasis (1920)

    Of the 1.42 million Khasi (and Jaintia, Synteng, Pnar, War, Bhoi, Lyngngam) in Meghalaya, 217,000 do not belong to any of the 6 major religions (15%) - 208,000 profess their indigenous religion Niam Khasi (literally " Khasi religion ”) or Niamtre (“ original religion ”) among the Jaintia, around 90% of them in rural communities (while 22% of all Khasi live in urban areas). Another 10,000 followers belong to other ethnic groups, and almost 6,000 followers live in other states in India - the religion had a total of 223,700 professors in 2011.

    The non- written belief system Niam Khasi , also referred to as Niam Shnong or Niam Tynrai , is fundamentally animistic : All of nature is considered to be " animated " and all things and living beings can appear as idiosyncratic natural spirits and exert influence, whether beneficial or feared. The deceased ancestors can also be present and have an effect. In addition, there are gods who are understood as active forces, mostly divided into female and male; Behind these stands an omnipotent, female and male deity as the causal creative force. While the Khasi tribes of Jaintia and Bhoi prefer to worship mother goddesses , others see U Nongbuh Nongthaw as the fundamental creator and keeper of everything. In legends the gods are personified and described by name (often as a married couple with their children), but there are no images of gods or figures ( idols ) and no temples . Sacrifices and prayers are offered to the animated environment and to one's own ancestors, as well as to the deities in orally transmitted rituals and ceremonies . More than 100  village communities maintain a “sacred forest” in their area ( see above ).

    The ancestor worship is a fundamental part of everyday Khasi culture. Food is placed in front of the ancestral spirits to ensure the safety and prosperity of the ancestral group ( kpoh ) . Every house has its holy hearth with an altar. Many of the family graves with their sometimes very large memorial stones are in or next to sacred woods outside the village (compare funeral forest ). The most important ancestral mother of each lineage group is their Lawbei-Tymmen , the founder of the lineage, as well as their ancestor as the first woman of the entire clan, the Lawbei-Tynrai (see above for ancestor worship ).

    Niam Khasi contains a number of commandments and prohibitions ( taboos ) that must not be violated:

    • The most comprehensive ban still concerns incest taboo, which forbids marriage within one's own clan ( see above ). If a woman breaks this taboo, there is no forgiveness - she is expelled from her family and clan as well as from religion and is never allowed to return, not even after her death. Their bones are not buried in the family grave, which, according to the Khasi belief, ensures that their spirit does not haunt the living (see above on the conflict over intercultural marriages ).
    • There are some food taboos , so cow or goat milk may not be drunk.
    • Nails may not be used to build houses and a house may have a maximum of three stone walls.
    • The altar in the center of the house can only be made of one type of metal.
    • Only single trees may be felled, no trees out of a forest.
    • Gifts and presents may only be given with the left hand, never with the right.

    "Seng Khasi" movement

    The Seng movement as a representative of the ethnic religion Niam Khasi was founded in 1899 by sixteen young Khasi men, most of whom were strongly influenced by the Brahmo Samaj , a Hindu reform organization (founded in Calcutta in 1828 ). For the Khasi subgroup of the Jaintia (Pnar / Synteng) the association Sein Raj (Seiñ Raij) was founded to represent their similar Niamtre religion . The first major Seng meeting that year was received with interest; the stated aim was to unite all Khasi who had not converted to or influenced by other religions. The Seng Khasi women's organization was founded in 1941 . 1980 was Seng Khasi taken as the first tribal religion of India as a member of the International Association for Religious Freedom (IARF: International Association for Religious Freedom ), it has consultative status with the United Nations and opposition rights at UN bodies on issues of religious minorities . Since 1973 the movement has had its own college in Shillong, Seng Khasi College , connected to the large North Eastern Hill University.

    The Seng Khasi Sein Raj movement not only represents its 218,000 followers (almost 15% of the Khasi in 2011), but also claims to represent the original, traditional Khasi identity. It does this above all towards the 83% Christian Khasi, who after their missionary work continue to be systematically led away from the traditional way of life to a way of life based on the Western model by the priests of different Christian churches .

    A study from 2015 points to the fragmentation of village communities , which has arisen due to the increasing delimitation of the various Christian and ethnic religious communities from one another. In relation to this, too, Seng Khasi Sein Raj tries to strengthen the sense of community of all Khasi and to maintain the “indigenous socio-cultural heritage”.

    Conflicts:

    • The Seng movement is faced with Christian supremacy in administration and government that willingly promote Christian communities while traditional religious communities are neglected. The movement therefore officially reminded Governor Meghalayas in 2017 that their application had been unanswered since 2009 to be recognized and protected as a “religious minority” in the state. This is particularly disadvantageous because the Christian majority has enjoyed the legal status of a religious minority throughout India since 1993 (alongside Muslims , Sikhs , Buddhists and Zoroastrians / Parsees ). As a result, the Christians receive support measures that are denied to the indigenous religious communities.

    Egg oracle

    It is part of the Khasi tradition to ask about their own form of the egg oracle before planning a major event or starting a journey (see the egg-throwing of the Khasi ):

    • A man experienced in these matters first performs a small ceremony on a small wooden board on the floor, forming a small boat in the middle from rice and parts of plants. Then he throws a raw hen's egg on it while standing. Now the broken shell parts of the egg are interpreted: Have more parts collected on the left of the board than on the right? Are groups and constellations of trash formed? Do the light insides point upwards or downwards? A small catalog of rules is used to interpret the overall situation and a tendency is read out in relation to the favorable or endangered outcome of the planned company. The oracle should also be able to indicate the cause of an illness. In order to avert evil spirits or other undesirable influences, the oracle is first asked which ancestors or deities are to be invoked for protection and what is to be sacrificed to them. Throwing eggs is also important before building a new house in order to select the lucky spot for the construction of the kitchen stove . If the interpretation of repeatedly throwing eggs is not clear enough, the practitioner will encourage the slaughter of a chicken in order to derive a divination from the examination of the entrails . Those affected then have to decide whether the costs seem necessary to them. If the aim is to cure a sick person, considerable costs can arise for eggs and sacrificial animals, and this in repeated cases if the recovery does not occur promptly.

    The Khasi do not have a special priest for oracles, the head of the respective family (jaid) or the maternal uncle ( mother's brother ) is responsible, otherwise every other man who is familiar with the egg oracle.

    Culture

    Two Khasi women in traditional clothing at the Shad Suk Mynsiem spring
    festival in Shillong (capital of Meghalayas, 2010)
    Men dance at the Khasi spring festival Shad Suk Mynsiem in Shillong (2014)
    Tangmuri players, as an accompaniment to entertainment
    dances and happy festive occasions ( Shillong capital , 2010)
    The duitara is similar to the Persian dotar and is one of the main instruments of the Khasi (2009)

    Khasi names

    The Khasi have their own way of officially assigning names to newborns: the parents let their imagination run wild and adopt or invent names in connection with their legends, Christian stories, pop culture or words in the English language - the main thing is that they sound good. There are some Napoleons or Bonapartes, Churchills, many melodies, and a bridal couple announced their party with “Special marries Speed”. In addition, Khasi bear the names of their parentage group and their clan (in Khasi ; depending on the area, the names of both parent clans ) and understand them as their family names .

    Clothing and costumes

    Traditionally, the Khasi women wear the Jainsem or Dhara , a fairly simple knee-length piece of cloth that is wrapped around the body and fastened with a belt and clasps. Another length of fabric is thrown over this and falls freely over the back and sides. The Khasi men wear the jymphong , a kind of throw that leaves arms and neck free; plus a hat that covers the ears. The traditional costume of the Khasi is colorful, the weaving is decorated with complex patterns. Recently, more and more cheap plastic goods have been displacing homeworked fabrics. In 2016, a Khasi designer took part in the London Fashion Week fashion fair, combining a modern appearance with traditional Jainsem made from a special silk from Meghalaya that is still hand-woven in the villages.

    Both men and women wear heavy silver and gold earrings and necklaces as jewelry. Women like to wear silver or gold bracelets on their upper arms, while girls wear gold or silver crowns adorned with fresh flowers to dance festivals.

    Ritual festivals

    As traditional soil farmers , the Khasi maintain a sequence of annual festivals that are related to the growth cycles of nature and in which entire village communities take part, especially sowing and harvesting festivities. These sometimes lavish events, known as festivals , are traditionally celebrated with ceremonies , ritual dances, music and offerings . On these occasions, a light, flavored rice beer is prepared from rice that has been fermented for days; Holders of a distilling license distill a strong rice whiskey (rice schnapps ).

    Festivals and dances [List:]

    • Spring festival and dance ka Shad Suk Mynsiem (“Dance of the Joyful Heart”): ritual dances are held to celebrate the harvest and new sowing in April, and young women perform symbolic fertility rites
    • Thanksgiving festival and dance ka Pom-Blang Nongkrem: there is a five-day dance in November to thank the goddess Ka Blei Synshar for a good harvest and prosperity, goats are beheaded and the ancestors and god of Shillong Peak ( 1955  m ) as sacrifices offered; this festival is held near the capital, Shillong, by the Khyrim chieftainship, under the direction of its high priestess and the chief
    • Inauguration dance ka Shad Kynjoh Khaskain: the ritual dance is celebrated when a new house has been built and the family moves in. It begins after the religious ceremony of the house blessing and lasts from sunset to sunrise
    • Mourning dance ka Shad Shyngwiang-Thangiap: a ceremonial dance after the death of a member of the lineage, the dances begin on the anniversary and last until the end of the funeral ceremony, the men play along on bamboo flutes and drums

    music

    The typical musical instruments of the Khasi used to accompany entertainment dances or festive occasions include [List:]

    1. Rhythm: the bamboo slit drum kdor  - the small kettle drum ksing  - the larger kettle drum ka bom or ka nakra (name related to the nagra ) - the horizontally played double cone drum synthieth (similar to the pung ) - the bamboo zither struck with sticks sing diengphong (similar to the chigring )
    2. Accompaniment: the four-string long-necked lute duitara (name related to the Persian dotar ) - the raft zither dinkhrang  - the three- to four-string fiddle maryngod (related to the sarinda )
    3. Melody: the double reed tangmuri  - at funerals the bamboo flute sharati

    Conflicts:

    • In the Christian churches of the various faiths, traditional Khasi instruments are now also allowed to accompany hymns - until the turn of the millennium, churchgoers could be excluded if they used traditional instruments. Increasingly, Christianized Khasi also want to bring in their own musical traditions and not stick to the old forms of chorales with organ accompaniment .

    Archery

    Development Minister Jitendra Singh pays homage to the statue of the legendary Khasi freedom fighter Tirot Sing (Nangkhlaw, West Khasi Hills , 2016)

    The Khasi are increasingly attacked by a lottery fever: Small stakes are placed on the number of arrows (in Hindi tar ) that teams of professional archers land on a distant bundle of reeds . This daily tar lottery was not approved by Governor Meghalayas until the banned betting business began to have a positive impact on the economy. There are 5000 licensed bookmakers across the country, 1500 in Shillong alone. The government promotes archery with regulations and requirements to increase the sporting quality of the many local clubs and associations; Large archery competitions also regularly attract participants from surrounding countries. The former polo riding field in Shillong is only used for activities of the Khasi Hills Archery Sports Institute ("Khasi Mountains Institute for Archery"), accompanied by elaborate praise and diatribes between the teams and hectic betting.

    The legend tells of the primordial goddess ka Mei Hukum (keeper of the law), who gave the goddess ka Shinam and her husband u Mangring bows and arrows as gifts to pass the time and amuse them. The two passed these on to two of their sons, and with a bow and arrow, u Batiton and u Shynna developed into unsurpassed snipers who liked to compete against each other. The older son marked his arrows in red, the younger u Shynna his arrows in black - this distinction between arrows is also maintained in today's competitions, together with the traditional bundle of reeds as a target. In some Khasi groups, the boys are given a raw bow and three unadorned arrows without feathers at birth, which they keep for life as a sign of their developing warrior. In the early days of the British conquest from 1800, the famous chief of the Syiemlieh clan, Tirot Sing (1802–1835), was able to defeat the British with his archers, but the trained Khasi warriors were no longer able to cope with the firearms of the advancing mercenary armies . The British, however, retained their respect for the Khasi, also in economic terms ( see above ), and from 1860 onwards they granted the chiefdoms of the Khasi mountains extensive independence. Tirot Sing Syiem is honored with its own day of remembrance as an Indian freedom fighter, combined with a festival in Meghalaya.

    rongbiria

    The traditional khasi archery (ka rongbiria) has its own status: it is free of religious, family or clan-side obligations - each participant is judged solely on his archery skills, this also applies to non-khasi. With a small introductory ritual, the competition is removed from the sphere of influence of the gods, spirits and relatives and it is left to the forces of fate to let the best and most skilful shooter win.

    phawar

    A shooting competition is accompanied by creative praise and effective abusive speeches to weaken the opponent, even if they are close relatives. This unique form of individual poetry , called ka phawar (“ couplets ”), is part of the Khasi folklore and is performed in verse . With speeches or chants in rhyming two-line lines, the advantages of your own team are imaginatively presented and the opposing teams are discouraged with skilful ridicule (compare ridicule ). At the beginning, the legends are retold, then those involved deliver "combat speeches", sometimes prepared, whereby they are measured in terms of originality and entertainment value. The presentations can contain question-answer elements ( call and response ) that involve the audience. The phawar lecture art is also used on other occasions and in sung form with musical accompaniment (comparable to the battles of rappers ), for example at festivals, in community work and joint hunting or fishing projects or in longer narrative lectures; more recently phawar verses are even used for political campaign purposes.

    History of the Khasi

    There are many studies on the history of the Khasi and some of their tribes, but no written sources exist before 1500 AD, archaeological excavations have only found evidence of a later period. Even the Khasi legends hardly contain any accounts of prehistoric processes, but there is a flood myth based on migration. The time of the advance of the British East India Company from 1765 is being worked up in increasing detail, especially at the North Eastern Hill University, founded in 1973 in the capital Shillong , which is located in the middle of the Khasi area. The Khasi are among the few matrilineal peoples who study themselves extensively; in India they are one of four matrilinear ethnic groups (besides the neighboring Garo , the southern Indian Nayar and the inhabitants of the Lakshadweep Islands), there are over 160 worldwide.

    Unproven origin

    Around 1500 AD, “Khasi” was first mentioned as a proper name of a tribe or people : in the Hindu script Bhagavata purana by the poet Srimanta Sankardeva (1449–1568) from Assam . The text gives no information about the previous duration of their residence or their original origin. Not long after it was first mentioned, sources from the Jaintia Kingdom in South Assam speak of 25 individual Khasi principalities in the western mountains (see map from 1947 above ).

    Archaeological excavations in Myanmar (formerly Burma) with remains of agriculture, ceramics and metal works from the 4th century AD indicate related ethnic groups. From Khasi a Mon-Khmer language based (related to Cambodian and Vietnamese ), it is concluded that a migration of tribes across Myanmar, in various waves, but no clear evidence.

    The Khasi researcher Hamlet Bareh identifies the sub-tribe of the Amwi -Khasi among the various Khasi dialects as very original speakers who can hardly understand other Khasi dialects and are difficult for them to understand; their language is even closer to the Mon Khmer language family in the east than the Khasi. He sees this as an indication that the various Khasi tribes immigrated from the east, at different times and in different areas of the mountains. The Amwi use the word mekong , meaning “older sister of the mother” (aunt), the Khasi word for it is similar: meisan . From this, Bareh deduces an origin from the great Mekong , the border river between Cambodia and Vietnam, probably from the upper or middle area of ​​the long river.

    A Khasi legend tells of a flood disaster in which the survivors had to rescue themselves on a large boat or raft in order to reach the other bank of the river (compare Flood ). There was no place for any scribe or writing of the Khasi, which is why the Khasi lost their old script. When British Methodist missionaries began to write the Khasi dialect of the Sohra clan of the southern mountain town of Cherrapunji with Latin letters from 1840, unsuccessful attempts were made with the neighboring Bengali script . The meaning of the boat (compare the Noah's Ark legend) also plays a fundamental role in the ceremony of the egg oracle of the Khasi ( see above ).

    "Children of the Seven Huts"

    Map excerpt from Imperial Gazetteer of India (1909):
    the Khasi Mountains in the middle as an area of ​​"indirect rule",
    the Garo Mountains in the west and the Jaintia Mountains in the east as British property

    The entire Khasi people originally consisted of seven subgroups, tells the Hynniewtrep legend:

    1. Bhoi = settle in the Ri-Bhoi district in the northeast on the border with Assam
    2. Jaintia / Synteng / Pnar = settle in the districts of West Jaintia Hills & East Jaintia Hills in the Jaintia Mountains
    3. Maram = settle in the districts of West Khasi Hills & South West Khasi Hills
    4. Khyriem = settle in the East Khasi Hills & West Khasi Hills districts
    5. War = settle in the districts of South West Khasi Hills & East Khasi Hills in the south on the border with Bangladesh
    6. Lyngngam = settle in the districts of West Khasi Hills & South West Khasi Hills in the west on the Garo Mountains
    7. Diko = lost

    Together, these groups or tribes were already referred to by the British as "Khasi" because of their linguistic unity, with the Jaintia in particular claiming independence: They call themselves Pnar , but are called Synteng by the other Khasi . Everyone can agree on the name hynniew trep : “seven huts”. The tribes share the same rule of ancestry, culture and language family, but see themselves as clearly differentiated from the others, whereby they define themselves most clearly through their settlement area, ancestral from ancient times. With the War, on the other hand, there are the War-Khasi and the War-Jaintia, and around them there are mixed groups like the " Garo -Kasi".

    The legend tells of originally 16 families or "hut communities" who lived happily with the gods in heaven. Seven of the families expressed a desire to visit the earth, which they were granted. But after the people on earth had cut down the large connecting tree to heaven, the seven families could no longer go back there and have since formed the "Seven Huts" in Khasiland (Ri Khasi) . Nothing further is known about the fate of the seventh tribe of the Diko, they are considered lost or extinct.

    British Colonial Era (1765-1947)

    Until after 1800 the area of ​​the Khasi was not under foreign rule, not even by the Indian Empire of the Moguls ( Mongols ). The conflict between the Khasi and Europeans began in 1765 when British East India Company troops took control of the important market town of Sylhet (now northeastern Bangladesh ) in order to control nationwide trade. The private "trade" company, financed mainly by the British, was about to conquer all of India, regardless of local interests. The city name Sylhet is derived from the ancient Indian sri "beautiful, honored" (compare Sri Lanka : beautiful island), and hatta "market": beautiful market - the nationwide center of Khasi trade. In 1775 the British conquered the Garo Mountains (to the west of Meghalaya ). In the border areas, chiefs of the Khasi clans began to defend themselves against the influence by raids, whereupon the British built fortresses and barred Khasi products from all markets. In 1826, in the First Anglo-Burmese War , the company gained control over the whole of northeast India (today's "7 sister states"). By 1885 the troops of British India also conquered Burma (Myanmar) to the east. From 1862 the British made peace with most of the Khasi chiefs and granted them extensive tax exemptions and self-government. The disputes stopped and the extensive trade could flourish again (see above on the Khasi trade ).

    See also History of the Seven Sister States

    Shillong : Capital of Meghalaya, currently over 150,000 inhabitants, located on the plateau at 1500  m , until 1972 capital of Assam (2011)

    Own state foundation (1972)

    In 1960, in what was then Assam, India (known for tea cultivation), an advocacy group for all local tribal populations, the All Party Hill Leaders' Conference (APHLC: all-party conference of the leaders of the mountainous country) was founded. This soon demanded a separate, self-governing federal state, an area for this should be removed from the great Assam. The geographer Shiba P. Chatterjee suggested the newly formed name Meghalaya ( Sanskrit : "home of the clouds"). In 1972 the new federal state was officially founded as a recognized tribal state of the then majority Khasi and Garo as well as neighboring small tribes and ethnic groups ( Scheduled Tribes , ST: tribal peoples recognized by the state in India).

    See history of Meghalaya

    The city of Shillong in the south, at an altitude of 1,500 meters (currently over 150,000 inhabitants), had previously been the capital of Assam, and was expanded by the British as a hill station and residential city since it was founded in 1864 - now it has become the capital of Meghalaya. Assam moved its capital to the metropolis of Guwahati , 100 km to the north , the largest city in the whole of northeast India (1 million inhabitants), located in the basin of the great Brahmaputra River (compare National Highway 40 ).

    Current time

    For the Khasi economy as a whole, the border sealed off by Bangladesh continues to act as a major trade barrier ( see above ), while the local population mainly needs fruit and coal from the north. To the west, the Khasi can only trade their coveted goods such as khasi mandarins, betel nuts and betel pepper leaves through a very narrow "bottle neck" to West Bengal ; there are hardly any connections to the Indian mainland. For most Indians, the Khasi are still only exotic and interesting for tourists .

    The following problem areas and conflicts have determined the public discussion in Meghalaya for decades and particularly affect the Khasi:

    A decisive conflict exists within the Khasi with regard to the roles of men and their changes ( see above ), or their attempts to reduce the influence of women, for example in village politics . Since the 1990s, Khasi professors and PhD students have published studies on the current changes among the Khasi tribes in their dealings with matrilineal ancestry and gender , which have led to growing self-confidence.

    See also

    literature

    Alphabetical:

    • 1997: Hamlet Bareh: The history and culture of the Khasi people. 3rd, revised edition. Spectrum, Guwahati / Delhi 1997 (first edition 1967; searchable on Google).
    • 1964: Hamlet Bareh: Khasi Democracy. Manimala, Shillong 1964 ( searchable on Google).
    • 2017: Chandan Bharadwaj: Gender, matriliny, and politics: Negotiating the women's agency and social structure in the Khasi matrilineal society. In: International Journal of Applied Research. Volume 3, No. 2, 2017, pp. 348–354 ( PDF: 240 kB, 7 pages on allresearchjournal.com).
    • 1998: Parlyaram Mathew Chacko (ed.): Matriliny in Meghalaya: Tradition and Change. Regency, New Delhi 1998, ISBN 978-81-86030-69-1 (Shillong University; PDF from Sikkim University).
    • 1984: Pranab Kumar Das Gupta: Life and Culture of Matrilineal Tribe of Meghalaya (= Tribal studies of India series. Volume 113). Inter-India, New Delhi 1984 ( summary 2009 by Barbara West; searchable on Google).
    • 2007: Judith Dick: Official legal pluralism in the competitive relationship of differently regulated gender relationships - The law of the Khasi in the system of personal rights (personal laws) of India (= constitution and law overseas. Volume 22: Supplement). Legal doctoral thesis at the University of Giessen. Nomos, Baden-Baden 2007, ISBN 978-3-8329-2627-4 ( table of contents ).
    • 2013: Berit Fuhrmann: The people of the mother house - social relationships, ritual processes and local Christianity among the Karow in Meghalaya, India. Philosophical doctoral thesis University of Münster 2013 (the Karow are a Khasi group in the northern Khasi mountains; PDF: 2.6 MB, 322 pages on d-nb.info).
    • 1984: Peter Gerlitz: Religion and Matriarchy: On the religious-historical significance of the matrilineal structures among the Khasi of Meghalaya with special consideration of the national-religious reform movements. In: Studies in Oriental religions. Volume 11, Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden 1984, ISBN 978-3-447-02427-3 ( excerpt from Google).
    • 2018: Sharmila Ghosh: Spatialization of Khasi Culture: Land, Rituals, Folklore and Development. In: Jharkhand Journal of Development and Management Studies. Volume 16, No. 1, XISS, Ranchi March 2018, pp. 7597-7608 (Department of Anthropology, Panjab University, Chandigarh; PDF: 88 kB, 12 pages at xiss.ac.in).
    • 1907: Philip Richard Thornhagh Gurdon: The Khasis. 2nd Edition. Macmillan, London 1914 (first edition 1907; reissued 2010: ISBN 978-1-164-06643-9 ; Lieutenant Colonel PRT Gurdon was the first Khasi ethnographer : Superintendent of Ethnography in Assam, honorary doctor of ethnography; with a preface by the geographer Sir Charles Lyell ; Full text in archive.org ).
    • 2001: Sabine Herzog: Matriarchy as a gender-symmetrical form of society? The Khasi of Meghalaya / India (= spectrum. Volume 81). Sociological master's thesis at the University of Berlin. Lit, Münster 2001, ISBN 3-8258-5404-3 ( excerpt from Google).
    • 2009: MN Karna: Tribal Areas of Meghalaya: Land Ownership of Women. In: Prem Chowdhry (Ed.): Gender Discrimination in Land Ownership (= Land Reforms in India. Volume 11). Sage, New Delhi / London 2009, ISBN 978-81-7829-942-6 , pp 176-195 ( excerpt in the Google Book Search).
    • 2005: John Kuttikottayil: Confronting Fear in Faith: A Psycho-pastoral Approach to the Problem of Fear in the Christian Life of the Khasi-Jaintias (= European University Papers . Series 23: Theology). Theological doctoral thesis at the University of Munich. Lang, Frankfurt / M. 2005, ISBN 978-3-631-54083-1 (in detail on the Khasi religion; table of contents ).
    • 2007: Donna L. Leonetti, Dilip C. Nath u. a .: In-law Conflict: Women's Reproductive Lives and the Roles of Their Mothers and Husbands among the Matrilineal Khasi. In: Current Anthropology . Volume 48, No. 6, December 2007, pp. 861–890 (field study with 11 comments on marriage strategies and reduced child mortality through maternal grandmother's support; doi: 10.1086 / 520976 ; PDF: 450 kB, 32 pages on digitalcommons.unl.edu) .
    • 2015: Barnes L. Mawrie: From maternal uncle to father: An anthropological study on changing patriarchy in Khasi Society. Anthropological doctoral thesis University of Shillong 2013, Vendrame Institute, Shillong 2015 ( Salesians Don Boscos ; PDF downloads: scans or texts on shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in).
    • 2001: Barnes L. Mawrie: The Khasis and Their Natural Environment: A Study of the Eco-consciousness and Eco-spirituality of the Khasis. PhD thesis at Sacred Heart Theological College, Shillong. Vendrame Institute, Shillong 2001 ( Don Bosco Salesians , searchable on Google).
    • 1964: Anna P. McCormack: Khasis. In: Frank M. LeBar u. a. (Ed.): Ethnic Groups of Mainland Southeast Asia. HRAF Press, New Haven CT, USA 1964, pp. 105-112 (part of the HRAF research project ; abstract ).
    • 2007: Duncan McDuie-Ra: Civil Society and Human Security in Meghalaya: Identity, Power and Inequalities. Sociological doctoral thesis, School of Social Sciences and International Studies, University of New South Wales, Sydney 2007 (comprehensive study on social security within recognized tribal peoples; PDF: 136 MB, 345 pages on unsworks.unsw.edu.au).
    • 2011: Eberhard Mühlan : Chapter 5: Research among the Khasis in Meghalaya. In: The same: Family structures in India - Bringing Christian family teaching to foreign cultures (= Mission Academics. Volume 33). VTR, Nürnberg 2011, ISBN 978-3-941750-57-9 , pp. 159–294 (fundamentalist Evangelican; table of contents ; based on his intercultural doctoral thesis at the University of Wales 2010).
    • 1967: Chie Nakane: Garo and Khasi: A Comparative Study in Matrilineal Systems. Mouton De Gruyter, Paris / The Hague 1967, ISBN 978-3-11-196796-7 (detailed critical review: PDF: 383 kB, 4 pages on anthrosource.onlinelibrary.wiley.com).
    • 2005: Tiplut Nongbri: Gender, Matriliny, and Entrepreneurship: The Khasis of North-East India. Zubaan, New Delhi 2005, ISBN 978-81-89013-76-9 (Jawaharlal Nehru University; newly published 2008; searchable on Google).
    • 2000: Tiplut Nongbri: Khasi Women and Matriliny: Transformations in Gender Relations. In: Gender Technology and Development. Volume 4, No. 3, pp. 359–395, November 2000 (Center for the Study of Social Systems, Jawaharlal Nehru University; abstract: doi: 10.1177 / 097185240000400302 ).
    • 2002: Aurelius Kyrham Nongkinrih: Khasi Society of Meghalaya: A Sociological Understanding. Indus Publishing, New Delhi 2002, ISBN 81-7387-137-X (in-depth sociological field study of a Khasi village; excerpt from Google).
    • 1996: Hugh R. Page Jr .: Culture summary: Khasi. HRAF Press, New Haven CT, USA 1996 (detailed ethnographic overview with literature; all HRAF publications on Khasi ; full text on encyclopedia.com).
    • 1920: KU Rafy: Folk-tales of the Khasis. Macmillan, London 1920 (folklore collection; 5 photos on Wikimedia Commons).
    • 2014: Philippe Ramirez: People of the margins: Across ethnic boundaries in North-East India. Spectrum, Guwahati / Delhi 2014, ISBN 978-81-8344-063-9 ( PDF: 5 MB, 236 pages on hal.archives-ouvertes.fr).
    • 2006: T. Raatan: Meghalaya. In: Same: Encyclopaedia of Scheduled Tribes in India. Volume 1/3. Isha, New Delhi 2006, ISBN 81-8205-052-9 , pp. 145–248 (in-depth comparison of Khasi, Jaintia and Garo; excerpt from Google).
    • 2017: Sanbanielyne Ryndem: The Essence of Khasi Matriliny. In: Journal of Humanities and Social Science (IOSR-JHSS). Volume 22, No. 9, September 2017, pp. 53–58 (Shillong University; PDF: 300 kB, 6 pages on iosrjournals.org).
    • 2007: Udoy Sankar Saikia: Endangered Gender in a Matrilineal Society: Evidences from the Khasi Tribe in Northeast India. In: Asian Social Science. Volume 3, No. 11, 2007, pp. 48–58 (Population researchers at the University of Adelaide; PDF offer: 1.7 MB, 165 pages: entire issue at scholar.google.com.au).
    • 2007: Udoy Sankar Saikia: Threats from migration, socio-political injustice and reproductive behavior in tribal communities: A study in the Khasi tribe in northeast India. Flinders University, Adelaide, Australia 2007 (Conference paper for Sixth Berlin Roundtables on Transnationality on “Population Politics and Human Rights”: State Intervention and Fertility Control ; PDF offer: 71 kB, 8 pages at scholar.google.com.au).
    • 2005: Udoy Sankar Saikia: High Fertility in Khasi Tribe of Northeast India: A Repercussion of the Fear of Identity Loss? Flinders University, Adelaide, Australia 2005 (Conference paper on the International Population Conference France; PDF offer: 287 kB, 40 pages on iussp2005.princeton.edu).
    • 1981: Namita Catherine Shadap-Sen: The Origin and Early History of the Khasi-Synteng People. Revised doctoral thesis University of London. KLM, Calcutta 1981 ( searchable on Google).
    • 1994: Kumar Suresh Singh (Ed.): Meghalaya (= People of India. Volume 22). Anthropological Survey of India, Seagull, Calcutta 1994, ISBN 81-85579-09-1 (Scheduled Tribes of Meghalaya).
    • 2014: Rajmoni Singha: Kinship and Marriage System among the Khasis of Bangladesh: A Study of Khasi Culture and Identity (= Bangladesh Development Research Working Paper Series. Volume 24). Independent University, Bangladesh 2014 ( PDF: 414 kB, 15 pages on bangladeshstudies.org).
    • 2008: Tanka Bahadur Subba: Matriliny, Reproductive Health, and Reproductive Rights: An Essay on the Khasis of Meghalaya, Northeast India. In: European Bulletin of Himalayan Research. Volume 32, 2008, pp. 50–65 (Head of the Department of Anthropology at North Eastern Hill University in Shillong; PDF: 104 kB, 16 pages on himalaya.socanth.cam.ac.uk).
    • 2015: David Reid Syiemlieh: Layers of history: Essays on the Khasi-Jaintias. Regency, New Delhi 2015, ISBN 978-93-5222-003-8 (award-winning expert Meghalayas).
    • 2007: Anja Wagner: Chapter II: Khasi and Garo - A comparison of societies. In: Berit Fuhrmann, same: About houses and fertility - cultural concepts and tribal societies in Northeast India; reread the ethnographic literature on Garo, Khasi and Naga (= Berlin contributions to ethnology. Volume 12). Two revised master's theses in ethnology at the University of Berlin. Weißensee-Verlag, Berlin 2007, ISBN 978-3-89998-102-5 , pp. 91-186 ( reading sample on weissensee-verlag.de).
    • 2009: Barbara A. West: Khasi (Cassia ... Ki Khasi). In: Encyclopedia of the Peoples of Asia and Oceania. Infobase, New York 2009, ISBN 978-0-8160-7109-8 , pp. 386-388 ( full text on Google).

    Exhibitions

    Documentaries

    The Khasis of Meghalaya (India 2011):
    the director of the National Museum New Delhi presents the DVD of the documentary in the capital of India
    • 2018: Uschi Madeisky , Dagmar Margotsdotter, Daniela Parr: Matriarchy worldwide - How they get to know and exchange ideas. tomult and daughters, Frankfurt / M. 2018 (119 minutes; the first 22 minutes a matrilineal Mosuo woman visits the Khasi; trailer on YouTube ).
    • 2017: Markus Spieker : Meghalaya: Land of Women. In: my abroad. Phoenix, Germany 2017 (5 minutes; info ).
    • 2017: Global 3000: What is life like in matriarchy? (Khasi). W. Feuersenger, S. Barbaruah for Deutsche Welle , August 28, 2017 (5 minutes; full version on YouTube).
    • 2015: Aditya Seth: Are They Better Off. Films Division, Ministry of Information & Broadcasting, Government of India, Mumbai 2015 (60 minutes; English; “the traditions and culture of the matrilineal Khasi tribe of Meghalaya, as they discover their place in a fast-changing world”; interview ; trailer on Youtube).
    • 2012: Bettina Witte: Khasi - In the land of women. Nima Productions for arte / ZDF 2012 (43 minutes; full version on YouTube).
    • 2011: Uschi Madeisky, Daniela Parr: The Daughter - A clan saga from the Khasi matriarchy. Göttert, Germany 2011, ISBN 978-3-939623-30-4 (54 minutes; trailer on YouTube).
    • 2011: not specified: The Khasis of Meghalaya. India 2011 (English; see picture on the right).
    • 1999: Uschi Madeisky, Klaus Werner: Where the husband only belongs to the night - visiting marriage with the Jaintia in India. Colorama film for NDR 1999 (54 minutes; the Jaintia / Synteng are a sub-tribe of the Khasi; press ).
    • 1997: Uschi Madeisky, Klaus Werner: The Daughters of the Seven Huts - Matriarchy of the Khasi in India. Colorama film for arte / ZDF 1997 (54 minutes; press ).

    Feature films:

    Web links

    Commons : Khasi  - collection of images, videos and audio files

    Individual evidence

    1. Literature and language funding: Research branch of the Directorate: Research.
    2. ^ Department: Anthropological Research (Tribal Research Institute).
    3. a b c d The War-Jaintia, a Khasi sub-tribe ( root bridge builders): LS Gassah: The War-Jaintias.
    4. Stories, songs and music “ums Herdfeuer” (hearth) : Silbi Passah: The Title of the Theme “Sawdong ka lyngwiar dpei” - meaning “around the hearth”. (Published in the Journal Heritage of Meghalaya. No. 3, around 2000).
    5. About 30 different types of land ownership: Julius LR Marak: Traditional Institutions of the People of Meghalaya , there Section 5: Land System in Kashi Hills (southern Khasi Mountains; published in the Journal Heritage of Meghalaya. No. 3, around 2000).
    6. ^ A b Meghalaya, a matrilineal society: Minimon Laloo: Meghalaya: The Matrilineal Society. (Published in the Journal Heritage of Meghalaya. No. 1, 1998).
    7. a b c Concept of the Khasi clans (kur): Smti. B. Kharlyngdoh: The Concept of "Kur" as part and parcel of the Khasi culture. (Published in the Journal Heritage of Meghalaya. No. 3, around 2000).
    8. Khasi Festivals and Ceremonies: Festivals and Ceremonies of the "Khasis".
      → Dance costumes for women and men: Dresses and Ornaments of Dancers in Festivals: Meghalaya. (Published in the Journal Heritage of Meghalaya. No. 3, around 2000).
      → Dances, costumes and instruments of the Khasi tribe of the Lyngngam: K. Langrin: The Lyngngams and their Folk Dances. (Published in the Journal Heritage of Meghalaya. No. 3, around 2000).
      → Significance
      of community festivals (with Jaintia case study): Functions of Community Festivals and a case study of Behdienkhlam Festivals of Jaintia Hills.
    9. ^ Musical instruments: Musical Instruments used during the festivals and ceremonies: Khasi and Jaintia. (Published in the Journal Heritage of Meghalaya. No. 3, around 2000).
    • ( c ) ensus of India: India census 2011 and 2001
      • Homepage: Meghalaya Population Census data 2011. Census Population 2015 Data, accessed January 10, 2019.
      • Downloads: Population Enumeration Data (Final Population 2011). Office of the Registrar General & Census Commissioner India, New Delhi 2019, accessed January 10, 2019.
      • (PDF) Scheduled Tribes in Meghalaya and India (2011):
        Ministry of Tribal Affairs, Statistics Division: Statistical Profile of Scheduled Tribes in India 2013. Government of India, New Delhi 2013 (comprehensive evaluations, tables from p. 115; PDF: 18.1 MB, 448 pages on tribal.nic.in).
      • (Powerpoint) Scheduled Tribes in India (2011):
        Census of India: Primary Census Abstract: Scheduled Castes & Scheduled Tribes. Office of the Registrar General & Census Commissioner India, New Delhi October 28, 2013 ( PPT-Powerpoint: 11 MB, 55 tables & maps on censusindia.gov.in).
      • (Excel) Scheduled Tribes in Meghalaya (2011):
        Census of India: A-11: State Primary Census Abstract for Individual Scheduled Tribes. Office of the Registrar General & Census Commissioner India, New Delhi 2019 (pure quantities, without quotas; XLSX-Excel: 38 kB, 1 table on censusindia.gov.in).
      • (PDF-1) Scheduled Tribes in Meghalaya (2001):
        Census of India: Meghalaya Data Highlights: The Scheduled Tribes. Office of the Registrar General & Census Commissioner India, New Delhi March 31, 2006 ( PDF: 44 kB, 5 text pages on censusindia.gov.in).
    1. a b c d e f g h i j k l m All individual Scheduled Tribes in Meghalaya in numbers and quotas (2011): S. 155/156 (State Code 17): Table T 1.24: Census 2011: State-wise list of STs with details in terms of Households, Population (Total, Male, Female), sex ratio, child sex ratio, Literacy (Total, Male, Female), Worker Participation Rate, Main worker and Marginal Worker ( see "PDF" ).
      → All individual ST in Meghalaya in pure quantities (2011): Line 28: "Khasi, Jaintia ..." ( see "Excel" ).
      → Sum of all Khasi tribes ("Khasi, Jaintia, Synteng, Pnar, War, Bhoi, Lyngngam"):
      2011: 1,411,775 of 2,966,889 total population (47.6%)
      2011: 1.717,221 women (50.8%)
      2011: 1.694,554 men (49.2%) → Difference: 22,667 (1.60%)
      2001: 1,123,490 (56% of the total population)
      1971: 0.463,869 (no information, Assam at that time)
      1951: 0.363,599 (1951 census; based on Nakane 1967, p. 95)
      1901: 0.176.614 (after Gurdon 1907).
    2. a b c d e Meghalaya Census (2011): West Khasi Hills District: Census 2011 data.
      Population development 2001–2011 (then together with the 2012 district of South West Khasi Hills ): + 29.53%
    3. a b c d There is not yet a census of the district of South West Khasi Hills - it was only separated from the large district of West Khasi Hills in 2012 and borders on Bangladesh to the south (next census in 2021).
    4. a b c d Meghalaya Census (2011): East Khasi Hills District: Census 2011 data.
      Population development 2001–2011: + 24.96%
    5. a b c d Meghalaya Census (2011) - East & West Jaintia Hills: Jaintia Hills District: Census 2011 data.
    6. a b c d Meghalaya Census (2011): Ri Boi District: Census 2011 data.
    7. a b Khasi speakers (1.431.344): Census of India 2011: Paper 1 of 2018: Language - India, States and Union Territories (Table C-16). Office of the Registrar General & Census Commissioner India, New Delhi 2018, p. 9: Table Statement 1, Part-B: Languages ​​not Specified in the Eighth Schedule (Non-Scheduled Languages) ( PDF: 945 kB, 52 pages on censusindia .gov.in).
    8. Number of Villages (2011): Census of India 2011: Table A-1: Number Of Villages, Towns, Households, Population And Area. (Entry "Meghalaya"; XLS-Excel: 2.13 MB on censusindia.gov.in).
    9. Population density in Meghalaya (2001–2011): Census of India 2011: Primary Census Abstract - India: Chapter 1 - Population, Size and Decadal Change. Office of the Registrar General & Census Commissioner India (C. Chandramouli), New Delhi 2013, p. 10: Table Statement 4: Density of population (per Sq. Km.) By residence: 2001–2011 ( PDF: 8.8 MB, 27 pages on censusindia.gov.in).
    10. a b c d e f Meghalaya Population Census (2011): Meghalaya Population Census data 2011.
    11. a b c Literacy at ST in Meghalaya and India (2011): pp. 3, 7, 23 and 31 ( see “Powerpoint” ).
    12. a b c Employment at ST in India (2011): pp. 32/33, 36/37, 43 and 46 ( see “Powerpoint” ).
    13. Employment at ST in Meghalaya (2001): p. 3/4: Work Participation Rate (WPR) ( see “PDF-1” ).
    14. Gender ratio among ST & children in India (2001–2011): p. 18: Table Sex Ratio & Child Sex Ratio (Females per 1000 males) ( see “Powerpoint” ).
      → ST in Meghalaya and India (2001–2011): p. 129: Table T 1.13: State-wise Sex Ratio among Scheduled Tribes by residence: Census 2001–2011 ( see “PDF” ).
      → ST children in Meghalaya and India (1991–2011): p. 130: Table 1.14: Comparison of Child Sex Ratio (Population 0-6 age group): Census 1991, 2001 & 2011 ( see “PDF” ).
      → ST & Kinder in Meghalaya (2001): p. 2: Sex Ratio ( see “PDF-1” ).
    15. a b Readability 1951–2001: Census of India 2011: Provisional Population Totals. Paper 1 of 2011: Meghalaya. Part 2: highlights. Office of the Registrar General & Census Commissioner India, New Delhi 2011, p. 18: Table Statement-4: Literacy rate for State, 1951–2011 - Meghalaya (provisional evaluation; PDF: 18.7 MB, 19 pages on censusindia. gov.in).
      Reserve Bank of India : Publications: Table 6: State-wise literacy rate. May 5, 2018, accessed January 10, 2019.
    16. a b c Literacy at ST in Meghalaya (2001): p. 2/3: Literacy & Educational Level ( see “PDF-1” ).
    17. ^ Marital status at ST in Meghalaya (2001): p. 4/5: Marital Status ( see "PDF-1" ).
    18. a b c Religions in India (2011): All India Religion Census Data 2011. Census Population 2015 Data, accessed on January 10, 2019.
      → Table on members of "other religions and beliefs" in India and Meghalaya (2011): C- 01 Appendix: Details of Religious Community Shown Under "Other Religions and Persuasions" in Main Table C-1- 2011 (India & States / UTs). Office of the Registrar General & Census Commissioner India, New Delhi 2019 ( XLSX-Excel: 126 kB on censusindia.gov.in).
    19. a b c Table with members of the 6 major religions at the 17 Scheduled Tribes in Meghalaya (2011): ST-14 Scheduled Tribe Population by Religious Community. Office of the Registrar General & Census Commissioner India, New Delhi 2019 ( XLS-Excel: 36 kB on censusindia.gov.in).
      → Table on members of “other religions and beliefs” of the 17 Scheduled Tribes in Meghalaya (2011): ST-14 A Details of Religions Shown Under “Other Religions and Persuasions” in Main Table (For Each Tribe Separately). ( XLS-Excel: 40 kB on censusindia.gov.in).
    20. Percentages of the 6 major religions of Meghalaya (2011): Meghalaya Religion Census 2011. Census Population 2015 Data, accessed on January 10, 2019.
      → Detailed table on members of the 6 major religions in Meghalaya (2011): Religion PCA. Office of the Registrar General & Census Commissioner India, New Delhi 2019 ( XLSX-Excel: 733 kB on censusindia.gov.in).
      → District table: C-1 Population by Religious Community - 2011. Table, line 8: State - Meghalaya ( XLS-Excel: 68.0 kB on censusindia.gov.in).
    21. a b Religions in Meghalaya and All of India (2001): Census of India 2001: Population by religious communities. Office of the Registrar General & Census Commissioner India, New Delhi 2019, accessed on January 10, 2019 (table rows 1–8: India and rows 185–192: Meghalaya ).
      → Religions at ST in Meghalaya (2001): p. 5: Religion ( see “PDF-1” ).
      → Table of religions in Meghalaya (2001): Jatinder K. Bajaj: Scheduled Tribes of India: Religious Demography and Representation. Center for Policy Studies, New Delhi / Chennai 2011, p. 16/17, here p. 16 (evaluation of the 2011 data; PDF download at cpsindia.org).
    22. Table with members of the 6 major religions at Scheduled Tribes in neighboring Assam (2011): ST-14 Scheduled Tribe Population by Religious Community. Office of the Registrar General & Census Commissioner India, New Delhi 2019 ( XLS-Excel: 78 kB on censusindia.gov.in).
    23. Table with members of the 6 major religions at Scheduled Tribes in neighboring Mizoram (2011): ST-14 Scheduled Tribe Population by Religious Community. Office of the Registrar General & Census Commissioner India, New Delhi 2019 ( XLS-Excel: 56 kB on censusindia.gov.in).
    • ( wii ) Biodiversity Plan for Meghalaya (2016-2026) of the Wildlife Institute of India (WII): The Meghalaya State Biodiversity Strategy and Action Plan (Draft). Ministry of Environment Forest and Climate Change, Government of India, version from March 6, 2017 (compare biodiversity : biological diversity; the extensive and detailed official plan also summarizes the economic and cultural foundations of Meghalaya; PDF: 15.4 MB, 350 pages , mostly without page numbers on megbiodiversity.nic.in).
    1. PDF page 41: 2.6: Social Structure and Culture (without page number); Quote: “In 1924 with establishment of the first college by Christian Brothers of Ireland, higher education reached local people of the state. The literacy rate in Meghalaya has grown from 26.92% in 1961 to 75.48% in 2011, which is above the national average. [...] (Draft Meghalaya Education Policy, 2013). "
    2. PDF pages 50–55: 2.8.4: Forestry Policy and Management (without page numbers).
    3. PDF page 57–81: Chapter 3: Biodiversity Profile and Conservation in Meghalaya (without page numbers).
    4. PDF page 62: 3.3.1: Mammals (without page numbers).
    5. PDF page 81: 3.5: Protected Areas coverage (without page numbers); Quote: "These PAs [ Protected Areas ] constitute only 6% of geographical area of ​​the state and yet they provide best protection to the biodiverstity of the state as no other activities are allowed inside these PAs [...]".
    6. a b c PDF page 41: 2.6: Social Structure and Culture (without page number); Quote: "Among the War Khasis, however, property passes to all the children, male and female, in equal shares but among the War Jaintias, only the female children get the inheritance."
    7. a b Named 145 medicinal plants of the Khasi: Appendices (appendices): pp. 53–61: Appendix 16: Medicinal Plants used by the Khasis.
    8. PDF pages 91–94: 3.6: Sacred Groves (without page numbers).
    9. PDF pages 99–101: 3.8: Living Root Bridges of Meghalaya (without page numbers).
    10. PDF-Pages 47-49: 2.8.1: Land use practices of local communities (without page numbers).
    11. PDF-Page 55/56: 2.8.7: Wastelands of Meghalaya (without page numbers); Quote: "Meghalaya being a hilly state has nearly 40 percent of its land under shifting cultivation."
    12. PDF page 35/36: 2: Jhum cultivation (without page numbers).
    13. PDF page 44: 2.7: Governance (without page number); Quote: "At national level, Meghalaya ranks poorly in the Human Development Index (HDI), which slumped from 21st rank in 1991 to 24th rank by 2001 (National Human Development Report 2001). [...] As far as the Gender-related Development Index (GDI) is concerned, Meghalaya is in a better position compared to most of the states in India due to matrilineal society. The GDI rank of Meghalaya was 12th in 1981 and improved to 7th in 1991. "
    14. a b c PDF page 41: 2.6: Social Structure and Culture (without page number); Quote: "The Garo society is divided into three major clan [s] or " Katchis " viz. Marak, Sangma and Momin (Nongkynrih 2014). Each of the "Katchis" or clan is further subdivided into numbers of lines called "Machongs" . The village head is known as Nokmas (Playfair, 1975). As the property is inherited by females only, the nokmaship is also inherited mostly to the youngest daughter of Nokma . The maternal relatives of the Nokmas are called Maharis and they play an important part in designs of the village and selection of new Nokma. Cases where the Nokmaship has not transferred to the youngest daughter, the other daughter will be the preference, and this decision is taken by the Mahris . The husband of the Nokma has the executive power. "
    15. a b c d PDF page 46: 2.7.3: Traditional Administration (without page number).
    16. a b PDF page 45: 2.7.2: Local Administration (District Councils) (without page number).
    17. PDF page 24: 2.2: Historical Background (without page number); Quotation: “In the earliest Indian literature there are references of Indo-Mongoloid communities of Kiratas. "Bhagavata purana" composed by Sankardeva around 1500 AD is the historical / mythological Indo Aryan literature first to mention "Khasi" (Playfair 1975, Sen 1985). "
    • ( ethno ) graphics: descriptions of peoples
      • 2009: Barbara A. West: Khasi (Cassia… Ki Khasi). In: Encyclopedia of the Peoples of Asia and Oceania. Infobase, New York 2009, ISBN 978-0-8160-7109-8 , pp. 386-388 (short description; based on Das Gupta, 1984 ; full text on Google).
      • 1996: Hugh R. Page Jr .: Khasi. HRAF Press, New Haven CT, USA 1996 (detailed description, part of the HRAF research project , see HRAF publications on Khasi ; full text on encyclopedia.com).
      • 1967: Heather M. Fellows: Culture summary: Society Khasi. In: Ethnographic Atlas - SCCS. Center for Social Anthropology and Computing, University of Kent, Canterbury, around 1967 (short description from 3 sources 1907, 1964, 1967; part of the HRAF research project and the Ethnographic Atlas ; full text on web.archive.org).
      • 1907: Philip Richard Thornhagh Gurdon: The Khasis. 2nd Edition. Macmillan, London 1914 (first edition 1907; reissued 2010 ISBN 978-1-164-06643-9 ; Lieutenant Colonel PRT Gurdon was the first detailed Khasi ethnographer : Superintendent of Ethnography in Assam, honorary doctor of ethnography; with a preface by the geographer Sir Charles Lyell ; Full text in the text archive - Internet Archive ).
    1. Page Jr. (1996): Orientation.
    2. Page Jr. (1996): Settlements.
    3. ^ A b c Fellows (1967): Society: Khasi .
    4. a b c d e f g h West (2009): p. 387.
    5. Gurdon (1907), pp. 49/50: Fishing  - Internet Archive .
    6. a b c d e f Page Jr. (1996): Kinship.
    7. Gurdon (1907), pp. 112/113: Religion  - Internet Archive .
    8. Page Jr. (1996): Marriage and Family.
    9. ^ Page Jr. (1996): Sociopolitical Organization.
    10. West (2009): p. 388.
    11. Page Jr. (1996): Religion and Expressive Culture.
    12. a b Gurdon (1907), pp. 226-228: Divination by Egg-Breaking  - Internet Archive .
      → Ibid., P. 106: Religion  - Internet Archive .
      → In addition in German (1918): C. Becker: The egg throwing of the Khasi. In: Anthropos. Volume 12/13, No. 3/4, 1917/1918, pp. 494-496 (Prof. Dr. Becker was Prefect of Assam ; full text on digi-hub.de).
    13. a b West (2009): p. 386.
    14. Page Jr. (1996): History and Cultural Relations.
    1. ^ A b c Hans-Rudolf Wicker: Post-maritime housing rules. In: The same: Guide to the Introductory Lecture in Social Anthropology (1995–2012). Institute for Social Anthropology, University of Bern 2012, p. 13–14, here p. 13 and table on p. 14 (emeritus professor of ethnology : lecture script with a list and comparison of various theories; PDF: 387 kB, 47 pages on boris.unibe. ch);
      Quote p. 13: “In societies in which […] the matri- or uxorilocal order of living dominates, mothers, sisters and daughters usually form a core group. Avunculocality is closely related to matrilinearity. "
    2. a b Gabriele Rasuly-Paleczek: matrifocal. In: Same: Introduction to the Forms of Social Organization (Part 4/5). Institute for Cultural and Social Anthropology, University of Vienna 2011, p. 152 (former assistant professor: detailed lecture notes; PDF: 747 kB, 43 pages on web.archive.org);
      Quote: “matrifocal: This is a group that is centered around the mother. Here the father is often absent or plays a very subordinate role. The term matrifocality is u. a. used to indicate that women are central to the family, household identity and continuity. (SEYMOUR-SMITH 1986: p. 184) […] Definition of »matrifocal« according to BARGATZKY [1985: p. 49/50]: »This describes a type of family that essentially consists of household groups in which a woman and their children and the children of their daughters constitute the core. Such a family form arises due to a sharp separation into a domestic and a public-political-ritual area, whereby the gender roles assign activity (p. 50) and dominance to women in the former area, but to men in the latter. The role of men in the public sector is relatively independent of the role they play in the domestic sector. [...] Marital or non-marital connections between a woman and a man can therefore be unstable without the stability of the matrifocal family having to be influenced by it; a woman can maintain relationships with different men who quasi ›
      visiting marriages ‹ ( visiting unions , see RT Smith 1973: 142) with her. «“
      → Concepts: Dieter Steiner : Characteristics of matrix-centric societies: 1. Conceptual. In: Social in the narrower sense. Own homepage, Zurich 1998, accessed on January 10, 2019 (Professor of Human Ecology ).
      → Theory: Brian Schwimmer: Matrifocality: An emerging empirical and theoretical issue. In: Tutorial: Kinship and Social Organization. University of Manitoba, Canada 2003, Retrieved January 10, 2019.
    3. a b Hans-Rudolf Wicker: Matri-, patrilinearity and social evolution. In: The same: Guide to the Introductory Lecture in Social Anthropology (1995–2012). Institute for Social Anthropology, University of Bern 2012, pp. 27–32 and the following (emeritus professor for social anthropology : lecture script with listing and comparison of various theories; PDF: 387 kB, 47 pages on boris.unibe.ch).
    4. Gabriele Rasuly-Paleczek: Difference between Lineage and Klan. In: Same: Introduction to the Forms of Social Organization (Part 2/5). Institute for Cultural and Social Anthropology, University of Vienna 2011, p. 72/73 (former assistant professor: detailed lecture notes; PDF: 1.8 MB, 58 pages on web.archive.org);
      Quote: “So noted z. B. BARGATZKY regarding the clan: "Lines that can no longer prove the common descent from an ancestor, but are nevertheless convinced that they have such a common ancestor, are generally referred to as a clan." [(1985: p. 58)] […] the main difference between clan and lineage is that in the case of lineage, “… individual members of a lineage can prove their descent from an ancestor, while those of a clan cannot. Although the clan members have an idea of ​​common ancestry, they are in reality unable to trace and prove this in detail. "(VIVELO 1981: p. 22 7f)".
    5. a b c d Hans-Rudolf Wicker: Men's worlds, women's worlds. In: The same: Guide to the Introductory Lecture in Social Anthropology (1995–2012). Institute for Social Anthropology, University of Bern 2012, pp. 32–36, here p. 32 ( PDF: 387 kB, 47 pages on boris.unibe.ch);
      Quote: “ E. Evans-Pritchard (1965) also states that both in tribal societies and in highly developed societies there is great diversity in terms of gender roles, but that ultimately the political fields are consistently occupied by men. However, he does not explain this fact as “a matter of brute force”, but as an expression of deep biological, psychological and social factors. ”
      Note: In the text, Marxist and biological explanatory models are compared (compare also gender habitus vs. gender role ).
    1. a b Root Bridge: Bettina Witte: Khasi - In the Land of Women (Part 1) (from 0:07:14) on YouTube (1.5 minutes from 14:18). Nima Productions for arte / ZDF 2012.
    2. a b memorial stones : Bettina Witte: Khasi - In the land of women (from 0:07:57) on YouTube (0.5 minute of 43). Nima Productions for arte / ZDF 2012.
      → Uschi Madeisky, Daniela Parr: The Daughter - A clan saga from the Khasi matriarchy (from 0:00:24) on YouTube (1 minute out of 5). Movie trailer. Göttert, Germany 2011, ISBN 978-3-939623-30-4 .
    3. ^ Broom binding: Global 3000: What is life like in matriarchy? (from 0:04:42) on YouTube (1 minute out of 5). W. Feuersenger, S. Barbaruah for Deutsche Welle , August 28, 2017.
    4. Documentation on the Khasi village Mawlynnong: Udipta Bhuyan: Mawlynnong village: Asia's cleanest village in Meghalaya on YouTube (12 minutes), 2014.
    5. A documentary filmmaker explains the peculiarities of the names sung in the Khasi village of Kongthong: The Quint: The Village of "Song Names" in India on YouTube (5 minutes), 2018.
    6. International projects with alternatives to slash and burn in the Garo Mountains bordering to the west : IUCN project What if we Change : Jhumming: Shifting Cultivation in Sakal Aduma on YouTube (18 minutes), 2013.
      → IUCN: Megan Haagh, Paul Hendrix: Abode of the Clouds (Jhumming in Meghalaya) on YouTube (30 minutes), 2013.
    7. The life of a Khadduh : Bettina Witte: Khasi - In the Land of Women on YouTube (43 minutes). Nima Productions for arte / ZDF 2012.
    8. Festivals and dance costumes: Bettina Witte: Khasi - In the Land of Women (from 0:14:25) on YouTube (4.5 minutes of 43). Nima Productions for arte / ZDF 2012.
      → Uschi Madeisky, Daniela Parr: The Daughter - A clan saga from
      the Khasi matriarchy (from 0:03:03) on YouTube (1 minute out of 5). Movie trailer. Göttert, Germany 2011, ISBN 978-3-939623-30-4 .
    9. 6 short live videos with traditional Khasi instruments: Tribal Cultural Heritage in India Foundation (Foundation for the preservation of the tribal cultural heritage of India): Khasi musical heritage of Meghalaya - introduction. 2011 (various lengths).
    10. Christian group Summersalt with traditional Khasi instruments: Khasi beats on YouTube (2 minutes), 2017.
    11. phawar lecture on National Voter's Day : Phawar Khasi on YouTube (2 minutes), 2013.
    • Other documents
    1. Ethnologue -Lexikon: Khasi: A language of India. 2018, accessed on January 10, 2019 → Langwhich-Lexicon by Ingmar Eschli: Khasi. Undated, accessed January 10, 2019.
    2. ^ Government document (2006): Questions and Answers: Official Languages. Meghalaya Legislative Assembly, March 21, 2006, accessed January 10, 2019;
      Quote: “Dr. DD Lapang (Chief Minister) [...] "Khasi & Garo Languages ​​have been recognized and notified as Associate Official Languages ​​of the State [...] on the 1st May, 2005 [...]" [...]. "
    3. a b c d Conflict between Khasi culture and Christian churches (2017): Paramita Ghosh: How Khasi Christians in Meghalaya are making the Church their own. In: HindustanTimes.com. February 6, 2017, accessed January 10, 2019;
      Quote: “In Meghalaya, Khasi Christians have been trying to bridge the divide between the Church and their local culture. The Church is embracing native rituals slowly. But other challenges remain. "
    4. ^ A b Department of Education: Final Draft Meghalaya State Education Policy. Government of Meghalaya, Shillong 2018, p. 13 ( PDF: 448 kB, 46 pages on megeducation.gov.in);
      Quote: “There are 10 Universities in the State, the majority are privately owned universities. The State has 18 colleges per lakh [100,000] population. [...] The overall Gross enrollment ratio at higher education level in the State is 21%. "
    5. ^ North Eastern Hill University , Shillong: → Language Institute: Khasi Department. → Anthropology Institute: Anthropology Department.

    6. Self-presentation of the DBCIC: Don Bosco Museum: A Brief History Don Bosco Center for Indigenous Cultures, Shillong, accessed on January 10, 2019;
      Quote: “The original vision of DBCIC was spelled out in a leaflet published in 1999. We read in it:“ The primary scope of DBCIC is the advancement of indigenous / tribal peoples. In order to achieve this aim, it collects documents and preserves the cultural artifacts of indigenous / tribal population [hence, the 7 storey museum]. It also facilitates ethnographic, anthropological and sociological studies on indigenous communities. Through its language institute, it strives to promote tribal languages ​​in various ways "."
    7. a b c State Agricultural Profile of Meghalayas: Meghalaya Agriculture Profile 2006 (Third Edition). Department of Agriculture, Government of Meghalaya, Shillong ( PDF: 276 kB, 64 pages on megagriculture.gov.in);
      see also the 3 climate zones on p. 34: “Agro-climatic Zones […] Tropical Zone (100–300 msl) | Sub-tropical Zone (300-1100 msl) | Temperate Zone (1100–2000 msl) ”and on p. 8:“ Surma and Brahmaputra Valley (100-300m) […] Shillong plateau (600–2000m) ”.
      → Ministry of Agriculture & Horticulture: Department of Agriculture. Government of Meghalaya, Shillong.
    8. Waldarten Meghalayas (1976): Josef Schmithüsen (Ed.): Atlas for Biogeography (= Meyers Great Physical World Atlas. Volume 3). Bibliographisches Institut, Mannheim / Wien / Zürich 1976, ISBN 978-3-411-00303-7 , p. 19. Summary: In the Khasi area come “tropical evergreen seasonal rainforest”, “tropical semi-evergreen lowland rainforest” (as a transition form between tropical and subtropical rainforests = monsoon forests) as well as "laurel forest of the mountain level" (= subtropical wet forest).
      → For animal and plant life, see the brief overview at Meghalaya subtropical forests .
    9. a b WWF Meghalaya Ecoregion (current): Gopal S. Rawat, Eric D. Wikramanayake: Southern Asia, Eastern India: Meghalaya Subtropical Forests (IM0126). In: Tropical and subtropical moist broadleaf forests. World Wildlife Fund, undated, accessed January 10, 2019 (detailed overview); Quote: “More than two-thirds of this ecoregion has been cleared or degraded; However, extensive stretches of intact habitat can still be found in the northeastern parts. The protected area system in this ecoregion amounts to a mere 154 km2, which is less than 1 percent of the ecoregion's area (table 2). All seven protected areas are extremely small, with the largest being only 60 km2. "
    10. a b c On the special features of the Khasi mandarins (2013): Google Arts & Culture: India: Khasi mandarin. In: Slow Food Foundation for Biodiversity - Ark of Taste. Italy 2013, accessed January 10, 2019 (Italian Slow Food initiative).
      → Comprehensive study on cultivation in Meghalaya (2016): Amit Kumar Singh u. a .: Khasi mandarin: its importance, problems and prospects of cultivation in North-eastern Himalayan region. In: International Journal of Agriculture, Environment and Biotechnology. Volume 9, No. 4, India 2016, pp. 573-592 ( full text on researchgate.net).
      → Study on the conservation and cultivation of wild citrus in Meghalaya (2016): Anamika Upadhaya u. a .: Utilization of wild Citrus by Khasi and Garo tribes of Meghalaya. In: Indian Journal of Traditional Knowledge. Volume 15, No. 1, India 2016, pp. 121–127 ( PDF: 142 kB, 7 pages on nopr.niscair.res.in).
    11. a b c d Documentary about the Khasi tribe of the Jaintia (1999): Uschi Madeisky , Klaus Werner: Where only the night belongs to the husband - visiting marriage with the Jaintia in India. Colorama film for NDR 1999 (60 minutes; press ).
      Note: The Jaintia (also: Synteng / Pnar) are a sub-tribe of the Khasi and are listed as a common entry in the Indian census of 2011: "Khasi, Jaintia, Synteng, Pnar, War, Bhoi, Lyngngam" - as an additional entry, others “Synteng” is managed as its own recognized tribal population ( Scheduled Tribe ) with 1,578 members in Meghalaya (and others in the neighboring Assam ). Another sub-tribe of the Khasi are the War-Jaintia (short: War). Jaintia tribes had their own small kingdom in the southeast of Meghalaya, in the border area to the former Burma ( Myanmar ) , from the 15th century .
    12. a b Compare the entry of the Joshua Project to the ethnic group number 12654 "Khasi" on joshuaproject.net.
    13. a b Aurelius Kyrham Nongkinrih: Khasi Society of Meghalaya: A Sociological Understanding. Indus Publishing, New Delhi 2002, ISBN 81-7387-137-X , p. 11/12 (sociological field study of a Khasi village; side views on Google).
    14. ^ Research project on Khasi healers and 58 medicinal plants (2006): SR Hynniewta, Yogendra Kumar: Herbal remedies among the Khasi traditional healers and village folks in Meghalaya. In: Indian Journal Of Traditional Knowledge. Volume 7, No. 4, October 2008, pp. 581-586 (Department of Botany, Shillong University 2006; full text on niscair.res.in).
    15. ^ A b Forest and Environment Department: Medicinal Plants in Meghalaya. Government of Meghalaya, Shillong, undated, accessed January 10, 2019;
      Quote: "Meghalaya has 850 species of Medicinal Plants, 377 of which are used by 70% to 80% of the State's population for primary health care needs."
    16. Change from slash and burn to broom grass with nutritional effects: RN Behera, DK Nayak, P. Andersen, IE Måren: From jhum to broom: Agricultural land-use change and food security implications on the Meghalaya Plateau, India. In: Ambio. Volume 45, Number 1, February 2016, pp. 63-77 ( doi: 10.1007 / s13280-015-0691-3 ; PMID 26254789 ; PMC 4709356 (free full text)).
      → On the broom grass economy in Meghalaya, 5 years after its start in 1995 (2000): Avirook Sen: Easy to grow, easy to sell: Broom growers in Meghalaya reap the benefits. In: India Today. February 14, 2000, accessed on January 10, 2019.
      → Broom grass study on the Bhoi Khasi tribe: Ram Singh, A. Monika, SM Feroze: Minor Forest Product and Marketing - A Case Study of Broom Grass in Meghalaya. In: Indian Forester Journal. Volume 139, Issue 9, Dehra Dun, India 2013 ( summary ).
      → About Amriso broom grass: German Ministry of the Environment : Ecosystems in the mountain regions of Nepal in the face of
      climate change. July 14, 2015, accessed on January 10, 2019 (part of the International Climate Initiative IKI ).
    17. On Mawlynnong Village (2017): Julie McCarthy: Welcome To "The Cleanest Village In India". National Public Radio, India, December 24, 2017, accessed January 10, 2019
      → 2011 Census: Mawlynnong Population - East Khasi Hills, Meghalaya. Data: 77 households (2014: 95 houses), 414 inhabitants (210 women, 204 men; 401 tribal population), 94% alphabets (women 1.4% higher than men; for comparison: 74% in Meghalaya).
    18. ^ About the names sung in the village of Kongthong (2018): Agency report: residents of Indian villages call each other with melodies. In: Kurier.at. September 27, 2018, accessed January 10, 2019
      → 2011 Census: Kongthong Population - East Khasi Hills, Meghalaya.
    19. ↑ Complete state list with 105 sacred forests, almost all of them in Khasi territory (2018): Envis Center: Sacred Groves in Meghalaya. Ministry of Environment & Forest, Government of India 2018, accessed January 10, 2019 (with literature from 1999 and 2006).
      → Literature: Rekha M. Shangpliang: Forest in the Life of the Khasis. Sociological PhD thesis at Shillong University. Concept Publishing, New Delhi 2010, ISBN 978-81-8069-667-1 ( excerpt from Google).
    20. Ebelmon Nongbri, Sashin Kumar Borthakur, Devajyoti Bokolial: Plants Associated with Rituals and Beliefs of Indigenous Khasi Religion of Meghalaya, North-East India. In: Ad. Plant Science. Volume 30, Volume 1, No. 1–4, January 2017, Page 4, accessed on January 10, 2019.
    21. Picture gallery: In the northeast of India: Meghalaya, the fairy tale forest - root bridge. In: Süddeutsche Zeitung. July 30, 2012, accessed January 10, 2019.
    22. Scheduled Tribes Lands (2003): Ministry of Tribal Affairs: Report of the High Level Committee on Socio-Economic, Health and Educational Status of Tribal Communities Of India. Government of India, New Delhi May 2014, pp. 98–100: 5.3: Land Ownership ( PDF: 5.0 MB, 431 pages on indiaenvironmentportal.org.in).
    23. On land privatizations: Duncan McDuie-Ra: Civil Society and Human Security in Meghalaya: Identity, Power and Inequalities. Sociological doctoral thesis, School of Social Sciences and International Studies, University of New South Wales, Sydney 2007, p. 184 (comprehensive study on social security within recognized tribal peoples; full text: PDF: 136 MB, 345 pages on unsworks.unsw.edu.au );
      Quote: "Secondly, women in the Khasi Hills face extreme hardships related to growing landlessness and the changes to jhum agriculture. As women undertake the majority of the labor in the cultivation of common land, especially through jhumming (shifting cultivation), the privatization of common land and the relegation of jhumming to poor quality land has been a major cause of insecurity. As Krishna argues, "women tend to lose status with the livelihood changes involved in the transformation from foraging / shifting cultivation to settled agriculture, communal to private ownership, and local to wider market interaction." (2004b: 379) ".
    24. Land ownership at Scheduled Tribes 2001-2011: Ashwani Mahajan: Depriving the poor. In: DH Deccan Herald. Mysore November 2013, accessed January 10, 2019.
    25. a b Ethno-ecological fishery study on the War Khasi tribe and their sustainable fishing methods: Hero Tynsong & BK Tiwari: Traditional knowledge associated with fish harvesting practices of War Khasi community of Meghalaya. In: Indian Journal of Traditional Knowledge. Volume 7, No. 4, 2008, pp. 618–623 (9 images on p. 621; Center for Environmental Studies, Shillong University; full text on researchgate.net).
    26. Poverty Rate 2012: Reserve Bank of India : Publications: Table 156: Number and Percentage of Population Below Poverty Line. September 15, 2018, accessed January 10, 2019.
    27. ^ A b Government of India, UNDP -India: Gendering Human Development Indices: Recasting the Gender Development Index and Gender Empowerment Measure for India (Summary Report, revised). Ministry of Women and Child Development, New Delhi 2009, 3 tables on p. 11, 12 and 15 ( PDF: 1.6 MB, 20 pages on undp.org);
      → p. 11: Table 4.4: Dimension-wise HDI scores for States / UTs - 2006 and 1996.
      → p. 12: Table 4.5: Dimension-wise GDI scores for States / UTs - 2006 and 1996.
      → p. 15: Table 5.2: Dimension-wise GEM Scores 2006 and 1996.
    28. a b c Global Data Lab: Subnational Human Development Index. Version 2.1. Institute for Management Research, Radboud University Nijmegen , October 2017, accessed January 10, 2019;
      Note on setting the page for "India": First click on the Countries option , then click on "Deselect all" at the top and select the state "India"; then switch on “Scale to national extremes” for the Color scales option in order to see color gradations (columns, however, cannot be sorted).
    29. a b UNDP India: About India. United Nations Development Program, undated, accessed January 10, 2019.
    30. a b UNDP -India: India Factsheet: Gender and Social Exclusion Indicators. United Nations Development Program, undated ( PDF: 633 kB, 2 pages on in.undp.org).
    31. Government of Meghalaya: Meghalaya Human Development Report 2008. Shillong 2009, p. 22: Table 2.2 Human Development Index of States in India - 1991 (Chapter 2: PDF: 147 KB, 11 pages on megplanning.gov.in; extensive full version: PDF: 3.9 MB, 372 pages at in.undp.org).
    32. a b United Nations Development Program (UNDP) - with the search term “India”: → HDI: Table 2: Human Development Index Trends (1990–2017). → IHDI: Table 3: Inequality-adjusted Human Development Index. → GDI: Table 4: Gender Development Index. → GII: Table 5: Gender Inequality Index. → GEM: Dashboard 3: Women's empowerment.




    33. On Femdex (2015): McKinsey Global Institute: The power of parity: Advancing women's equality in India. November 2015, pp. 10–12 ( PDF: 3.0 MB, 36 pages at mckinsey.com).
    34. a b c d Data on matrilinearity worldwide (1998): J. Patrick Gray: Ethnographic Atlas Codebook. In: World Cultures. Volume 10, No. 1, 1998, p. 86–136, here p. 104: Table 43 Descent: Major Type (one of the few evaluations of all 1267 ethnic groups recorded worldwide at that time; PDF: 2.4 MB, 52 pages, without page numbers on eclectic.ss.uci.edu);
      Quote: "584 Patrilineal - 160 Matrilineal - 52 Duolateral - 49 Ambilineal - 11 Quasi-lineages - 349 bilateral - 45 Mixed - 17 Missing data".
    35. a b The Ethnographic Atlas by George P. Murdock now contains data sets on 1,300 ethnic groups (status 2018 in InterSciWiki , last addition 2012), of which often only samples are evaluated, for example in the HRAF research project , a large-scale database for holistic (holistic ) Culture comparisons of 400 recorded peoples. The Ethnographic Atlas was founded in the early 1950s by the American anthropologist George P. Murdock (1897–1985) for standardized data collection of all ethnic groups worldwide.
    36. ^ Hans-Rudolf Wicker: Post-maritime housing rules. In: The same: Guide to the Introductory Lecture in Social Anthropology (1995–2012). Institute for Social Anthropology, University of Bern 2012, pp. 13–14, here p. 14 table ( PDF: 387 kB, 47 pages on boris.unibe.ch).
    37. a b Donna L. Leonetti, Dilip C. Nath u. a .: In-law Conflict: Women's Reproductive Lives and the Roles of Their Mothers and Husbands among the Matrilineal Khasi. In: Current Anthropology . Volume 48, No. 6, December 2007, pp. 861–890, here p. 873 ( PDF: 450 kB, 32 pages on digitalcommons.unl.edu);
      Quote: “Child survival, however, tends to be reduced with husband headship, especially that of second husbands. We also know that Khasi men often leave wives or contribute less than 100% of their income and labor and so their dependability is not complete. We also see that in the protective world of the mother's household, where intergenerational resources are available (Leonetti et al. 2005), men are limited in their roles and children survive better. "
    38. Rafaela von Bredow: Evolution: The devil in the house. In: Der Spiegel. Hamburg, March 13, 2006 ( online at spiegel.de);
      Quote: "Grandmothers mean a significant survival advantage for the children," believes Jan Beise from the Max Planck Institute for Demographic Research in Rostock. "However, this mainly applies to maternal grandmothers." Wherever the researchers not only have an eye on the absolute number, but also on the well-being of the grandchildren, Mama's mother is almost always involved [...] "The only one who really helps among the grandparents is the maternal grandmother "[...]."
    39. Studies on the mother's grandmother (2006): Annette Schäfer: Family life: Grandparents - the indispensable generation. In: Psychology Today . No. 9, 2006, p. 32 ( PDF: 134 kB, 6 pages on grosseltern-initiative.de).
      Quote: "There are indications that senior women do more for their daughters and their children than they do for the family of their son and daughter-in-law [...]" Numerous studies suggest that there is a ranking of grandparents' care ", explains Harald Euler from the University of Kassel. “The maternal grandmothers spend the most time and energy on their grandchildren, followed by the maternal grandfathers and the paternal grandmothers. The last place are the paternal grandfathers. ""
    40. Six Generations in Canada 2013 (compare generation names ): Gerd Braune: Ottawa: Six generations live in a Canadian family. In: Badische Zeitung. July 19, 2013, accessed January 10, 2019 (with photo).
      Quote: “Baby Ethan is the youngest member of the Steiner family in Mississauga near Toronto. It is believed to be the only family in Canada that has six generations. […] Doreen Byers, great-great-great-grandmother since the weekend, is 86 years old […] Mother Priscilla (19), next to grandma Stephanie (34) and great-grandma Steiner (51), in the background great-great Grandma Marilyn Cross (68) […]. “
      Note: There are 5  matrilineal generations of women up to the male baby (a continuous line of mothers).
      → Seven generations in the USA (world record 1989): Guinness Book of Records : Most living generations (ever). 2015, accessed January 10, 2019;
      Quote: “The most generations alive in a single family has been seven. […] Augusta Bunge (USA) aged 109 […] her daughter aged 89, her grand-daughter aged 70, her great-grand-daughter aged 52, her great-great grand-daughter aged 33 and her great-great-great grand-daughter aged 15 on the birth of her great-great-great-great grandson on 21 January 1989. “
      Note: This is 6  matrilineal generations of women up to the male baby (continuous mother line).
      → Almost 200 offspring were certified to a living 93-year-old great-great-grandmother (Australia 1912):
      Newspaper report: The Fifth Generation. In: The Brisbane Courier. Australia, May 25, 1912, p. 12 ( scan from trove.nla.gov.au);
      Quote: "Mrs. Elizabeth Ann Crouch, Great-great-grandmother, 93; Mrs. John Negus, great-grandmother, 64; Mr. John Edward Negus, grandfather, 45; Mrs. Young, Mother, and her baby. The total number of Mrs. Crouch's descendants is nearly 200. "
    41. a b Aurelius Kyrham Nongkinrih: Khasi Society of Meghalaya: A Sociological Understanding. Indus Publishing, New Delhi 2002, ISBN 81-7387-137-X , p. 35 (sociological field study of a Khasi village; side view on Google).
    42. Compare to visiting marriage (1952): Wilhelm Schmidt : Origin of the kinship systems and marriage regulations. In: Anthropos. Volume 47, No. 5–6, Paulusdruckerei, Friborg Switzerland 1952, p. 767–783, here p. 781.
    43. Evelyn Blackwood: Comment. In: Donna L. Leonetti, Dilip C. Nath u. a .: In-law Conflict: Women's Reproductive Lives and the Roles of Their Mothers and Husbands among the Matrilineal Khasi. In: Current Anthropology . Volume 48, No. 6, December 2007, pp. 861–890, here p. 875 ( PDF: 450 kB, 32 pages on digitalcommons.unl.edu);
      Quote: “The norms of Khasi society support a different type of husband. The importance of the matrilineal unit and women's ability to inherit land and wealth mean that where such resources are available women do not need to be dependent on husbands or look to husbands for their support. Husbands are important in bringing in additional resources, but marital stability and a husband in this case are not critical. "
    44. The respected French sociologist / ethnologist Todd, cousin of Claude Lévi-Strauss , mentions the Khasi ultimogeniture (2018): Emmanuel Todd : Sad Modernity - A History of Humanity from the Stone Age to Homo Americanus. Beck, Munich 2018, ISBN 978-3-406-72475-6 , p. 70 (French 2017; German reading sample: 25 pages as PDF);
      Quote: “The primogeniture can even be matrilinear as with the Garo in the mountains in Assam in northern India. The eldest daughter is the successor. With the Khasi, who settle very close, even the last-born daughter is determined to be the successor (ultimogenitur). Often the eldest brother plays a special role in the mechanics of the matrilinear family systems. "
    45. a b On the Khasi Ultimogenitur (1969): FK Lehman: Book Reviews - Chie Nakane: "Garo and Khasi" (1967). In: American Anthropologist. Volume 71, No. 6, 1969, p. 1157, accessed on January 10, 2019 (detailed book review; PDF: 383 kB, 4 pages at anthrosource.onlinelibrary.wiley.com);
      Quote: "[...] sharing a system of heiresses in matrilineal succession (in the case of the Khasi, by ultimogeniture) [...]."
    46. a b c Tanka Bahadur Subba: Matriliny, Reproductive Health, and Reproductive Rights: An Essay on the Khasis of Meghalaya, Northeast India. In: European Bulletin of Himalayan Research. Volume 32, 2008, pp. 50–65, here p. 54 (Head of the Department of Anthropology at North Eastern Hill University in Shillong; PDF: 104 kB, 16 pages on himalaya.socanth.cam.ac.uk);
      Quote The Khasi Matriliny: “Matrilineage protects the children from the possibility of ever being called“ illegitimate ”, which is a serious social stigma in patrilineal societies. Since the children take the surnames of their mothers, who their fathers are is not important from the point of view of legitimacy, although for emotional and economic reasons the presence of a father might be equally important. "
      Quote from Gender Bias in Khasi Society: " An anthropological study in Shillong city based on a sample of 225 married Khasi women and 195 men shows that wives and husbands do have a preference for female children, but the reason for this was neither continuation of lineage nor inheritance of property but old age security ( Pakyntein 1999: 171-182). "
    47. Günther Kern : Gynecology. 4th edition. Edited by Jörg Baltzer and Harald Mickan. Thieme, Stuttgart / New York 1985, pp. 256 and 266.
    48. Compare the Iroquois Indians of North America, where matrilineal clans have been extensively researched: Dieter Steiner : The matrilinear clan. In: Social in the narrower sense. Private website, Zurich 1998, accessed on January 10, 2019 (professor of human ecology , clan mothers here " matrons ", corresponding to the English technical term clan matrons ; also there: the matrilineal extended family of the Iroquois).
    49. ^ Studies on the role of grandfathers in general (2007): Andreas Jahn: Life expectancy: Superfluous grandpa. In: Spectrum of Science . July 26, 2007, accessed January 10, 2019;
      Quotation: “It was found that women had more children the older their own mother became. In addition, a grandmother living in the parental home significantly increased the grandchildren's chances of survival. […] Overall, however, Grandpa was unable to increase the reproductive success of his children. "
    50. Study on the change in meaning from uncle to father: Barnes L. Mawrie: From maternal uncle to father: An anthropological study on changing patriarchy in Khasi Society. Anthropological doctoral thesis University of Shillong 2015 ( Salesians Don Bosco ; PDF downloads: scans or texts on shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in; published by Vendrame Institute, Shillong 2015).
    51. Donna L. Leonetti, Dilip C. Nath et al. a .: In-law Conflict: Women's Reproductive Lives and the Roles of Their Mothers and Husbands among the Matrilineal Khasi. In: Current Anthropology . Volume 48, No. 6, December 2007, pp. 861–890, here p. 862 ( PDF: 450 kB, 32 pages on digitalcommons.unl.edu);
      Quote: "The Khasi follow a matrilineal form of kinship, with the mother's clan name and property being passed to her daughters and her sons often providing important managerial functions for their sisters. [...] When a woman marries, her husband usually joins her household. "
    52. ^ Gabriele Rasuly-Paleczek: Constellation in matrilinear societies. In: Introduction to Ethnosociology (Part 2/2). Institute for Cultural and Social Anthropology, University of Vienna 2006, pp. 208–210 ( PDF file: 705 kB, 206 pages on web.archive.org);
      Quotation: “This situation gives rise to the contradiction already described above for men in societies that stand between their fatherly feelings for their own children and their duties towards their sister's children. [...] this constellation has been described by Audrey RICHARDS as the "matrilineal puzzle" (1950). "
    53. ^ Julien Bouissou: Where women of India rule the roost and men demand gender equality. In: The Guardian . January 18, 2011, accessed January 10, 2019 (English translation from Le Monde , Paris).
    54. a b Khasi documentary filmmaker Wanphrang K. Diengdoh (2016): Politics of Religion in Khasi-Jaintia Hills. In: Raiot - Challenging the Consensus. Webzine, Northeast India, April 10, 2016, accessed January 10, 2019;
      Quote: “[…] to fulfill a greater nationalist agenda. Which is as bad as the profiling that led to racist attacks in Shillong in 1987, 1992 and most recently in 2013. "
    55. ^ On Shillong as a tribal city and violence (2017): Bengt G. Karlsson from the Department of Social Anthropology, Stockholm University: Shillong: tribal urbanity in the Northeast Indian borderland. In: The Newsletter. No. 77, International Institute for Asian Studies (IIAS), Netherlands 2017, accessed January 10, 2019;
      Quote: “In the 70s the city also saw the first wave of ethnic violence, initially against the Bengali community, then later in the 80s, against the Nepalis, and then against various other ethnic groups; even smaller indigenous communities like Karbi and Rabha were targeted as outsiders (dhkars). "
    56. a b Duncan McDuie-Ra: Civil Society and Human Security in Meghalaya: Identity, Power and Inequalities. Sociological doctoral thesis, School of Social Sciences and International Studies, University of New South Wales, Sydney 2007, p. 90 (comprehensive study on social security within recognized tribal peoples; full text: PDF: 136 MB, 345 pages on unsworks.unsw.edu.au );
      Quotation: "Since the formation of Meghalaya [1972], violence against non-tribals and non-Khasis has dramatically increased in the Khasi Hills mostly taking place in Shillong, the state capital (A. Baruah, 2004). Resisting the influx of non-tribals into the state has become the dominant discourse in civil society since the late 1970s. Civil society actors such as the Khasi Students Union (KSU), the Federation of Khasi Jaintia and Garo Peoples (FKJGP), and the Hyinniewtrep Youth Front (HYF), have opposed migration, often violently (Malngiang, 2002: 177). Furthermore, violence and intimidation has been directed at nontribal residents of Shillong and some other towns in Meghalaya, despite many of these residents being part of families that have lived in Meghalaya for generations (Malngiang, 2002: 187-8). "
    57. criticism of the 2018er-bill of KHADC (autonomous Khasi tribal council): The Manosh: Meghalaya women bodies oppose Khasi marriage bill. In: The Times of India. July 28, 2018, accessed January 10, 2019.
    58. a b c Overview of the 7 Khasi tribes and mixtures: Bhogtoram Mawroh: How many types of Khasis are there ?. In: Raiot - Challenging the Consensus. Webzine, Northeast India, August 22, 2018, accessed January 10, 2019.
    59. a b On village councils (dorbar shnong) , abuse of power and exclusion of women (2015): Vanessa Kharbudon Ryngnga: Does Meghalaya Need the Dorbar Shnong in the 21st Century ?. In: The Shillong Times. February 20, 2015, accessed January 10, 2019;
      Quote: “It is pathetic and traitorous on the dorbar's part to (a) intentionally mislead people on the many schemes and public funding available; (b) influence or sway the electorate (especially in villages) to vote for a particular candidate in any election. I ask the Dorbar Shnong, since when it is "sacred" to introduce fees and percentages inclusive of playing dirty politics but sacrilegious to include women? "
    60. ^ Ministry of Tribal Affairs: Report of the High Level Committee on Socio-Economic, Health and Educational Status of Tribal Communities Of India. Government of India, New Delhi May 2014, p. 81: 4.6.1: The Sixth Schedule ( PDF: 5.0 MB, 431 pages on indiaenvironmentportal.org.in).
    61. ^ A b Ministry of Tribal Affairs: Report of the High Level Committee on Socio-Economic, Health and Educational Status of Tribal Communities Of India. Government of India, New Delhi May 2014, pp. 77–84: 4.6: Legal and Administrative Structures in Northeast India ( PDF: 5.0 MB, 431 pages at indiaenvironmentportal.org.in).
    62. ^ Ministry of Tribal Affairs: Report of the High Level Committee on Socio-Economic, Health and Educational Status of Tribal Communities Of India. Government of India, New Delhi May 2014, p. 88: 4.8: Overall Assessment of the Autonomous District Councils under Sixth Schedule ( PDF: 5.0 MB, 431 pages on indiaenvironmentportal.org.in).
    63. On the conflict between the government and KHADC 2000: Tiplut Nongbri: Democracy, Gender and Tribes: A Critical Appraisal of India's Constitutional Policies. In: Indian Anthropologist. Volume 31, No. 2, December 2001, pp. 1–14, here p. 4 ( JSTOR 41919894 ).
    64. On the traditional Garo religion Songsarek (1999): Sankar Kumar Roy: Garo - Religion and Expressive Culture. In: The same: Culture Summary: Garo. HRAF Press, New Haven CT, USA 1999 ( full page on encyclopedia.com).
      → Paulinus R. Marak (2005): The Garo tribal religion: beliefs and practices. Anshah Publishing, New Delhi 2005, ISBN 81-8364-002-8 (Institute of Asian Studies, Calcutta).
      → Erik de Maaker (2007): From the Songsarek Faith to Christianity: Conversion, Religious Identity and Ritual Efficacy. In: South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies. Volume 30, No. 3: The Northeast and Beyond: Region and Culture. 2007, pp. 517-530 ( doi: 10.1080 / 00856400701714104 ).
    65. Magdalyne Syiemlieh: Early Khasi Response to Christian Missions: Challenges, Acceptance and Assertion. In: Journal of Humanities and Social Science (IOSR). Volume 14, number 2, July / August 2013, pp. 36–43, here pp. 36/37 (Department of History, St. Mary's College, Shillong; PDF: 458 kB, 8 pages on iosrjournals.org).
    66. a b Detailed description of the Niamtre religion among the Jaintia / Pnar (2015): Khachungla Tangvah: Religious beliefs and practices of the Pnars of Nangbah village in Jaintia Hills district, Meghalaya. In: International Journal of Multidisciplinary Research and Development. Volume 2, No. 1, 2015, pp. 250–257 (Department of Anthropology, Shillong University; PDF download available ).
    67. a b B. Francis Kulirani: Revival of Traditional Institutions Impacted by Christianity: The Khasi situation. In: Tanka Bahadur Subba, Joseph Puthenpurakal, Shaji Joseph Puykunnel (eds.): Christianity and Change in Northeast India. Concept Publishing, New Delhi 2009, ISBN 978-81-8069-447-9 , pp. 110-113 ( full text on Google)
    68. On the foundation and development of the Seng movement (2016): Wanphrang K. Diengdoh: Politics of Religion in Khasi-Jaintia Hills. In: Raiot - Challenging the Consensus. Webzine, Northeast India, April 10, 2016, accessed January 10, 2019 (Khasi documentary filmmaker).
    69. a b Correspondents' report: Cry for minority status to tribes. In: The Telegraph India. March 4, 2017, accessed January 10, 2019.
    70. On the imaginative Khasi names (2016): David Collin: My name is Frankenstein - In Shillong, northern India, people are called Adolf Hitler or Napoleon. In: Background.ch. Bern 2016, accessed on January 10, 2019
      → Hamkhein Helpme Mohrmen: Funny and unusual names amongst the Khasi-Pnar of Meghalaya. In: The Shillong Times. April 23, 2018, accessed on January 10, 2019 (the names of the author: Hamkhein = father clan; Helpme = self-given: "Help me"; Mohrmen = mother clan).
    71. Pictures on Khasi clothing and culture (2017): Ami Bhat: My 10 delightful discoveries of the culture of Meghalaya. In: Thrilling Travel. Own blog, India. July 17, 2017, accessed January 10, 2019.
    72. Khasi-Designer (2016): Rahul Karmakar: Meghalaya designer's ethnic Khasi collection to debut at London Fashion Week. In: HindustanTimes.com. September 15, 2016, accessed January 10, 2019;
      Quote: "Shillong-based fashion designer Rupert Wanlambok Lynrah wants to showcase his tradition-meets-modern collection".
    73. Traditional Khasi instruments in Christian churches (2016): Wanphrang K. Diengdoh: Politics of Religion in Khasi-Jaintia Hills. In: Raiot - Challenging the Consensus. Webzine, Northeast India, April 10, 2016, accessed January 10, 2019 (Khasi documentary filmmaker);
      Quote: "[...] even till the late 1980's certain members of the church were ostracized for playing 'traditional' instruments. Now these 'traditional instruments' are part of almost every church singing activity. The desire by the 'natives' themselves to create new church culture and not just restrict themselves to age old hymns and the organ is an interesting area to look into. "
    74. a b About the archery lottery (2018): Charukesi Ramadurai: Cultural Traditions: In India, gambling with bows and arrows. In: BBC .com. May 16, 2018, accessed January 10, 2019;
      Quote: "The daily teer lottery in Shillong in the Indian state of Meghalaya helps keep the ancient, divine skill of archery alive."
    75. Biography of the famous Indian resistance fighter (1984): Hamlet Bareh: U Tirot Singh. Indian Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, New Delhi 1984 (biography with extensive contemporary history; full text on archive.org).
    76. a b On Khasi archery (2016): Fabian Lyngdoh: Philosophy behind "ka Rongbiria" (Khasi archery). In: The Shillong Times. January 13, 2016, accessed January 10, 2019;
      Quote: "the most popular sport or game among the Khasis".
    77. For sealing and vocal art phawar (2006): Desmond L. Kharmawphlang: Poetry, Lore and Language: The Khasi Phawar tradition. In: MD Muthukumaraswamy (Ed.): Folklore as Discourse. National Folklore Support Center (NFSC), India 2006, ISBN 81-901481-6-8 , pp. 95-101 (folklore researcher from Shillong University; full text on Google).
    78. Origin of the Khasi from the Mekong (1997): Hamlet Bareh: The history and culture of the Khasi people. 3rd, revised edition. Spectrum, Guwahati / Delhi 1997, p. 12 ( quote from Google);
      Quote: “In this regard it is more correct to say that they came from the East than from any other direction. There is a tradition that the Amwi-Khasis reached their present land from the East and that their ancestors were originally connected with the Mekong river. Mekong in Amwi or Meisan in Khasi has an equivalent of the senior Aunt, viz. mother's elder sister in English. "
    79. ^ Exhibition in Zurich (2003): overview , publication , Ethnographic Museum of the University of Zurich, accessed on January 10, 2019.

    Coordinates: 25 ° 30 '  N , 92 ° 0'  E