Traditional forms of marriage in Ghana

Traditional forms of marriage in Ghana , as in other West African countries, differ greatly from today's European image of marriage, be it Christian, Islamic or otherwise. The most striking difference to these lies in the social position of the individual partners in a marriage community. Another significant difference is in the rights regarding the children of marriage. At the same time, a traditional marriage in West Africa is essentially an economic arrangement between two families.

Social position of spouses in traditional marriage communities

About the social position of spouses in a marriage both in matrilineal organized societies, such as B. with the Akan , as well as in patrilinear organized societies of Ghana, such. B. with the Dagomba , the following characteristics can be summarized:

• In West Africa, marriages in general are not communities of profit, tax-saving models or the like as in Europe today, but communities of survival. Its members collectively secure a certain subsistence level through socially defined and individually agreed obligations. These obligations consist of certain specified work performances and contributions to the common subsistence in the form of money and the production of food.

• An African marriage is not a contract between two individuals, but a contract between two groups of blood relatives with regard to the offspring resulting from this marriage. Depending on the organizational structure of the company and the type of marriage entered into, one of the two spouses is more or less without rights as far as the children resulting from this marriage are concerned. Marriages in which both spouses have equal rights with regard to children did not exist in either pre-colonial or colonial West Africa.

• Economic activities that go beyond securing the subsistence level are also carried out by the individual household members as economically independent individuals. Spouses in traditional forms of marriage operate “separate coffers”, and income that exceeds the minimum necessary to secure a livelihood can also be used individually.

• A wife is not included in the husband's relationship, since only the members of the man's lineage are included. The reverse is also the case. Since women mostly move in with their husbands, married women remain “strangers” and are often treated that way.

• Smaller but regular expenses are mostly administered by women, men are responsible for the larger expenses.

• Today's picture of a successful woman in rural West Africa does not show the skilled politician or successful scientist, but the successful producer and trader. For women in West Africa, however, having their own economic career often has negative consequences because it means, above all, a loss of social security. As a result of their professional recognition, the husbands often no longer feel responsible for their families, which means that the wife also has to take over her husband's contribution obligations towards the basis of survival, i.e. H. specifically, has to take care of herself and her children alone.

• In matrilineal societies, children basically belong to the mother's family (lineage), in patrilineal societies they belong to the father's family, provided that the “lobolo” (child benefit) has been paid. Nevertheless, even in matrilineal societies, the father has a certain legal sovereignty over the child, for example he is responsible for marrying his children and it is his duty to look for a spouse for his children as soon as they have reached sexually mature age. In matrilineal societies, the father is also responsible for the activities of his children. If, for example, his son seduces another woman and demands satisfaction from her father, then the father has to pay for it. Conversely, he can also claim satisfaction if his daughter has been seduced by someone who is not agreeable to him.

• As soon as daughters reach marriageable age, household chores are entrusted to them. They do not leave this parental household until a husband has been found for them. As a rule, a young woman does not dare to leave the household on her own.

• In the past, especially in patrilineal organized societies, the husband had the right to “rent” his wife, i. H. in the event that he got tired of it, or for whatever reason, to leave it to a third party at will, of course in return for a consideration. This form of relationship was or is a form of bond between two individuals sanctioned by society, but the children resulting from such a relationship belong to the “cultural husband”, even if the biological father is someone else. But they could become that of the biological father if he has paid the “lobolo” to the lineage of the “cultural husband”.

Marriage payments

Lobolo

Lobolo is actually a word that comes from the Nguni language of South Africa. In colonial times, however, the term spread largely across the entire black African continent, provided that it was administered by the British. It was and is often translated as “bride price” or “bounty” in connection with wedding payments. However, this is a misinterpretation due to insufficient background knowledge, because this type of translation suggests that a man can buy a wife. The latter is by no means the case.

Arthur Ffoulkes, who worked as a judge for the British colonial administration on the Gold Coast at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries , mentioned that the Fantis did not know the custom of buying a wife . Only in the case of a man marrying a slave whom he has previously bought would such a term be justified, and then only to indicate the purchase price and not for marriage payments. In this sense the above translation “bride price”, “bounty” etc. is misleading.

MDW Jeffreys, who worked as a judge for the British colonial administration in Nigeria from 1915, also emphasizes that the translation “bride price” is incorrect, since from a legal point of view it is not about the purchase of a woman, but the acquisition of rights over the children of a woman. “Child benefit” would therefore be more appropriate as a translation.

In the past, the descendants of a woman belonged to the woman's family in matrilineal societies, as long as the “lobolo” was not paid for by the husband's family. Only then did rights and obligations regarding children pass to the husband.

If a woman died childless, her family had to reimburse the widower's family for a “lobolo” that had been paid once.

Once the father's group has acquired the rights to a child through the marriage payments with the payment of the “lobolo”, the bride's lineage can, however, withdraw this right or reacquire the rights over a child by means of a “tamboba” payment . This happens above all if, for example, the child suddenly becomes a future successor of any office or title in which the succession is hereditary and one wants to avoid a change of line, i.e. the loss of the office with the previous lineage. However, the amount of a "tamboba" payment is negotiated and contractually agreed in advance of a marriage during the payment negotiations.

If no “lobolo” is paid in addition to the other wedding payments, a future right to children depends on the form of marriage.

Overall, however, it turns out that a "Lobolo" payment is not absolutely necessary for a traditional marriage, and vice versa, a "Lobolo" payment and thus a transfer of ownership of a child can be made without having to enter into a marriage.

Bride price and thank you money

Brodie Cruickshank, who as officer and later governor of the British colonial administration describes the Gold Coast of the 1820s / 1830s, mentions that there was a uniform “bride price” for all Europeans on the entire Gold Coast if they wanted to marry a local woman. This consisted of one ounce of gold, an anchor brandy and clothing and merchandise, also worth one ounce of gold. Elsewhere, Cruickshank mentions a price between 4½ ackies gold to two ounces of gold as the accepted bride price. The price was mostly paid in the form of goods.

In the traditional matrilineal Akan on the Gold and Ivory Coast, the payment of the "Tiri nsa" (bride price, literally "head wine"; Fanti: "Etsir nsa") as a special form of the "Aseda" is required in connection with a wedding. (Thank you money) usual. In the case of a wedding, an “Aseda” payment is to be understood as a symbolic thank you to the bride's parents because they have brought such a nice daughter into the world. It is emphasized, however, that it is not intended to make the parents or the lineage of the bride rich. Traditionally, in historical times, the "Aseda" consisted of a certain amount of palm wine or schnapps. This gift in the form of an alcoholic drink was intended above all to solicit the ancestral blessings for the newlyweds through a libation.

At the Krobos in the hinterland of the Accra plains, the handing over of a thank you money ("Nyasinameda") is also part of local wedding customs. The “Nyasinamida” usually consists of two bottles of schnapps (traditionally rum), which the groom has to present to the bride's parents. Part of this is to serve symbolically as a libation for the family deity and for the ancestors. Only after accepting the “Nyasinamida” is the bridegroom allowed to take his chosen one into his house.

However, the Presbyterian Church on the Gold Coast forbade its members in 1929 to make marriage payments in the form of alcoholic beverages. Instead, certain amounts of money should be paid for this purpose. Half of the "Tiri nsa" should go to the father of the bride, the other half should be divided equally between the representatives of the two lineages.

Even if it is emphasized again and again among the Fantis, for example, that at least the payments that are not made on loan as part of the wedding money have no sense in making the father of the bride rich, at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the In the 20th century there was an increasing tendency for fathers to see their daughters as an additional source of income to increase their income and to ask for fairly large sums of money when their hand was asked. The amount of the monetary claim was based on the financial assets of the prospective groom, from which one wanted to profit as much as possible, but without rendering him completely penniless. At an unreasonably high price, the groom's lineage would withdraw their consent to the wedding anyway. The bride side usually argues that if you give away your daughter you would lose a lot, at least her “services” provided within the family, and anyway the “bride price” is only a small fraction of what compensation would actually be necessary. .. etc. But unmarried sons are always seen as a possible source of danger, so that the groom's parents usually intensively support any wedding efforts, which usually included financial support for the purpose of settling the bride price claims. Of course, the fathers of the brides also knew this and tried to take advantage of it. At the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, the amount of such a bride price payment on the Gold Coast was between 1 and 4 ackies. After this amount had been paid, the two children were considered engaged and their move in together in a common household of their own, which they were only allowed to do after the wedding ceremony, finally completed the wedding.

Both the Santrokofi and the Akpafu , two neighboring groups of the so -called Remnant Togo peoples on the territory of present-day Ghana, in 1950 the actual and generally uniform bride price was £ 4 + 10 s.

Traditional Akan marriage forms

The basic requirement of all traditional forms of marriage among the Akan is the prior consent of the bride's father. Any cohabitation without this consent was considered a cohabiting relationship on the Gold Coast (see below). In the event that the father is dead, another family member takes over the role of father and in the extremely unlikely event that the entire family except the daughter has died, the chief takes over the role of parent.

Choice of partner and engagement

A girl could be promised for marriage to a man among the Akan during her childhood. However, such a marriage could only be concluded after the girl's initiation ceremony, through which the girl received the status of a woman. Such an initiation ceremony was usually carried out after his first menstrual bleeding, but no later than three years afterwards. If a girl was not promised, then in the past with the onset of her first menstrual period she was obliged to walk the streets in a special way, which indicated to the rest of the community that her womanhood had begun and she after the (imminent ) The initiation ceremony is marriageable. Sexual relationships with girls prior to their initiation were previously punishable by death.

In Fante, in such a case, the boy's parents had to look after the girl in her parents' household. However, as soon as the boy and girl reached sexual maturity, the engagement was carried out by officially moving in together. Up to this point in time, the engagement on the part of the boy's father or that of the girl could be dissolved again. If such a thing happened through the boy's father, then the so-called "consawment" money (the money that had previously been used to support the girl) was forfeited, it was the girl's father who broke off the engagement, then everything had to be Any money previously paid by the boy's family for the girl will be reimbursed. In the case of the daughter of a royal family, this could be promised to any man whom she was usually allowed to choose herself. The man then had to accept this choice in any case, otherwise he would face the death penalty in the past. If such a princess chose a simple peasant, which, it seems, sometimes happened, then he was immediately promoted to chief with all the rights that went with it. He was also allowed to have other wives, but if the princess developed any aversion to one of these wives, all she had to do was order him to send the person away and the man had to comply with the request under threat of death.

The custom of getting girls engaged during their childhood (without allowing any sexual intercourse, of course) was e.g. B. in Akim-Abuakwa by the "Okyeam Council" in 1918 officially banned and declared abolished.

Adehye awadie

other names for this: "Hunu awadie"; Fante : "Odehye awar"
This type of marriage was in historical times the standard form of marriage between a free man and a free woman. The marriage was formally confirmed with the payment of the bride price "Tiri nsa" (literally "head wine") and the "Aseda" ("thank you money"). In the past, "Tiri nsa" and "Aseda" were two different payments. B. in the Ashanti region a "Tiri nsa" payment also at the same time as "Aseda".

Characteristics

In the special case of an “Adehye awadie” marriage, the wife's family can demand an additional payment from the husband in addition to the “Tiri nsa” payment, the “Tiri sika”, which can be translated as “head gold”. This payment counts as a loan for an indefinite period and also as a pledge for the loyalty of the woman. In the event of the woman's death or divorce, the “Tiri sika” had to be reimbursed. The "Tiri sika" was usually a very large amount of money, the higher the more the woman's lineage had an interest in the continuation of the marriage. Once a "Tiri sika" payment was made, the wife was hardly able to leave her husband without further ado. As a result of this payment obligation, her lineage usually also watched to a greater extent to ensure that the woman fulfilled her marital duties.

Just paying the “Tiri nsa” (or “etsir nsa” or whatever the name is) is enough to confirm the marriage contract between the lineages of the two spouses, with which the husband acquires exclusive sexual rights over his wife. The husband also has a right to the work of his wife in the domestic and commercial sector, as well as to such work on the part of their children.

In such a marriage, the wife is responsible for housekeeping and is obliged to work the agricultural land of her husband. She then has to sell the surplus generated on this land on the market, with the profit thus generated going back to her husband. In her free time, the wife can, if she wishes, work on the land made available by her lineage, whereby the proceeds from this belong to the woman alone. Neither the husband nor any of her lineage relatives are entitled to any of the proceeds from this species.

The husband, on the other hand, in an "Adehye awadie" marriage is obliged to provide his wife and children with food, clothing and living space. In addition, he is also obliged to look after his wife and children in the event of illness and he must also pay for his wife's debts. The wife was also entitled to sexual satisfaction and the husband is prohibited from marrying another woman without her consent.

In pre-colonial times, neither husband nor wife in an "Adehye awadie" marriage had any claim to the spouse's property. The partner's property was only ever inherited within the spouse's lineage segment.

divorce

Each spouse had the right to seek divorce in the event of repeated misconduct by the partner. A man could divorce his wife in pre-colonial times if she practiced witchcraft, if she behaved disrespectful to him or his relatives, if she failed to perform her household duties, if she had committed adultery, or if she was sterile.

A woman, on the other hand, could request a divorce if the man failed to meet his maintenance obligations, neglected or abused his wife, or if the man was impotent.

The dissolution of a marriage in all cases required the consent of both lineages, who first tried again to reconcile the spouses. The only reasons that led to an immediate dissolution of the marriage were infertility of the woman, sterility of the man and the sexual neglect of the woman.

If a marriage was divorced through the fault of the woman, the “Tiri nsa” had to be repaid by the wife's family, as well as any “Tiri sika” that had been paid. Even in the event of the husband's death, the “Tiri nsa” had to be repaid, provided that the marriage had remained childless. However, if children have emerged from the marriage, the widow can keep the "Tiri nsa" and use it for the welfare of her children.

Occasionally it happened or does happen that the bride family foregoes "Tiri nsa" payments because they want to ensure that their daughter, in the event that she is badly treated by her husband or his relatives, at all times can return to her family without them running into financial difficulties due to the obligation to repay.

Mpena awadie

other names for this: Fante : "Nwewe awar"
In this type of marital relationship, the couple live together permanently and permanently, but without a Tiri nsa payment or the payments to be made in the course of the marriage negotiations. However, the consent of the respective parents is necessary for such a marriage to be legally valid.

However, children who emerge from an Mpena awadie marriage are on an equal footing with children who come from an Adehye awadie marriage.

Mpena awadie marriage has its advantages for women . She can leave her partner without her lineage having to refund any payments. The man had no exclusive rights over the sexuality of the woman and in the case of adultery can also not demand any compensation. In such a connection, both partners contribute to the maintenance costs of a common household. Herein, however, differs Mpena awadie -marriage strictly from a concubinage or prostitution-like relationship .

A possible divorce of the couple in a Mpena awadie relationship did not require that the two lineages take care of the matter, but the couple's sole decision is sufficient.

Sororat

The Akan understand the Sororat to be the rule that a man marries one of her sisters or female blood relatives after the death of his wife. In Asante, however, the sororate was only reserved for chiefs; ordinary Ashanti were forbidden to do so. The latter was not allowed to be married to two sisters at the same time or subsequently.

Every Akan chief usually has a certain number of "chair women" who were given to him as wives by various lineages subordinate to him. If one of these women died, she had to be replaced on the part of her lineage by one of her sisters or another girl of her lineage.

If twin sisters appeared in a lineage, they were predestined as future wives of the chief from their birth and were prepared for this role at an early stage. In such a case the chief was married to the two sisters at the same time.

In the event of the death of a woman who remained childless, the lineage of the woman could, insofar as it was socially permissible, in order to avoid the repayment of the “Lobolo” money, propose the move up of a sister or close blood relative of the deceased. In the event that the sister or relative moved up as a wife, no new marriage payments, including a new "lobolo" money for their children, were required, but usually a generous payment was still made as a thank you to the woman's lineage.

Ayetsew

The form of marriage known as Ayetsew by the Fantis can be seen as a local variant of a Sororat marriage. In contrast to the Ashanti, however, the Fantis' right to sororate was not limited to chiefs, but was released to anyone who could afford it. The characteristic feature of an Ayetsev marriage is the rule that when the wife dies, she is replaced by another woman of the same abusua (matrilineal lineage) of the deceased woman.

In the event of the husband's death, his replacement by his brother or maternal nephew presupposed the status of a levirate marriage.

Of course, entering into such an Ayetsev marriage was associated with Tirisika and other payments in considerable amounts.

Levirate

other names for this: Fanti : "Okuranba"
The levirate is a form of marriage in which a man is married to the wife of his deceased brother. If the families of the previous spouses have agreed on a levirate marriage, it is part of the brother's duty to marry the widow. On the part of his family, great importance is attached to this in particular when the brother has died childless, in order to promote the procreation of an heir for the deceased. This remarriage does not involve any obligation to re-pay wedding fees. The person moving up is then only considered to be his brother's representative, who “takes over” his wife.

If there is no brother, the maternal nephew (the sister's eldest son) can also enter into a levirate marriage with the widow (or widows) as the main legal heir of his uncle ( wofa ).

If there is a brother, he has priority over the nephew and, if there are several brothers, the eldest has priority. In the event that a nephew ( awofasepenyin ) moves up , he has a broader choice from his position than a possibly moving brother. In the event that the deceased leaves a daughter behind, he can choose between the widow and her daughter. However, he is not allowed to marry both of them together; he has to choose one of the two. A brother who moves up, however, has no choice, he has to marry the widow.

Cohabitation

Concubinage , d. H. the voluntary coexistence of two people of different sex without a formal marriage was previously common and socially respected on the entire Gold Coast.

For the Fantis, the main difference between concubinage and marriage was that a married man had an "Mpata", i.e. an "Mpata", in the event of his wife's adultery. H. Satisfaction payment, which he was not entitled to in the case of a concubine. In general, in a cohabiting relationship, neither partner was responsible for any misconduct by the other partner. Anyone could leave the other at any time, but it was not uncommon in the past for a couple to live together in this way all their lives, whose only bond was a bond of mutual affection.

The most decisive characteristic of a concubinage in contrast to the other forms of marriage on the Gold Coast is the unnecessary consent of the bride's father. However, it was not uncommon for a father or the rest of the family to refuse their consent on the grounds of personal dislike, but as a rule they were given sooner or later, at the latest when a child was on the road as a result of this relationship. However, this also includes the gifts that are necessary to legalize a marriage, sometimes supplemented by a satisfaction fee for the bride's father.

Another distinguishing feature between Akan's wife and concubine is doing business on one's own account. Wives can go to market and trade either in the name and for the account of their husbands or in their own name and account. The proceeds generated in her own name belong to her alone in any case, as separate coffers are common on the Gold Coast, even among married couples. However, the man is not responsible for the debts his wife has incurred. In addition, if the woman dies, it will also be left empty-handed as an inheritance, all personal property of the woman then passes to the children and / or nephews and nieces. In the past, a concubine was not allowed to trade in his own name or for his own account on the Gold Coast. In any case she was obliged to act for her husband and breadwinner.

In general, wives also have a more respected position in the social fabric towards concubines. In Fanti society, a concubine is more likely to be viewed as a “Yanku” (girlfriend) or “Wewi” (lover), while a lawful wife is referred to as “Wuyen” or “Oyir” (wife).

In the 17th century, concubines were considered serfs to the man with whom they lived. In the past it was not uncommon for married men to have one or more concubines in their households. However, this required the consent of the wife. Cooking, that is, the preparation of the daily main meal, which for the Fantis in Cape Coast is synonymous with the role of the husband's bed companion for that day, was only allowed to a concubine at the invitation of the wife. If it became known that the husband had secret intercourse with a concubine or that he had sexual intercourse with her against the wishes of his wife, the latter had to "calm her down" again and again - with appropriate gifts, of course. The presence of a concubine, however, did not seem to have discouraged wives in the past while they still held some part of their husbands attention.

Whatever goods a man has given his concubine in the course of the existence of a relationship has become her personal property and cannot be reclaimed in the event that the woman leaves him or dies. The children who emerge from a cohabiting relationship belong to the family of the child's mother .

Marriage of a slave girl

In the past with the Fantis in Cape Coast , it was possible for a man to marry a slave whom he had previously bought. The woman then belonged to his family, i. H. to the matrilineally defined consanguinity. To do this, he had to hand her over to his mother beforehand and pay the mother the usual "etsir nsa", as if she were the woman's birth mother. Incidentally, this is also the only exception where a Fanti was allowed to be married to a member of his own family, otherwise family members were taboo as spouses and sexual partners.

In Yankumase (Fanti-Land), if the man intended to marry , he and the slave had to appear before the village head and the council of elders. After he had declared his intention to the elders and they had given their consent, he had to pay the village head the usual "etsir nsa". After the payment was made, the other family and village members were obliged to respect the woman as a lawful wife. Sometimes a slave woman was even more respected as a wife than a freeborn wife, because all descendants of the slave woman inevitably belonged to the husband's family; H. After their birth, any children were automatically family members of the spouse's matrilineal bloodline, without having to pay the lobolo. A transfer of these rights back to the mother's bloodline was also excluded in this case, even if the child's mother's status was only that of a temporary pawn slave or the like.

Wedding customs among the Baulé

The Baulé in the central area of ​​the Ivory Coast , most of them Ashanti from their origin , i.e. H. Akan, unlike other Akan peoples, have no special wedding customs and rites. It usually doesn't really matter whether you're married or not if you're in close relationships. As a rule, it is sufficient for the groom to give a small present to the father or mother of his intended bride. This present usually consists of a certain amount of money and a certain amount of schnapps, part of which is intended as an offering for the ancestors of the bride. As soon as the gift and schnapps are presented, the bride is handed over and the groom can take his bride with him wherever he likes and wherever they want to live together. As a rule, the bride has no right to vote or to object to the question of her marriage, unless her father, who is responsible for wedding matters, does not allow it.

Polygyny is generally recognized in the Baulé-Land, but is only rarely practiced, as most of the local residents, who anyway mostly only live from agricultural agriculture, are far too poor to be able to feed and support several women.

Exclusion rules in Akan marriages

Within a matrilineal Abusua family clan as well as within a patrilinear Ntoro grouping, the Akan have strict exogamy rules when choosing a spouse or sexual partner.

Within a matrilineal Akan clan a man may under no circumstances marry or have sexual relations with the following persons:

1. all women who belong to their own Abusua , exception in earlier times: a married slave, although she automatically belonged to the family despite her foreign blood
2. Not that may not sister, a stepsister with the Abusua belongs
3. Mother's sister, daughter of mother's sister, granddaughter of mother's sister
4. Sister's daughter
5. Daughter of the father's sister (except in Denkira, where marriage to the daughter of the father's sister was allowed)
6. her own stepdaughter, not even after her mother's death
7. the wife or daughter of the brother (except his wife in a Levirate marriage)
8. the sister of his wife or the parallel cousin of his wife (If the wife of a man dies, he generally cannot make any claims on the female members of his wife's bloodline, which also excludes sexual contact and possible marriages. In some regions, such as e.g. In Assin this is allowed, however, in this case the proposal must be made by the woman's family, with the exception of the Sororat marriage, which is only reserved for chiefs. In the event of a Sororat marriage, the sister or another female follows Blood relatives automatically. In earlier times in Akan societies, female twins were automatically predestined for a Sororat marriage with the chief. The chief was then married to both twins at the same time.)
9. A widow is not allowed to marry her sister's husband (not even after her sister's death), although she names him just like her deceased husband during his lifetime: Okunu . However, she can marry the son of the sister or brother of her deceased spouse.
10. not a real ban, but not welcome: sexual contact or even marriage to a foreigner

Violations of clear taboos used to be punishable by death.

Within a patrilineal Ntoro grouping of the Akan, the following persons are taboo as sexual partners:

1. Father's sister
2. Daughter of the father's brother, daughter of the son of the father's brother
3. Daughter of son
4. all women belonging to the same ntoro

(The latter does not seem to be the case with all Akan peoples. In Akwamu, for example, Ntoro affiliation does not play a special role in marriages.)

Although not explicitly mentioned as an exclusion rule in both the Abusua and the Ntoro , sexual relations with the following people are generally considered taboo or at least viewed with great disgust:

1. the daughter of the daughter
2. the daughter of the daughter's daughter
3. the paternal grandmother, the paternal great-aunt
4. Pre-pubescent girls in general (i.e. girls who have not yet had the initiation ceremony)

In the latter case in particular, an offense used to be inevitably punished with death.

Wedding customs among the Krobo

With the Krobos in the hinterland of the eastern Gold Coast, a wedding according to local law consists of six main steps:

1.) The "Agbosomi"

(literally translated: "knocking", in a figurative sense: "introducing the groom")

The groom approaches the bride's parents and asks to be allowed to marry their daughter. On the occasion, he introduces himself and gives the bride's parents a small present, the “knocking present”, which usually consists of a bottle of schnapps (rum).

2.) "The Yesibimi"

(the "courting the lady")

The "Yesibimi" is divided into three different customs:

2.a) The "seeing",

d. H. acquiring a place in the girl's family. Such a place gives the groom the right to come to the girl's house whenever he wants.

2.b) The "Edzehesi",

d. H. “looking” (in the form of inquiring, taking care, etc.) after the girl's family, which is roughly the same as “seeing”. The man shows the bride's parents how much he loves the girl.

2.c) The "Yobami",

d. i.e. the "borrowing" or "borrowing" of the girl.

The “yobami” gives the groom the right to take the girl with him when he goes somewhere else, for example on a trip. If he does, the parents have no right to object and forbid the girl to go along. The prerequisite is of course the consent of the girl. In the broadest sense, the “yobami” is intended as a security measure for the groom. If the girl, accompanied by the groom, dies outside of her parents' apartment without the latter having previously given him the "Yobami" status, the girl's parents would impose a fine on the groom, which is usually a very large sum. On the other hand, the groom, even if he does not have the “Yobami” status, can still come and go anywhere with the bride.

For all three of these “Sehem” customs in preparation for the wedding, the bride's parents can ask for presents, which usually consist of two bottles of schnapps (rum) each.

3.) The "Nyasinamida",

d. H. the "thank you money".

When the bride's parents have accepted the schnapps and are ready to give their daughter to the groom's candidate as a wife, the groom has to give another gift as thank you money, which usually consists of two additional bottles of schnapps (rum). The acceptance of the "Nyasinamida" gives the groom the right to take the bride into his house, although he has only formally completed part of the wedding customs.

4.) The "Fia",

d. H. the "solemn introduction".

This is the most important step among krobos wedding customs. The implementation of this custom is incumbent on two selected older women, whose reputation as wives and mothers must be unblemished. One represents the groom's family, the other that of the bride. These two women go to the bride's house early on a predetermined Sunday morning to perform the “Fia” ceremony, whereby the bride and groom become wife and husband. Also, the entire assembled family of the bride is asked one after the other whether they have anything to object to this marriage or whether they have any complaints against the young man or his family. If no objection is raised, the two women perform the “Fia” ritual.

First, the groom offers two bottles of wine and some money to the representative of his family. Half of this is H. a bottle of wine and half of the money, intended for the representative of the bride and her family, but it is set aside for the time being. The two representatives then sit close together, press their knees together and hook two hooked fingers together. The representative of the bride and her family will then ask the representative of the groom's family: "What do you want from me?" She will then answer: "I want you to give me your daughter, (name), in marriage." others will respond, “I'll give it to you. Fia-fia-fia; fia-fia-fia; fia-fia-fia ". The triple expression “fia-fia-fia” means: “completely and with all joy” (or “... all joys” or “... all benevolence”) The bride's representative then grabs the money and throws half from there to the other representative. The two of them will then hold a sheet of paper together and cut it in half. Each of the Presenters then tosses their part of the paper to the other. This means that from now on the bride's family no longer has to take care of the bride's well-being. It is from now on and forever the property of the man.

The main meaning of the “Fia” is the fact that all children born to the husband by the wife after the completion of the “Fia” are legally the property of the husband. In contrast, children born without the “Fia” are the property of the mother's family.

5.) The instruction

Finally, the bride's parents inform the groom that if he discovers any impurity in her, or if her character does not suit him, then he should not just throw her out of the house and go elsewhere, but bring her back to them.

6.) The dowry

The couple is now considered married in all forms of the law, but if the husband is well-saddled financially, he can do some sort of trousseau. It is only through this trousseau that the wedding customs of the Krobo are fully implemented. But it can also be postponed for months or years after the "Fia", depending on the husband's financial assets. Today, if one does not marry according to the European model, more emphasis is placed on the dowry marriage, because it is only the dowry that completes a wedding according to native law. In addition, the authorities only issue certificates for dowry marriages.

Wedding customs among the peoples of the Northern Territories

General exclusion rules

For many peoples in the northern territories of the Gold Coast there are still strict exogamy rules with regard to the choice of mate within the framework of a patrilinear clan. As a rule, it is forbidden to marry a member of the same clan. However, sometimes exceptions seem to be allowed. In any case, there is a tendency towards exogamous marriage within a village community . H. it is considered better to marry a woman from another village than one from the same village. That was not always the case, but in earlier times inter-village traffic was often restricted due to constant campaigns, so that in many places endogamous marriage was predominant. However, it is forbidden for many peoples of the Northern Territories to marry ethnic or even racial foreigners. So are z. For example, intercultural marriages with the Muslim Fulanis living among them are forbidden among the Sisala .

Marriage regulation with the Sisala

With the Sisala, a husband has to perform “bridal service” after the marriage is completed. Such bridal service consists of an obligation on the part of the husband and his brothers, as well as a moral obligation on the part of his closest friends, to help the wife with certain tasks, such as: B. in house building, very labor-intensive agricultural activities or in serious problem situations.

Wedding customs of the remnant peoples of Togo

Wedding customs among the Santrokofi and Akpafu

Both with the Santrokofi and the Akpafu , two neighboring groups of the so -called Remnant Togo peoples on the territory of today's Ghana, child betrothal was and is the rule and from the time the promise was made, the future husband was expected to join the family of his future once a year gave presents, mostly in the form of palm wine and yams . On the occasion of their initiation , the girls receive gifts from their future husbands mainly with money and palm wine and he receives some rice pudding from his future bride. If the bride runs away from her husband after the wedding, the wife's family is requested to return all gifts to the husband. In the case of the Akpafu , however, the bride price should not previously have been reclaimed. An adultery committed by the woman could earlier be avenged by the man's brother.

At least the Akpafu strictly observe the premarital chastity of the bride, but it was not a taboo.

Cross-cousin marriages are unknown to both the Santrokofi and the Akpafu. However, cousin and cousin were allowed to marry if their parents were step-siblings, i.e. H. had the same father, but not the same mothers.

Wedding customs among the Akebou

Partner choice

With the Akébou , one of the remnant peoples of Togo , the rule was that if someone wanted to marry a woman from another village or even from another tribe, then someone from this village or from this tribe had to marry someone from the home village of Akébouer. If, for example, a woman from Gbendé marries a young man from Ayagba, then one of his daughters (if no one else can be found) must marry a young man from Gbendé.

Wedding ceremonies

With the Akébou, a wedding ceremony consists of two parts:

1.) The bride first moves into the groom's apartment. This is followed by a small celebration in the closest family circle. Even if this does not happen, drinks must be offered to the bride's parents. Sometimes a gun salute is fired in honor of the bride and groom, and this at the exact moment when the bride crosses the threshold. This actually means that the marriage is already consummated. The young woman now has a period of three to six months to relax; she no longer needs to work in the fields of her family, i. H. During this time, their activity is limited to household chores or cotton spinning machines or the like. During this time, they are provided with everything that is necessary and, above all, with excessive nourishment. This break is there to make it easier for you to get pregnant.

2.) Five days before the end of the third month or before the end of the rest period, the woman is adorned with all sorts of pearls or other jewelry and taken to the village square, where the wedding ceremony is held with a large “tam-tam”. This is the prelude to bringing numerous gifts to the bride. The “not yet” husband is also expected to offer his bride clothes or money. If she accepts this, another big “tam-tam” takes place and the marriage is definitive from now on.

Separation and divorce rules

If the bride escapes her bridegroom for whatever reason, the bride's parents are asked to bring her back.

If the groom rejects the bride and sends it back, the work she has done and the gifts given by the bride family are considered lawfully acquired.

If a bride is pregnant before the big "tam-tam" has sealed her marriage, and the groom sends her back to her family, then the bride can marry again, but the child comes to the previous groom - earlier after a period of 3 Years after his birth, in the middle of the 20th century, the regulation was 4 to 5 years.

If a pregnant wife leaves her husband, the child belongs to the husband, unless it bears an unmistakable resemblance to a possible lover.

In the past, if the wife was discovered to have committed adultery, the lover had to pay the wife's husband two chickens and two cowries . In the 1950s, however, 15 British shillings were enough for this .

Since the arrival of Europeans, it has been the custom that if the groom or husband wants to leave a pregnant woman, he leaves plenty of presents for her and for the child. Conversely, if the woman leaves the man, the latter receives compensation from her family.

In contrast to the Akan, neither male impotence nor female sterility are recognized by the Akebou as grounds for divorce.

Cross cousin marriage

In general, cross-cousin marriages are not only allowed on the West African Gold Coast , but are actually sought, because in popular opinion, the matrilineal cross-cousin is considered the ideal wife of a man. A cross cousin is the daughter of the father's sister or the daughter of the mother's brother, and such a cousin does not belong to the same Abusua or the same Ntoro grouping of a man. It is significant that in the Akan language both a cross cousin and the wife are referred to by the same word: Yere , which indicates that a man originally had an undisputed right to marry such a woman.

Parentless spouses

If young men want to marry whose parents or immediate relatives no longer exist who could pay for the bride price or marriage payments, then throughout sub-Saharan Africa the rule is that they, together with the girl of their choice and her parents, go to the council of elders respective locality occurs, and the matrilocal or matrilineal marriage is requested. If this is approved, the couple can live together like any other married couple, but their household then belongs entirely to the woman's family, and their children are also given the names of the maternal clan.

Womens marriages

Among the legal forms of marriage in traditional African tribal societies there was or still is another and ancient custom in the form of a marriage between one or more young women and an older woman, although the latter can be married to a husband quite normally.

However, this is neither a lesbian marriage in today's European understanding of same-sex marriage , nor is it to be equated with a polygynous marriage. It has its origin in the fact that in many African peoples there are more women than men, which is mostly painful for women of the beginning marriageable age. In such a female marriage, an older woman takes on the status of a man after she has undergone a ceremony before the local authorities that legally declares her husband. Physically she remains of course a woman, she can maintain normal sexual relationships with the opposite sex as before and continue to lead a completely normal family life with her spouse and children. Due to their male status, however, they are allowed to officially “marry” one or more of the so-called “easy” girls. Such a marital community of women is in most cases purely a survival community, as it also provides accommodation, food and clothing for the wives at the same time. After the official marriage, these “easy girl” wives can easily have sexual contact with any man. If children emerge from this, however, the female “husband” remains their legal father and receives the rights over the child, even in societies under maternal law. In deviation from this, however, the biological father can acquire the rights over a child by means of a “Lobolo” payment. Usually such marriages are concluded in order to z. B. not to leave a widow with a child "alone in the rain".

Colonial Legislation Regarding Marriage Law

The British colonial power in West Africa tried early on to influence the legal regulations governing marriage and marriage among the native population according to their own ideas. The main aim was to consolidate the marriage bond and, independently of it, the ties to kinship, and above all to prevent or abolish polygyny .

With regard to marriage law, British colonial legislation in both the Gold Coast and Nigeria was based on the principle of equality for all human races.

Ordinance No. 14/84

The marriage law enacted by the British colonial administration for the Gold Coast in 1884 ("Ordinance No. 14/84" or "Marriage Ordinance") is an attempt to influence this. Here, both Christian and civil marriages were regulated according to the model of English law. This law also stipulated that marriages should be registered either by specially appointed officials or by Christian priests. Marriage law in Ghana is still essentially based on this law.

The main regulations of the "Marriage Ordinance" were:

1. The marriage age of both partners must be at least 21 years. Below this age limit, a marriage could only be entered into with a special permit from the colonial authorities, which, however, did not have to be provided by a widow or widower.
2. The spouses must not be related to each other or by marriage. However, there were restrictions with regard to this regulation. So it is e.g. B. Allowing a widower to marry the sisters or nieces of their deceased wives.
3. Neither spouse may be married to another partner at the same time under traditional law.
4. Polygyny is forbidden.
5. Continued extramarital relationships from either spouse are sufficient grounds for divorce. Infertility in women and impotence or sterility in men are not grounds for divorce. If a marriage entered into and registered under ordinance law is divorced due to the adultery of his wife, the husband has no right to compensation.
6. Inheritance regulation in the event of the death of one of the spouses: 2/3 of the property should be inherited under English law and 1/3 under traditional law. In summary, this means that 4/9 of the inheritance go to the children of the deceased, 2/9 to the widow or widower and 3/9 should be inherited in the traditional way.

A major problem arose with the enactment of this law regarding cohabiting relationships, as these were no longer compatible with this law. In the eyes of the British, a cohabiting relationship was a special form of slavery anyway. Nevertheless, the colonial government could not avoid a certain toleration of it initially, especially since most of the concubines lived in the households of the local aristocracy and those of rich merchants. Without the support of both, the presence of the British on the Gold Coast as a colonial power would not have been possible in the long run without major military effort. With the implementation of the indirect rule by the British High Commissioner Lord Lugard in Northern Nigeria after his conquest in 1897-1900, however, a compromise was made and the cohabiting relationship was openly recognized as a legal form of marriage, mainly to gain the support of the local nobility there. This was also the impetus to introduce the additional regulation on the Gold Coast that from now on a marriage could also be legally concluded without the consent of both parents. A cohabiting relationship was socially legalized as a form of marriage on the Gold Coast.

Ordinance No. 6/90

The “Ordinance No. 6/90 ”or“ Married Women's Ordinance ”contained regulations that guaranteed married women a basic income based on their own work or their own property. Married women are generally referred to, i.e. H. Regardless of the form of marriage, authorized to do business in his own name and for his own account. In accordance with this regulation, any profit received is recognized as part of your personal property.

Ordinance No. 21/07

In 1907, a separate regulation was issued specifically for Islamic marriage law. ("Ordinance No. 21/07" or "Muhammedan Marriage Ordinance"). It essentially contained the statement that the colonial government will not intervene in Islamic laws relating to marriage law unless certain taboo limits are exceeded. However, it was made a requirement to register both weddings and divorces separately with the locally responsible "District Commissioner". Most Muslims in historic and present-day Ghana follow the rules of the Maliki school of law .

Footnotes

1. ↑ In the matrilineally organized societies of West Africa, the term “family” is understood to mean a matrilineal kinship group, i. H. its members are defined by the maternal bloodline, which goes back to a common ancestor. In patrilineal societies, this assignment takes place via the bloodline of the father.
2. ↑ Jeffreys equates the Akan's “Aseda” with the “Lobolo”, but this is not entirely correct. The “Lobolo” can be seen as a supplement to the “Aseda”.
3. ↑ Especially for England in the 18th century the following applied to liquids: 1 anchor = 1 keg = 1/24 barrel = 1/4 hogshead = 1/4 tierce = 1/4 firkin = 42.3 kg (liter).
4. ↑ 1 ounce = 16 ackies; At that time, 4½ ackies gold was equivalent to a British silver currency equivalent of £ 1 + 2s. + 6 d. (1 pound sterling (£) = 20 shillings (s.) = 240 denari (penny) (d.))
5. ↑ The "Aseda" (thank you money) is not only common at marriages, but on many other occasions.
6. ↑ The Ackie (historically also: "Ache", "Ackey", "Agtie", "Angle", "Angel", "Engel", "Engelse") was a gold coin in historical Europe that served as a sub-unit of the ounce. In general: 1 ackie = 1/16 ounce of gold. The conversion rate around 1900 to the British currency at that time was 1 Ackie = 4 s + 6 d., I.e. H. 4 Ackies = 18 s., Whereby an “Ackie” in this regard was sometimes set at 5 s / year if the future bride was still in childhood.
7. ↑ In this context, however, it must be mentioned that, statistically speaking, most girls in humid tropical countries usually reach sexual maturity around the age of 10, boys around the age of 12.
8. ↑ Sika = gold in the Twi language .
9. ↑ At the beginning of the 20th century, however, the price was usually not more than the equivalent of one British pound sterling, only for chief daughters the price was higher.
10. ↑ In the middle of the 20th century the usual amount for this in British currency was 4 s. + 4 d.

literature

• Hannelore Forster: Marriage and marriage among the Akan in Ghana - A comparison of traditional and urban forms of society. (= Social science studies on international problems. Volume 83). Saarbrücken / Fort Lauderdale 1983.
• Paul Hinderling: Notes from the Remaining Peoples of Togo. In: Tribus. Yearbook of the Linden Museum. NF 2/3, Stuttgart 1952/53, pp. 361-378.
• Brodie Cruickshank: An eighteen year stay on the gold coast of Africa. Leipzig 1855.
• Arthur Ffoulkes: The Fanti family system. In: Journal of the African Society. 7 (28), 1908, pp. 304-409.
• T. Brisley: Some notes on the Baoulé tribe. In: Journal of the African Society. 8, 1908/1909, pp. 296-302.
• W. Asmis: Law and Policy Relating to the Natives of the Gold Coast and Nigeria - Part I. In: Journal of the Royal African Society. 12 (45), October 1912, pp. 17-51.
• MDW Jeffreys: Lobolo is child-price. In: African Studies. 10 (4), Johannesburg 1951, pp. 145-184.
• Th. Halleran: Krobo Marriage Customs (Gold Coast). In: Anthropos. 46 (5-6), Freiburg (Switzerland) 1951, pp. 996-997.
• R. Cornevin: Quelques coutumes Akebou. In: Notes Africaines. 73, Janvièr 1957, pp. 3-4.
• Bruce T. Grindal: An Ethnographic Classification of the Sisala of Northern Ghana. In: Ethnology. 11 (4), Pittsburgh 1972, pp. 409-424.