Siri jatre
Siri jatre ( Tulu ಸಿರಿ ಜಾತ್ರೆ) is a public annual religious festival ( jatre , from Sanskrit yātrā ) in the Tulu Nadu region in the southwest of the Indian state of Karnataka , during which several, mostly female followers of Siri fall into a state of obsession (here darshana ) . Siri is considered to be a particular low rank female deity (daiva) or a group of sevens of female deities. Members of various Hindu subcastes and classes feel obliged to the Siri cult . The origin of the ritual can be traced back to the 16th century, it is based on the oral tradition of the longest tulus-speaking epic Siri paddana . These moral stories, known among Tulu and Kannada speakers of all social groups, deal with Siri's earthly life, how she fights for lost social values with her claims for honor and respect as a woman, presented to three generations of women: Siri, her daughter, the sun and their twin daughters Abbaga and Darade. Parts of the epic are performed in song form at the Siri jatre and, during the rest of the season, women prefer to sing while working in the rice fields. Siri jatre is performed in 15 to 20 holy places called alade , which correspond to shrines for bhutas (spirits).
Cultural environment
Tulu Nadu comprises the Tulu-speaking area in the southwest of Karnataka and a strip in the north of Kerala . The area is bounded to the east by the mountain ranges of the Western Ghats and to the west by the coast of the Arabian Sea . The most important cultural centers are Udupi and Mangalore .
Siri belongs to the lower deities (Daivas) of the lower classes, who like the Bhutas (spirits), in contrast to the other Hindu gods ( Devas ) , are judged disparagingly by the Brahmins and educated classes. The Siri paddana is always performed in Tulu on public occasions, but even Kannada speakers on the edge of this area who understand little or no Tulu are at least familiar with the basics of the epic. It has a meaning for everyday life as a moral guideline independent of the institutionalized performance at Siri jatre . The epic is considered a mythological tale of the earlier life of the Siri ghosts and not a historical representation.
The word paddana , derived from the Dravidian base pad , “song” ( padu, patu , “to sing”), generally designates epics in the Tulu region, which can be divided into two categories: One includes supernatural beings, their origin and Behavior is described in myths, the other category includes historical persons who were mythically exaggerated after their death. Both are revered as bhutas who can trigger obsession and otherwise exercise a protective function. Paddanas are always recited or sung, prose texts from the same myth are called Tulu katE (from Sanskrit kathā ). In necromancy rituals ( bhutaradhane ) members of certain social groups appear in the role of bhutas and perform a series of well-known paddanas .
The term sandi is also used for Siri paddana , generalized in the region for men who recite long epic texts. From the occasional pronunciation of sandi as sandayi, it can be concluded that sandi originally meant a speech made as a ritual sacrifice. In this context, the formula biiru leppuni ("summon the hero") embraces the common goal of the assembled believers.
Besides Siri paddana, the most popular epic in Tulu Nadu is about the two brothers Koti and Chennaya. The history of these heroes ( Kōṭi mattu Cennayya ) is several hundred years old; As simple toddy tappers from the lower caste of the Billavas, they suffer discrimination from the high-ranking group, whose members carry the title Ballala . In an uprising that the brothers instigate against the authorities, they are killed and have been venerated as martyrs ever since.
Another mythological tale, the presentation of which takes 2.5 hours in total and which is known in a large number of slightly different versions, is called Mayindala paddana . It deals with the need to make sacrifices for the gods. The story takes place in an earlier time when Tulu Nadu was divided into several partially independent small feudal empires. Mayindala is a village deity who is approached by women for support for an easy birth and to ward off diseases for their babies.
Parnderu paddana is about Parnderu and his sister Parndedi, who grow up as orphans. There are several parallels to the Siri narrative. Among other things, two Siris appear and Parndedi gives birth to an only daughter named Karniga after a sacrifice at the family shrine. The daughter dies by throwing herself into a well.
The Bhutaradhane performance consists of a sequence of dances and dramatic scenes which, freed from their ritual character, together with tala maddale (a type of song accompanied by the tubular drum maddale ) have contributed to the development of the yakshagana dance style . Nagamandala , also nagaradhane, is another religious ritual theater in Tulu Nadu in which a single performer is possessed by a bhuta in the form of the snake god Naga . In Kerala, legends from the life of the patron god Ayyappan form the background for the ritual Ayyappan tiyatta , in which a dancer from the high-ranking Nambiar caste becomes obsessed and, as in the nagamandala, destroys a floor painting ( kalam ) towards the end . In the ritual theater mutiyettu in Kerala performed with masks , a priest is possessed by the goddess Bhadrakali in a mythological drama .
There are three traditions of the Siri cult: 1) The annual Siri jatre ritual performed in several places around the same time . A special form of ritual drama, known only from Urmbitota and Nidgal, focuses on the deaths of Abbaga and Darade.
2) Siri paddana is sung mainly, but not only, by women all year round. The melody line of the particularly long verses, which circles around a few notes, is always concluded with an extended final note. Similar price songs for the region's Kannada- speaking population are called hogalikke . When the women move the young plants in rows in the wet rice fields and sing to them, they can imagine the spirits listening and entering into a relationship with them. It is possible that some women will be gripped by the Siri spirit in the process. Usually this is not viewed as particularly worrying, but it can happen on this occasion that another and more dangerous bhuta takes possession of a woman.
3) As a counterpart to the annual, public Siri jatre at the temples, women hold Siri rituals in private homes all year round in families, which are called illegally dalya . In doing so, they are fulfilling their religious duty. Ilecci (also illu ecci ) means "private", dalya the group of those gathered for the ritual. The male participants are the fathers or, for the most part, the husbands of the women. It could be that such domestic events were at the beginning of the ritual and only became institutionalized temple rituals at pilgrimage sites over time under the influence of Hindu priests. The believers come to the annual festivals today because they worship Shiva at the temple and want to experience a Siri jatre and a Bhuta kola (necromancy) at the same time .
content
If there is no mention of a single deity named Siri, then the family group of the seven Siris is meant, which, in addition to Siri, includes Abbaga, Daraga, Daru, Ginde, Samu and Sonne. That's the name of Siri's children and grandchildren. The story begins with the birth of Siri from the blossom of a betel nut palm ( Areca ). Berma Alveru, an old childless man called "Ajjeru" (grandfather), received this as a ritual gift ( prasada ) from his family god Bermeru. Siri grows up and marries a certain Kantu Punja, who insults her, beats her and from whom she has a child. With her newborn boy Kumara and her servant Daru, Siri leaves her husband and travels around the country. They cross a river and reach another country, where Kumara objects to a foreseeable second marriage of his mother. Then Siri transfers her son, according to another version, himself and her son into the otherworldly form of existence maya . The Sanskrit word maya in the Tulu language stands for an invisible place to stay that is far removed from the local world.
Siri subsequently marries one more time and gives birth to the daughter Sun. Their twin daughters are called Abbaga and Daraga. They are only born after their parents have made a vow ( parake ) to offer a sacrifice to God Bermeru. Since they failed to adhere to it, Bermeru appears to them in the form of a poor Brahmin as they are on the way to arrange the wedding for their daughters. The Brahmin reminds the parents of their obligation to Bermeru, but they ridicule him and move on. So Bermeru, disguised as a Brahmin, goes to the family home and persuades the daughters to play the forbidden board game Cenne, a kind of mancala . As soon as the siblings have gotten into the game, they start arguing until Abbaga kills her sister Daraga by hitting her on the head with the game board. Abbaga then throws the sister's body into a well and throws himself to death afterwards. In the further course, Sun and her husband return. When they learn of the death of their daughters, they remember the promise they had broken and urge Bermeru to bring them back to life so that they can marry.
According to a thematic and structural breakdown, Siri paddana consists of five stories, the first three of which form a unit independently of one another and the last two are related, but differ in the respective roles of the actors.
The first story is one of the typical legends of saints. It justifies the birth of Siri from a flower. The old man, who had previously been punished with illness (childlessness) because he paid too little attention to the worship of the gods, restores the neglected temple and introduces the practice of worship, whereupon the gods fulfill his wish for life.
The second narrative contains the life story of Siri, how she is mistreated by her first husband Kantu Punja and transformed into a divine being with a magical power that she receives from her sincerity and virtue. On the way there, she leaves all social ties behind. She experiences the divorce from her husband, the death of her father, her son and servant Daru turn away from her. When Siri takes her parents' house, she sets it on fire. The biography shows similarities with the stories of the South Indian bow songs villu pattu .
Instead of Siri, her son Kumara is deported to the otherworldly world ( maya ), Siri's deification is saved for the next story. The servant Daru disappears from the plot without further notice. In individual episodes Siri utters curses, other stories contain various miracles. When a boatman refuses to put the group of three across the river, Siri causes her son to slide across the water on a banana leaf. The river then divides and opens a ford through which Siri and Daru can get to the other bank without getting their feet wet. When a Brahmin denies Siri access to a temple, she prays until priests miraculously appear and perform the entire ritual while Siri's young son gives a speech.
The third story tells how Siri and Samu become deities. She represents an insertion in Siri's biography, which falls between the abuse of her first husband and her deification. After she gave up all worldly ties in the second story, she now enters into new relationships. Siri meets two of her brothers, whom she recognizes as two kings in the new land and who, like herself, were born of flowers. She also has a second husband (Kodsara Alva) and gives birth to her daughter Sonne. This ends Siri's earthly tasks and she can disappear as a deity.
The fourth story is about the biography of Sonne, who appears like Siri in a flower and is raised by an old man ("Ajjeru"). Sonne grows up with another girl, Gindye. The two adopted siblings marry, become jealous and get into an argument, from which Sunne's first sinful act follows. She curses Gindye so that she might go to Maya , which happens immediately. There Gindye meets Kumara. Sonne continues to live with her husband, but the couple only have children after they both have promised to offer a thank you sacrifice for Shiva at the Nandolige shrine . The sun's failure to fulfill this obligation becomes her second sin.
The fifth story is about Sonne's daughters Abbaya and Daraya. The twins grow up happily at first and become passionate Cenne players. The sun sins for the third time when it rejects the really divine Brahmin whom it meets on the way. As a punishment, he then stages the daughters' quarrel on the eve of their planned wedding. Sonne is out of the house with her husband when Abbaya kills Daraya and then plunges into the well. When the parents return, they find their daughters' dead bodies floating like areca flowers on the water.
The entire Siri paddana of the three generations of women has the character of a tragedy that leads to a tragic end. It's about quarrels and jealousy between men and women, also between siblings, about arrogance and arrogance. Siri's husband and the other male characters always disregard the social values for which Siri stands. It demands mariyad (respect, honor, dignity), a central term for the role of women and for society, which is carefully structured by numerous sub-boxes, and does not receive this honor.
The presentation of the complete story takes six to eight hours. In 1990, a Finnish-Indian team of religious scholars led by Lauri Honko recorded recitations of Siri paddana in the town of Nidegal and in 1998 published the recordings in the original, partly archaic Tulu, a phonetic transcription and an English translation. This total text consists of 563 verses invoking and 15,683 verses with the actual narration. This is a version of Siri paddana , the traditions in other places differ in details from this.
Performance practice
The 15 to 20 places where Siri jatre is performed in Tulu Nadu are called alade (a form of Bhuta shrine) or specifically brahmasthana ( Brahma shrine). Some places of worship have five or more Bhuta shrines, which can be dedicated to Brahma, the god of agriculture Kshetrapala, the snake god Naga and the lesser goddesses Jumadi, Nandigona and Rakteshvari. While there is no direct relationship between Shiva and Siri, many alades are associated with Shiva temples. Siri jatre is performed by members of the middle and lower castes. Brahmin priests who perform worship rituals at the Siri shrines on the temple grounds do so according to their own Hindu tradition. Brahmins do not sing verses from Siri paddana and are not possessed by the deity.
The oldest known performance location since the 16th century is called Nandolige, according to the story Siri's daughter Sonne grew up here. Performances may have already taken place in Brahmavara (13 kilometers north of Udupi ) and Hiriyadka (12 kilometers west of Udupi). One of the elements that are common to all Siri jatre is a long strip of white, ritually pure material ( dalya, word from this transferred to the entire group of participants), which is spread out on the floor. Women stand in a row on it, opposite one or more men who embody Kumara. At most of the performance venues, the Siri women are dressed in white saris and hold areca flowers ( pingala ) in their hands, while the men usually wear a red or white lungi (wrap skirt). Both groups exchange with each other through sung verses, most of the verses come from the Siri paddana , others belong to invocation prayers, as they are customary in Bhuta kola . All participants, with the exception of the Kumaras, who are occasionally played by professional actors, are amateurs from different walks of life who normally only meet on this occasion. One or more Kumara actors take on the leadership role in the possession ritual and pay attention to the orderly process.
Venues
About five of the venues are of particular importance: Nandolige, Hiriyadka, Urmbitotta (Urmbitoṭṭu), Kavatharu and Nidgal. The first three are in Udupi district , the last two in Dakshina Kannada district . On the full moon days from February to April (in the month of Paggu according to the Tulu calendar), thousands or more people gather around the large Mahalingeshvara temple in Nandolige, dedicated to Shiva. They organize themselves in groups of 20 to 30 participants and at the same time perform Siri jatre and get into a state of obsession. Here, according to the story, Sun grew up and gave birth to twins. Countless ancestral shrines ( gori ) of the family, who have lived in the neighboring manor house for generations, are located on the temple grounds. Further rituals take place in the other places mentioned by name in the narrative.
In Urikitota, rituals are held on a smaller scale. Here Abbaga killed her sister Daraga in the story and then plunged into the well. The daytime ritual in Urikitota is more like a bhuta kola , because here, instead of the mass ritual of the large dalya group, only the three embodiments of Abbaga, Daraga and Kumara are briefly possessed by the corresponding spirits. Anyone who became possessed by one of the Siri spirits during the ritual identifies with that spirit and should return every year to make a sacrifice.
At the Virabhadra Temple in Hiriyadka, about half of the participants get into a state of obsession, they practice their ritual in a dalya group like in Nandolige. The other believers perform other rituals for spirits at the same time, which do not appear in the Siri stories but are closely related to them, for example for the female lower deity Chikku or for Mahakali (the "great Kali "). No kumara occurs in either of these two groups.
The villages of Nidgal and Urmbitottu are believed to have only recently been the venue for Siri jatre . Before the dalya groups begin the ritual and become possessed by Abbaga, Daraga and Kumara, they perform the Cenne game as a specialty of these places, which was the undoing of the twin sisters.
Procedure in Urmbitottu
A Siri jatre in Urmbitottu begins, according to a description from February 2008, around 9 p.m. with a procession on the fairground. The participants bring the items required for the ritual such as the Cenne wooden board from the family seat of the patron, a traditional tile-roofed country house ( guttu ). The family of the patron marches in the procession, two Siri actresses who will later appear in the Cenne game as Abbaga and Daraga , Kumara, who acts as the leader ( mula ), and the ceremonial priest ( patri ).
The opening ritual is the ranga puja in the temple, with which a deity is invoked and sacrificed to her. At midnight, a dancer embodies the Bhuta Maisandaya (buffalo spirit) in the open field near the temple until he becomes possessed by him. Before that, he spent about an hour preparing for this role with costume and make-up. The following actions take place again in the temple. Mula-Kumara ensures that the two Siri women can be owned by Abbaga and Daraga, and he also falls into this state for a while. For this ritual, Mula-Kumara sits down between the women and oversees the Cenne game. He leads the recitation of the paddana texts and at the same time makes sure that the two women playing do not hit each other with the cenne board while they continue to identify with the game. For the board game, Kumara turns into god Bermeru. This happens without him changing anything in his appearance and only becomes clear as the action progresses. As Bermeru, he dictates the actions of the two players. He advances the performance with clever questions and maintains the connection to the myth. Finally, he ensures an orderly end to the obsession.
For the next ritual, six Siri women line up in front of the temple and act until they are possessed. They form the first dalya (group) that night. Another group of women prepares their obsession in front of the Naga shrine, supported by the Mula-Kumara, who also prepares the Sthala-Kumara, a subordinate Kumara actor, for his obsession. The last activity before daybreak is a ritual for the Bhuta Panjuli, the boar spirit. A far larger number of spectators than during the rituals gather for an entertainment program nearby, which acoustically superimposes the ritual scenes with its loudspeaker amplification as a background noise.
Social and cultural background
The participating women often come from the social groups Bunt and Billava. They work in the rice fields, in coffee plantations or as day laborers in other areas. At home, the young women are under pressure from their husbands and other male family members, sometimes also from their mother-in-law. In the workplace, their position is clear from the lower wages compared to men. By making a change in their lives, these women are looking for their own identity. With the transition from the secular to the holy world, as the embodiment of a deity, they gain the respect of their families and men at work. Current social changes make this role shift impossible for many women.
Healing ritual
Traditionally, the ritual is said to have a healing effect. If a - mostly young - woman shows socially conspicuous behavior, for example when she becomes silent or uses inappropriate expressions, those around her suspect that a Siri ghost has run into her. So she is advised to go to a Siri jatre , where she is assisted by women experienced in the ritual with a similar story of suffering. While the women are singing different roles from the paddana , they get into their respective narrative characters in a process of transformation. The newly arrived women begin to repeat the abnormal behavior they showed at home. In an impromptu sequence of sung questions, women learn to identify the spirit afflicting them. If his name is known, he should not be driven out, but his presence should be accepted and learned to deal with this fact so that a normal life becomes possible. If a woman has taken her new identity for granted, she is obliged to participate in the Siri jatre every year , which becomes a sacred and healing ritual for her. Once she is in control of her own mind, she can help other women too.
The declaration of possession is an attempt to re-establish a lost connection between the individual and the moral order of society. The feeling of being possessed arises from cultural imprinting in situations in which the person believes they cannot live up to the expectations placed on them. In the case of the Tulu society, the crisis shows itself through spirits who penetrate into the human world from the world beyond ( maya ). In the Siri cult, women make their bodies available for the residence of spirits who, according to the myth, represent female virtues. In this way the women hope to find their way in their everyday life and at the same time to be armed against malevolent otherworldly forces.
Changed understanding of female roles
Dalits outside the caste hierarchy were previously not allowed. When Dalit women participate today, they are mostly owned by Daru, Siri's servant, while caste members are owned by Siri herself or her female descendants. Dalits also take on the serving role assigned to them in the caste society in ritual. For women, the ritual is a religious service ( seve ) to the deity through which they experience inner strength and spiritual support.
Although women represent the driving forces in the story ( paddana ), the women participating in the ritual ( jatre ) play a subordinate role to the men who, in the form of Kumara ( mula ) and the god Bermeru, control the entire event. In the story, Kumara as the son of Siri and as the brother and uncle of their descendants is in a family relationship with the Siri women. In the ritual, this close bond is transferred to the Kumara priests and their female protégés. The women are taken by the hand emotionally and physically by the male leaders as they fall into a trance. While the women in the group ( dalya ) seldom get to know each other better, a long-lasting bond develops between a woman and her Kumara advisor.
Observations suggest that since around the turn of the millennium, the number of women who are owned in a group has been declining. Very few women state that they can recite the entire Siri paddana , most can recite some parts of it, but only during the ritual. Many women find it easier, instead of participating in the obsession ritual, to make an offering ( kanike ) in the form of a sum of money in the temple . Most visitors to a Siri jatre today consequently limit themselves to the role of the spectator of a spectacle; many may lack knowledge of the cultural and religious background. One explanation for the declining number of participants is that women in a state of obsession act outside of their socially accepted role and run the risk of being laughed at by an incomprehensible audience. Modern mass media, especially television, play their part in spreading certain social values and norms of an urban middle class that are incompatible with village rituals.
On the other hand, local TV stations broadcast Siri jatres documentaries within series that suggest a connection with other illegal activities. Such programs often have the character of manipulative sensational journalism that dispenses with background information and shows the participants in the rituals in the worst possible light. Siri supporters who have seen such programs must fight against the prejudices expressed in them. This also includes the problematic contact in public between unrelated or married women and men in Indian society, which can lead outside viewers to suspect a sexual undertone in the interaction between Siri and Kumara actors. The way out for some women is to make a sacrifice ( kanike ) or to take part in private dalyas .
For women who believe they are possessed by a spirit, participating in a dalya means the opportunity to share their personal problems in a trusting environment. The ritual then has a cathartic effect. In a changed understanding of roles, which allows a more free development of their personality, women today also find other opportunities than participating in an obsession ritual to speak about themselves with their own voice.
literature
- Peter J. Claus: The Siri Myth and Ritual: A Mass Possession Cult of South India. Ethnology, Vol. 14, No. 1, January 1975, pp. 47-58
- Lea Griebl, Sina Sommer: Siri Revisited. A Female ›Mass Possession Cult‹ without Women Performers? In: Heidrun Brückner, Hanne M. de Bruin, Heike Moser (eds.): Between Fame and Shame. Performing Women - Women Performers in India. Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden 2011, pp. 135–152
- Lauri Honko : Textualizing the Siri Epic. (Folklore Fellows' Communications 264). Suomalainen Tiedeakatemia, Helsinki 1998, ISBN 951-41-0812-4 (Chap. D: The Siri Epic: A Synopsis. (PDF; 1.6 MB) pp. 604–633)
- Lauri Honko, Chinnapa Gowda, Viveka Rai, Anneli Honko (Eds.): The Siri Epic as performed by Gopala Naika I – II. (Folklore Fellows' Communications 265-6) 2 volumes, Suomalainen Tiedeakatemia, Helsinki 1998, ISBN 951-41-0814-0
Web links
- Peter J. Claus: Text Variability and Authenticity in the Siri Cult. California State University, Hayward, California
- Peter J. Claus: Ritual transforms a myth. California State University, October 29, 1999
- Udupi: 'Siri Jatre' Begins Across Coastal District. Daijiworld Media Network, March 19, 2009
- Sirikumara. A unique folk tradition. Mangalorean, April 26, 2008
- Siri Myth and Ritual from Field to Media. Section 1. California State University, East Bay, 2008; Section 2.
- Siri Jathre of Kavatharu - A fine tradition of relieving female psyche. Mangalorean, May 9, 2010 (Photos from Siri jatre in Kavatharu)
- Seeking empowerment through Siri. Deccan Herald, May 12, 2012
Individual evidence
- ^ Peter J. Claus: Variability in the Tulu Paddanas. Presented at the Conference on Dravidian Language and Literature, Stuttgart 1993
- ↑ Paddana. ( Memento of the original from October 10, 2012 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. classicalkannada.org
- ↑ Peter J. Claus: Mayindala: A Legend and Possession Cult of Tulunad. class.csueastbay.edu
- ^ Peter J. Claus: Text Variability and Authenticity in the Siri Cult. Also: Peter J. Claus: Reflections on Folk Literary Criticism. In: Heidrun Brückner, Hanne M. de Bruin, Heike Moser (eds.): Between Fame and Shame. Performing Women - Women Performers in India. Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden 2011, pp. 56–61
- ^ Bhutaradhane (Spirit Worship). ( Memento of the original from January 6, 2016 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. classicalkannada.org
- ↑ Siri Paddana by Kargi Shedthy.mpg. Youtube video (short excerpt from a sung Siri paddana )
- ↑ Gayathri Rajapur Kassebaum, Peter J. Claus: Karnataka. In: Alison Arnold (Ed.): Garland Encyclopedia of World Music. South Asia: The Indian Subcontinent. Vol. 5. Garland, New York / London 2000, p. 883
- ↑ Griebl, Sommer, pp. 141f
- ^ Diagram of the relationships: Illustration 2 . Online attachment to Griebl, summer: Siri Revisited, 2011. Chair of Indology, University of Würzburg
- ^ Peter J. Claus: Cenne (Mancala) in Tuluva Myth and Cult. Indian folklore II. Chap. 9
- ↑ Griebl, Sommer, pp. 136f
- ↑ Heda Jason: Literary Aspects of the Siri Pâddana. Some preliminary observations. Indian Folklore Research Journal, Vol. 1, No. 2, May 2002, pp. 35-39
- ↑ Griebl, Sommer, p. 137
- ^ Honko: Textualizing the Siri Epic, 1998, p. 583
- ^ Bryn Mawr Classical Review 2002/02/12. Full summary of contents: Lauri Honko: Textualizing the Siri Epic. 1998, chap. D: The Siri Epic: A Synopsis. (PDF; 1.6 MB) pp. 604–633
- ↑ Griebl, Sommer, pp. 138f
- ↑ Griebl, Sommer, pp. 140f
- ^ BA Viveka Rai: Gender in Folk Narratives with Special Reference to Tuḷuva Society, in the West Coast Region of Karnataka, India. In: Heidrun Brückner, Hanne M. de Bruin, Heike Moser (eds.): Between Fame and Shame. Performing Women - Women Performers in India. Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden 2011, p. 129
- ^ Peter J. Claus: The Drama Unfolds: Tuluva Myth and Ritual in its Wester Stage. Indian Folklore Research Journal, Vol. 1, No. 4, 2004, pp. 36-52, here p. 36f
- ↑ Griebl, Sommer, p. 149
- ↑ Griebl, Sommer, pp. 142–147
