Saying for Christmas in Magdeburg

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Tradition in the Codex Manesse

The award for Christmas Magdeburg (L. 19, 5) is a by Walther of the bird pasture at the beginning of the 13th century for Philipp of Schwabenhaus authored Sang saying from the First Philippston relating to the events of the Magdeburg Christmas of 1199th

Walther von der Vogelweide tried to legitimize the rule of Staufer Philipp von Schwaben, who needed support in the controversy for the throne , in the slogan for Christmas in Magdeburg . Walther portrayed Philipp von Schwaben and his wife Irene Maria in the slogan for Christmas in Magdeburg, based on religious analogies and implicit comparisons with Otto IV , the opposing candidate of Philip von Schwaben, as the ideal ruling couple . The service of the Duringians and Sahsen - "Thuringians" and "Saxons "- made the Magdeburg Christmas and the punch line in Walther's saying so special. The Duringian , who had only moved to the Staufer camp in the summer of 1199, and the Sahse , who was proposed as a candidate against Philip of Swabia in 1197 , accepted Philip of Swabia's claim to power through their service. However, through his later “Wartburg scolding” by the Thuringian court, Walther relativized the service of the Duringia and with it the punch line in his saying about Christmas in Magdeburg.

Political situation

In 1197 the Hohenstaufen emperor Heinrich VI died. what triggered an imperial crisis. His son Friedrich II was only three years old at the time and still too young to take the throne.

To the succession of Henry VI. The brother of Heinrich VI., the Staufer Philip of Swabia, and the Welf Otto IV, favored by Archbishop Adolf of Cologne, fought in the Staufisch-Welfischen throne dispute . In March 1198 Philip of Swabia was elected king. In June 1198 a smaller group of princes elected Otto IV from Guelph.
The controversy over the throne between Philip of Swabia and Otto IV came to a head. Philipp von Schwaben knew the majority of the princes behind him. He also owned the imperial insignia: the imperial scepter and the imperial crown. His coronation did not take place in Aachen in the "right place", but in the "wrong place" in Mainz. The coronation was not carried out by the Archbishop of Cologne, who was actually appointed to do so, but by the Archbishop of Tarentaise, who happened to be present as a papal legate. Philip of Swabia was crowned by the "wrong man". So there were serious doubts about the legitimacy of the coronation. Otto IV was crowned in the “right place” and by Archbishop Adolf of Cologne, but he lacked the imperial insignia as a sign of his power.
The dispute over the throne lasted until the assassination of Philip of Swabia on July 21, 1208 in Bamberg.

See also: German controversy for the throne

Lore

Tradition in the Weingartener song manuscript

The saying for Magdeburg Christmas is in the direction indicated by B Weingartner or Stuttgarter Liederhandschrift and designated C Large Heidelberg or man-fish Liederhandschrift handed. In manuscript B, the stanza from Magdeburg's Christmas is found in 108th position out of 112 stanzas that have survived. She stands in front of the "crown saying" (L. 18, 29). The more extensive manuscript C shows the stanza from the Magdeburg Christmas as the 292nd stanza of 447 stanzas. However, seven stanzas have been handed down twice. The stanza from Magdeburg's Christmas is here after the "crown saying".
The two manuscripts differ in that manuscript C in the last verse uses the present subjunctive of müezen - in this context with "must" to reproduce - müeste , while handwriting B provides indicative past tense muoste . (→ see also: 9. müeste or must). There are also deviations in eleven other places. At these points, however, there is no fundamentally different reading that depends on the choice of handwriting.

The first complete edition of Walther von der Vogelweide's works was presented by Karl Lachmann in 1827. Lachmann had no insight into manuscript B and therefore had to work with copies. With handwriting C, too, he owed his knowledge to previous manipulations of the handwriting. He had impressions with corrections, published extracts and notes. Lachmanns Edition has been revised and reissued several times. The 14th and completely revised edition from 1996 comes from Christoph Cormeau.

The stanza from Magdeburg's Christmas can be found in various text editions (see: → 11.1 Text editions), some with a translation.

Dating

The dating of the saying about Christmas in Magdeburg can only be based on textual interpretations and therefore remains in a certain way speculative. The only thing that can be clearly seen from the text is that the saying was not recited at Christmas in Magdeburg itself, as Walther consistently wrote it in the past tense.
Maurer assumes that Walther wrote all the stanzas of the First Philippstone together. Walther would therefore have to be proven at the Wartburg, otherwise it would not be possible for him to write his "Wartburg scolding". Maurer concludes from Walther's first visit to the Wartburg in 1202 that the stanzas could have been composed from then on: “All the events to which Walther alludes are still so close in 1202 that the references remain meaningful and effective.” Masser contradicts this . The slogan for Magdeburg Christmas is "political daily poetry" rooted in the current situation. He excludes a date after 1202 and thus ties the saying about the Magdeburg Christmas closely to the event Christmas 1199. Nix dates the saying about the Magdeburg Christmas to March 18, 1200. On March 18, 1200, a court day for Philip of Swabia took place in Nuremberg instead. Until then, from Christmas 1199 onwards, there had been no suitable large gathering of the Staufers at which the presentation of the Magdeburg Christmas slogan could have had its effect in front of a wide audience, according to Nix. Furthermore, it made sense to announce the service of the princes from the northeast to the princes from the southeast, as they were not in Magdeburg. The saying showed the princes from the southeast that the pro-Staufer party was growing and was therefore to be understood as a demonstration of strength in the controversy for the throne. Dating to June 1, 1200 or the time before that does not rule out anything. With his saying on Christmas in Magdeburg, Walther referred to the coronation of the Three Kings on June 1, 1200 in Cologne by Otto IV. The saying on Christmas in Magdeburg could not have been presented on the day of the event to which he reacted.

shape

The shape of the stanza of the Magdeburg Christmas corresponds to the shape of the other stanzas of the First Philippstone. It consists of twelve verses and can be divided into four terzins. The first and second terzines form the swan song, the third and fourth terzines together form the swan song. The swan song differs from the swan song in the number of lifts. The four exaltations in the seventh and tenth verses differ from the other, consistently six-exalted verses and thus form the formal deviation from Aufgesang and Abgesang.
The rhyme scheme [aabccbddeffe]shows the regularity of the rhyme. A couple rhyme is followed by an embracing rhyme, which connects the two terzines, which together make up and down singing. Walther case related both impure rhymes as geborn and erkorn at the beginning, and pure rhymes as kint and sint in verses four and five. All verses of the stanza for Magdeburg Christmas begin with a prelude. The first and second verses of a terzine end with a full or male cadenza . In contrast, the third verse of a terzine ends with a sounding or female cadenza.

Representation of the shape in a table:

verse End of verse rhyme cadence Lifts Terzines Up and down song
1 born a full six-lifted 1st terzines Singing
2 Erkorn a full six-lifted
3 lovely b sounding six-lifted
4th kint c full six-lifted 2nd terzines
5 sint c full six-lifted
6th Crown b sounding six-lifted
7th gâch d full four-lifted 3. Terzines Swan song
8th to d full six-lifted
9 gall e sounding six-lifted
10 otherwise f full four-lifted 4. Terzines
11 there f full six-lifted
12 valed e sounding six-lifted

Interpretation of form

Wapnewski combines his interpretation of form and content by pointing out that each terzine has its own theme. The form underlines the content. This segmentation of the content according to terzinen can be linked to Maurer, who sees a “slight pause” in the sounding cadences of the otherwise “closely knit” verses. The female cadences are at the end of each terzine and thus form a conclusion.
Wapnewski also speaks of a “law of composition of the triadic structure” and here, too, combines form and content. In the first terzine this triad is produced by the alliteration maget , muoter and Megdeburc - "Jungfrau", "Mutter" and "Magdeburg"; in the second terzine by keisers bruoder , keisers kint and in a wât - "emperor's brother", "emperor's child" and "in a robe"; in the third terzine by hôhgeborne küniginne , rôse ane dorn and tube sunder gallen - "high-born queen", "rose without thorns" and "dove without falsehood". The fourth terzine would only contain such a triad if they know , as Wapnewski assumes, mean the Three Kings. Otherwise there is only a duo in the last terzine with the Düringe and Sahsen .

Power metaphor

Walther von der Vogelweide made clear the legitimacy of Philip of Swabia in the Magdeburg Christmas saying. For this he uses the genealogy . In Magdeburg there was a keisers bruoder and a keisers kint - "went an emperor's brother and an emperor's child". With this, Walther referred to the imperial descent of Philip of Swabia, which portrayed him as "predestined to become emperor". According to Masser, Walther's goal was to make a comparison with Otto IV. Otto IV could not have stood up to this comparison, since as the son of Henry the Lion he was not of imperial descent. The suggested interpretation presupposed that Walther's audience knew the descent of the two candidates for the throne, otherwise they would not have understood the allusion. The effect would have been small.
The same applied to the imperial insignia. Walther emphasized that Philip of Swabia would have worn the rîches scepter and the crown - "the imperial scepter and the crown" - in Magdeburg . Nix sees in this allusion the purpose of contrasting the crowns with which Otto IV. Crowned the Three Kings in Cologne with the imperial crown. But here too an implicit comparison with Otto IV seems possible. Walther would have emphasized the imperial insignia to make it clear that Otto IV was not in their possession and therefore would not have granted him kingship.
Masser points to the verse he entered vil lîse, in was niht gâch - "he walked very slowly, he was in no hurry" - from the saying about Christmas in Magdeburg. Here, too, Walther would have intended a comparison with Otto IV. Otto IV., To whom Masser attests “lack of courtly sophistication”, was not able, like Philip of Swabia, to take part in a procession like in Magdeburg Cathedral with dignity. The sentence in was niht gâch was therefore a reference to the restraint of Philip of Swabia appropriate to a king. The notion of Philip as the “delicate” and Otto as the “powerful” were widespread at the time of the controversy for the throne, so that Walther's listeners understood the allusions.

Düringe and Sahsen

The Düringe and the Sahsen served in the Magdeburg procession to Philip of Swabia. The reason for mentioning the service in the Magdeburg Christmas saying and its type differ.
With the service of the Sahsen, Walther von der Vogelweide probably meant the service of Bernhard of Saxony . This carried out the sword bearer service as part of the procession. This was mentioned in the report in the Halberstadt bishop's chronicle about the Magdeburg Christmas, which was an indication of the importance of the sword bearer service. The sword bearer service was a special distinction and was of particular importance. At the Whitsun Festival in Mainz in 1184, a dispute broke out between various monarchs about who was allowed to carry out the sword-bearer service. Bernhard of Saxony thus served in the procession at an exposed point. In addition, Bernhard von Sachsen refused in 1197 to be nominated as a candidate for the throne and took the side of Philip of Swabia. The service in the context of the Magdeburg procession thus became more important and sealed the recognition of Philip of Swabia by a former potential opponent. Walther took up this important sign in his quote for Christmas in Magdeburg. Walther probably referred to the service of Landgrave Hermann von Thuringia as part of the Magdeburg procession
with the service of the Duringia . The service of Hermann von Thuringia did not take place in an exposed place. There are also no sources that describe the form of the service of Hermann of Thuringia. Nellmann assumes that the service consisted in the fact that "the landgrave (and his entourage) lined up in the procession in the place due to him". Hermann von Thuringia did not join Philipp von Schwaben until the summer of 1199. Before that he supported the Guelph Otto IV. With this, the service in the Magdeburg procession acquired its special significance. Walther included it in his message for Christmas in Magdeburg in order to document and publicize the change of party of Landgrave Hermann von Thuringia.

Religious analogy

Walther von der Vogelweide used several religious allusions in his saying about Christmas in Magdeburg. He emphasized that the procession took place in Megdeburc , the city of the Virgin. He described Christmas Day itself as one day when our Lord was born - "on the day our Lord was born". In the trinity of the emperor's son, brother and emperor himself, Wapnewski sees an analogy to the trinity in the Christian faith of father, son and Holy Spirit . Walther also credited the Queen with being a rôse âne dorn and a tube of sunder gallen . Otherwise these attributes only belonged to the Mother of God Mary .
Wapnewski deduces from Walther's religious allusions that Walther was interested in "letting God himself go along". The procession was not an homage to God by Philip of Swabia, but a stylization of himself. The celebration of the birth of the Lord has also become a "celebration of the rebirth of his earthly representative". Philip of Swabia appears in Walther's saying on Christmas in Magdeburg as a god-like being, which also corresponds to the image that people in the Middle Ages had of their ruler. Wapnewski interprets the Magdeburg Christmas saying as an analogy to the Christmas story made by Walther (see: → 8th discussion of knowledge) Konietzko takes religious allusions less seriously. Coronations as part of church celebrations at Christmas or Easter , such as in Magdeburg Cathedral, were a matter of course for the rulers at the time of Philip of Swabia. Walther would only have described Philipp von Schwaben's compliance with the norm in the Magdeburg Christmas saying. The special thing about Christmas in Magdeburg could not be found in the religious sphere or religious analogies. The service of the Düring and Sahsen during the procession was special . For Walther this would have been the reason to process the events of Magdeburg Christmas 1199 in a saying.
Masser sees in the description of Queen Irene-Marie as hohgeborn , rôse âne dorn and tube sunder gallen Walther's attempt to compare the wives of Philip of Swabia and Otto IV and to incorporate them into his propaganda. While Irene Maria, as the daughter of the emperor of Byzantium, would have portrayed a worthy queen, Otto IV was engaged to Maria von Brabant, who at the time was still a child.

Wîsen discussion

The question of who Walther meant by the white in the Magdeburg Christmas slogan is a controversial issue in research. Wapnewski, Nix and Konietzko take the view that the three wise men are the three wise men . Nellmann assumes that the knowledgeable is better represented by “connoisseur” or “expert”.

Understanding of the know as three wise men

Wapnewski claims that the wisdom was already considered to be a quality of the Three Kings in Walther's time. Two German sermons from the 12th century would reflect that. There, Herod in Matthew 2.7 spoke of the "wîson man" - "wise men". In another sermon one finds "the künige who were know" - "the three wise men were wise".
Nellmann contradicts this. It was not until the middle of the 14th century that the Latin magi - "magicians" - were reproduced with the expression weysen - "the wise ones " - and even there only in places where it could only be about the three wise men. This unambiguous context did not exist in Walther's saying about Christmas in Magdeburg. Since there was no clear context, it must be doubted that the audience would have understood Walther's allusion to the Three Wise Men. If the final verse had only been understood by the initiated, it would have been "fatal for the effect" of the Magdeburg Christmas saying.

Coronation of the Magi by Otto IV.

On June 1, 1200, Otto IV crowned the Three Wise Men with valuable golden crowns in a symbolic act. Nothing interprets the coronation as an attempt by Otto IV to present himself as the “fourth holy king” and to underpin his claim to rule. Wapnewski believes that Otto IV wanted to legitimize himself with the coronation of the Three Kings and to conceal the lack of possession of the imperial crown. Walther also tried to win back the Three Kings for the Hohenstaufen people by having them perform as part of the Magdeburg Christmas procession. Wapnewski also sees the verse diu zuht was niener anderswâ - "the decency was never anywhere else" - from the Magdeburg Christmas saying as a direct reference to the coronation of the Three Kings by Otto IV. What Otto IV did in Cologne, was not with the offered zuht have been comparable to the Magdeburg Christmas. By integrating the Three Kings into the Magdeburg Christmas and relativizing the coronation in Cologne, Walther took Otto IV. The desired effect.
Nellmann refers to many inadequate and incorrect dates in the annals. This chaos means that the date on June 1, 1200 is not certain. It must be considered possible that Otto IV crowned the Three Kings at another point in time. In addition, Otto IV's coronation of the Magi was not an action of particular significance. Not even sources in Cologne would have mentioned them. It can be ruled out that Walther reacted to an event that did not cause any excitement even in Otto IV's sphere of influence.

shape

Wapnewski argues with the form of the saying about Christmas in Magdeburg. There is a trinity in all the terzines of the Magdeburg Christmas saying (→ see: 4th form). This is only missing in the fourth terzine, in which Düringe and Sahsen only formed a duo. Through the use of the Magi, the Trinity is also established in the fourth terzine. If one does not understand them as the three wise men, that would result in a break in the area of ​​form.

content

Wapnewski also uses the Three Kings to interpret the content. The service of the Düring and Sahsen had to be compared to the service of the Three Kings. If the service of the princes was true, like the service of the three Magi was once, it would also have "been able to stand before their judgment". In the slogan for Christmas in Magdeburg, Walther pronounced the verdict, assuming that the service of the Düringe and Sahsen would have pleased the white people . It is not logical to let an earthly judging authority appear in a religious metaphor-enriched saying, which then judges the satisfaction or displeasure of the service of the Dürings and Sahsen. That would have caused a “strange break in style, image and message”.
Nellmann's interpretation of the wîsen as a connoisseur allows the conclusion that the service of the Düringe and Sahsen in the Magdeburg procession pleased those who could judge it. In Walther's time, for example in the Parzival Wolframs von Eschensbach , the praise of the wîsen was considered a high honor, beyond any religious significance. However, both interpretations have in common that they regard the know as the authority to judge the service of the Düringe and Sahsen .

Konietzko complements this point of view. Walther had spoken to all the princes who had not yet sided with Philip of Swabia in the controversy for the throne. Walther gave them the opportunity to " enjoy the service of the Thuringians and Saxons" or to be regarded as unseem . If they had liked the service, however, they were also part of the know and would consequently have to go to the same service as the Three Wise Men with Jesus of Nazareth and Philip of Swabia, as Düringe and Sahsen had already shown.

Must or must

The discussion about who they were in the Magdeburg Christmas slogan was followed by the question of whether they had to please or struggle with the service of the Dürings and Sahsen . The handwriting B delivers the past indicative muoste , while the handwriting C delivers the subjunctive present muoste . Walther von der Vogelweide usually used the simple past tense in his saying about Christmas in Magdeburg. He did not include another subjunctive form.

Wapnewski builds on his interpretation of the know as the Three Kings. He chooses the subjunctive form müeste , as this opens up "the dimension of the Christmas miracle ". The judgment instance should not be thought of at present. The three wise men had to be transported mentally from the Christmas story to Magdeburg Christmas by the listeners of the Magdeburg Christmas saying. The idea that the service of the Düringe and Sahsen would have pleased the Three Kings if they had been present is what, according to Wapnewski, is the strength of the punch line. Konietzko also prefers the subjunctive müeste . He linked the subjunctive closely with the Wise -His. The subjunctive had indirectly called on the princes present to follow the example of the Düringe and Sahsen . The service of the Düringe and Sahsen must have pleased those who know and are "not caught up in earthly delusion". Thus Walther had by the subjunctive, the Wise -His and pleasure in the service of Düringe and watched them inextricably linked. The subjunctive had a necessary effect because it also left the possibility open to apply to unîse , for which no one wanted to apply. For Konietzko, the indicative does not seem to offer this possibility.
Nothing contradicts Wapnewski, although he also interprets the know as the three wise men . In the Middle Ages, the three wise men were always thought to be present. The indicative must be preferable. Especially since the subjunctive would weaken the meaning of the final verse. The “intended sense of affirmation and certification” would have no equivalent in the must of favor. Nellmann follows on from his interpretation of the knowledgeable as “connoisseur” or “expert”. He considers the subjunctive müeste to be a "weak punchline". He, too, decides in favor of the indicative muoste. Nellmann interprets the final verse as a judgment of the knowledgeable . They had to like the service of the Düringes and Sahsen .

The stanza from the Magdeburg Christmas in the First Philippston

"Crown saying" (L. 18, 29)

Thematically, the stanza from Magdeburg's Christmas forms a unit with the “crown saying”. Both stanzas were written as prize stanzas for Philipp von Schwaben. In both stanzas reference is made to the imperial insignia which distinguish Philip of Swabia as king and which his opponent Otto IV lacks. In addition, Walther referred to the imperial origins of Philip of Swabia in both stanzas. In the "Kronen-Spruch" this reference consisted in sîn keiserlîchez houbet - "his imperial head" -, in the stanza of the Magdeburg Christmas in keisers bruoder and keisers kint . Wapnewski sees a direct point of reference in terms of content in the concluding, the stone is all princes leading stars of the “crown saying”. The biblical guiding star showed the Three Wise Men the way to Bethlehem . The imperial guiding star led the princes to Magdeburg. Both happened on the day our master was born . In this analogy, Wapnewski sees the guiding star as a sign for all seekers and creates a connection between the “crown saying” and Christmas in Magdeburg. The dating of both sayings is controversial (for the dating of Magdeburg Christmas see: → 3rd dating). The "crown saying" is usually dated to the coronation act in Mainz on July 12, 1198 or to the Magdeburg Christmas 1199. In contrast to handwriting C, handwriting B classifies the “Kronen Spruch” after Christmas in Magdeburg. Both sayings are therefore closely related in terms of time and content. A mutual influence must therefore be assumed.

"Wartburg-Schelte" (L. 20, 4)

The "Wartburg-Schelte" ironically ironizes the saying of Christmas in Magdeburg and puts the Düring's service in a new light. Philipp von Schwaben does not appear in the "Wartburg-Schelte". In this saying Walther described the chaos at the Thuringian court. As an example it was said: a sharp vert ûz, diu anders in, seam and tac . The reference to the saying about Christmas in Magdeburg lies in the service of the Duringia . It is relativized and ironicized. The " zuht " that Walther gave to the Dürings is turned into the opposite in the "Wartburg scolding". Therefore, the service of the Duringia in the Magdeburg procession loses its original radiance and its propagandistic value for the cause of Philip of Swabia. The fact that Walther wrote this saying in the same tone as his award sayings "Kronen Spruch", Magdeburg Christmas and "Philipps-Dank" (L. 19, 29), Niles attributes to the fact that Walther wanted to exclude that "the stanza with the others are presented on the award of Philip ”.

"Thanks to Philipps" (L.19, 29)

The "Philipps-Dank" is another award song Walther von der Vogelweide for Philipp von Schwaben. However, it is about Walther's personal thanks that daz rîch and ouch diu krôn - "the kingdom and also the crown" - have accepted him. Thematically, it differs greatly from the saying about Christmas in Magdeburg.

"Lionheart reminder" (L. 19, 17)

The "Lionheart Reminder" breaks with the award slogans and accuses Philipp von Schwaben of a lack of thanks milte - "voluntary generosity". The only thing she has in common with the saying about Christmas in Magdeburg is the tone and the reference to Philip of Swabia through the salutation "King Philip" used in both sayings.

literature

Text output

The saying for Christmas in Magdeburg can be found in the following text editions:

  • Christoph Cormeau (ed.): Walther von der Vogelweide. Corpses, songs and sayings. 14th completely revised edition of Karl Lachmann's edition with contributions by Thomas Bein and Horst Brunner. Walter de Gruyter, Berlin / New York 1996, ISBN 3-11-013608-2 (carton) and ISBN 3-11-014821-8 (pp).
  • Friedrich Maurer (Hrsg.): The songs of Walther from the bird pasture. Volume 1: The religious and political songs. 4th edition. Max Niemeyer Verlag, Tübingen 1974, ISBN 3-484-20080-4 .
  • Helmut Protze (ed.): Walther von der Vogelweide. Sayings and songs. VEB Bibliographisches Institut, Leipzig 1983.
  • Silvia Ranawake (ed.): Walther von der Vogelweide. Poems. Part 1: The poet. 11th edition based on Hermann Paul. Max Niemeyer Verlag, Tübingen 1997, ISBN 3-484-20110-X ( carton ) and ISBN 3-484-21101-6 (fabric).
  • Wilhelm Wilmanns (ed.): Walther von der Vogelweide. Volume 2: Walther's songs and sayings with explanatory notes. 4th completely revised edition by Victor Michels, Buchhandlung des Waisenhauses, Halle (Saale) 1924.

With translation:

  • Jörg Schäfer: Walther von der Vogelweide. Works. Scientific Book Society, Darmstadt 1972, ISBN 3-534-03516-X .
  • Günter Schweikle: Walther von der Vogelweide. Volume 2: Poetry. 2nd edition, Philipp Reclam jun., Stuttgart 2005, ISBN 3-15-000819-0 .

Secondary literature

  • Peter Konietzko: Representation as interpretation: The Wîsen at King Philipps Magdeburg Christmas (1199). Reflections on Walther's 1st Philippston (L.19, 5). In: Christoph Cormeau (Hrsg.): Current events and its representation in the Middle Ages. L'actualité et sa representation au Moyen Age. , Bouvier Verlag, Bonn 1995, ISBN 3-416-02521-0 , pp. 136-172.
  • Achim Masser: On Walther's propaganda disasters in the first Philippston (L.18, 29 and L.19.5). In: Werner Besch u. a. (Ed.): Studies on German literature and language in the Middle Ages. Festschrift for Hugo Moser on his 65th birthday. , Erich Schmidt Verlag, Berlin 1974, ISBN 3-503-00791-1 , pp. 49-59.
  • Eberhard Nellmann: The <wise> at the Magdeburg Christmas festival and the three wise men in Cologne. In: Mark Chinca, Joachim Heinzle and Christopher Young (eds.): Bloom time. Festschrift for L. Peter Johnson on his 70th birthday , Max Niemeyer Verlag, Tübingen 2000, ISBN 3-484-64018-9 , pp. 53–65.
  • Matthias Nix: Investigations into the function of Walthers von der Vogelweide's political poetry. Kümmerle Verlag, ISBN 3-87452-834-0 .
  • Peter Wapnewski: The wise men from the Orient at Christmas in Magdeburg. On Walther von der Vogelweide 19, 5. In: Peter Wapnewski (Ed.): Waz is minne. Studies on Middle High German poetry. , Verlag CH Beck, Munich 1975, ISBN 3-406-05865-5 , pp. 155-180.

Web links

Wikisource: Dú krone iſt elter dāne der kv́nig philippeſ ſi  - sources and full texts

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ Schulze, Hans K.: Basic structures of the constitution in the Middle Ages, 3: Kaiser and Reich, Stuttgart 1998, p. 212.
  2. ↑ a b Schulze (see note 1), p. 213.
  3. ^ Wapnewski, Peter: The wise men from the Orient on Christmas in Magdeburg. In: Waz is minne. Studies on Middle High German Poetry, Munich 1975, p. 175.
  4. ↑ Schulze (see note 1), p. 219. On the preceding pages Schulze describes the development of the controversy for the throne with special consideration of the role of Pope Innocent III.
  5. ↑ Horst Brunner / Ulrich Müller / Franz Viktor Spechtler (eds.): Walther von der Vogelweide. The entire transmission of the lyrics and melodies. Illustrations, materials, melody transcriptions. With contributions by Helmut Lomnitzer and Hans-Dieter Mück, foreword by Hugo Kuhn, Göppingen 1977 (= Litterae 7), pp. 15-27.
  6. ↑ a b Brunner / Müller / Spechtler (see note 6), pp. 15–27.
  7. ↑ Brunner / Müller / Spechtler (see note 6), p. 136 and p. 167.
  8. ↑ Bein, Thomas: Introduction. In: Walther von der Vogelweide. Text review and edition, ed. by Thomas Bein, Berlin / New York 1999, p. 2.
  9. ↑ Holznagel, Franz-Josef: Tradition and work. On the Atheteses in Lachmann's first edition of the poems of Walthers von der Vogelweide. In: Walther von der Vogelweide. Text review and edition, ed. by Thomas Bein, Berlin / New York 1999, pp. 35–36.
  10. ↑ leg (see note 9), p. 6.
  11. ^ Cormeau, Christoph (ed.): Walther von der Vogelweide. Leich Lieder und Sangsprüche, 14th completely revised edition of Karl Lachmann's edition with contributions by Thomas Bein and Horst Brunner, Berlin / New York 1996.
  12. ↑ Latest revision: Schweikle, Günther: Walther von der Vogelweide. Vol. 1 poetry. Middle High German / New High German, ed. translated and commented by Günther Schweikle, 2nd edition, Stuttgart 2005.
  13. ↑ Quoted from: Maurer, Friedrich: The political songs Walthers von der Vogelweide, Tübingen 1954, p. 23.
  14. ↑ Quoted from: Masser, Achim: To Walther's Propagandastrophen in the First Philippston (L.18, 29 and L.19, 5). In: Studies on the German language and literature of the Middle Ages. Festschrift for Hugo Moser on his 65th birthday, ed. by Werner Besch u. a. , Berlin 1974, p. 59.
  15. ^ Nix, Matthias: Investigations on the Function of Political Poetry Walthers von der Vogelweide, Göppingen 1993, p. 57.
  16. ↑ Nix (see note 16), p. 58.
  17. ↑ Nix (see note 16), pp. 56–57.
  18. ↑ Maurer (see note 14), p. 21.
  19. ↑ Middle High German passages according to Cormeau (see note 12).
  20. ↑ The table is based on Maurer's presentation (see note 14), p. 22 and supplements it.
  21. ↑ a b c Wapnewski (see note 3), p. 178.
  22. ↑ Quoted from: Maurer (see note 14), p. 21.
  23. ↑ Quoted from: Wapnewski (see note 3), pp. 177–178.
  24. ↑ Quoted from: Masser (see note 15), p. 56.
  25. ↑ a b Masser (see note 15), p. 56.
  26. ↑ Nix (see note 16), p. 57.
  27. ↑ Wapnewski (see note 3), p. 175.
  28. ↑ Quoted from: Masser (see note 15), p. 54.
  29. ↑ a b Masser (see note 15), p. 54.
  30. ↑ Nellmann, Eberhard: The <wise> at the Magdeburg Christmas Festival and the Three Kings in Cologne. In: heyday. Festschrift for L. Peter Johnson on his 70th birthday, ed. by Mark Chinca, Joachim Heinzle and Christopher Young, Tübingen 2000, p. 63.
  31. ↑ Konietzko, Peter: Representation as interpretation: The Wîsen at King Philipps Magdeburg Christmas (1199). Reflections on Walther's 1st Philippston (L.19, 5). In: Current events and their representation in the Middle Ages. L'actualité et sa représentation au Moyen Age, ed. by Christoph Cormeau, Bonn 1995, p. 165.
  32. ↑ Nellmann (see note 33), p. 63.
  33. ↑ Quoted from: Nellmann (see note 33), p. 64.
  34. ↑ a b Konietzko (see note 34), p. 154.
  35. ↑ Konietzko (see note 34), pp. 136-137.
  36. ^ Wapnewski (see note 3), p. 156.
  37. ↑ Wapnewski (see note 3), p. 157.
  38. ↑ Quoted from: Wapnewski (see note 3), p. 156.
  39. ↑ Quoted from: Wapnewski (see note 3), p. 158.
  40. ↑ Konietzko (see note 34), p. 153.
  41. ↑ Wapnewski (see note 3) p. 170, Konietzko (see note 34) p. 166 and Nix (see note 17), p. 54.
  42. ↑ a b Nellmann (see note 33), pp. 60–62.
  43. ^ Wapnewski (see note 3), p. 162.
  44. ↑ Nellmann (see note 33), p. 60.
  45. ↑ Quoted from: Nellmann (see note 33), p. 60.
  46. ^ Wapnewski (see note 3), p. 176.
  47. ↑ Quoted from: Nix (see note 16), p. 56.
  48. ↑ Wapnewski (see note 3), p. 179.
  49. ^ Wapnewski (see note 3), p. 177.
  50. ↑ Nellmann (see note 33), p. 58.
  51. ↑ Nellmann (see note 33), p. 59.
  52. ↑ Quoted from: Wapnewski (see note 3), p. 169.
  53. ↑ Quoted from: Wapnewski (see note 3), p. 161.
  54. ↑ a b Nellmann (see note 33), p. 65.
  55. ↑ a b Quoted from: Konietzko (see note 34), p. 166.
  56. ↑ Konietzko (see note 34), pp. 166–167.
  57. ↑ Brunner / Müller / Spechtler (see note 6), pp. 136 and 167.
  58. ↑ Quoted from: Wapnewski (see note 3), p. 170.
  59. ^ Wapnewski (see note 3), p. 170.
  60. ↑ a b Konietzko (see note 34), p. 166.
  61. ↑ Quoted from: Nix (see note 16), p. 55.
  62. ↑ Quoted from: Nellmann (see note 33), p. 65.
  63. ↑ Niles, Bernd: For the discussion about the unity of the saying tones of Walther. In: ZfdPh (1979). Special issue "From the workshop of German literature and linguistics". Commitment to Hugo Moser, p. 76.
  64. ↑ Wapnewski (see note 3), pp. 166–167.
  65. ↑ Wapnewski (see note 3), p. 168.
  66. ↑ Nix (see note 16), p. 41.
  67. ^ Niles (see note 73), pp. 74–75.
  68. ↑ Quoted from: Niles (see note 73), p. 75.
  69. ^ Niles (see note 73), p. 76.
  70. ^ Niles (see note 73), p. 72.