Philip of Swabia

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Philip of Swabia with the imperial insignia , miniature in the chronicle of the Weißenau monastery from around 1250 . Cantonal Library St. Gallen ( Vadiana Collection , Ms. 321, p. 40.)

Philipp von Schwaben (* February or March 1177 in or near Pavia ; † June 21, 1208 in Bamberg ) from the noble family of the Staufer was Roman-German king from 1198 until his assassination in 1208 .

The death of Emperor Henry VI. In 1197 the Hohenstaufen rule, which reached as far as Sicily, collapsed in imperial Italy and created a power vacuum in the empire north of the Alps. In an empire without a written constitution, reservations about the kingship of the underage son Friedrich led to two royal elections in 1198, which resulted in the "German" controversy for the throne : the two elected kings Philip of Swabia and the Guelph Otto of Braunschweig , who later became Emperor Otto IV the royal office in each case for itself. In the years that followed, both opponents tried to win the conflict through European and papal support, with the help of money and gifts, through demonstrative public appearances and rituals ( symbolic communication ), through ranks or with military and diplomatic measures. Philip was able to increasingly assert his kingship against Otto in the empire north of the Alps. However, at the height of his power, he was assassinated in 1208. This ended the dispute for the throne. His opponent Otto quickly found recognition for his royalty. Philip was the first Roman-German king to be murdered during his reign. In posterity, Philip is one of the little-noticed Hohenstaufen rulers.

Life

Origin and youth

Friedrich Barbarossa with his sons Heinrich and Philipp. Liber ad honorem Augusti of Petrus von Eboli , Bern Burgerbibliothek , Codex 120 II, fol. 143r.

Philipp was born as the youngest son of Emperor Frederick I ("Barbarossa") and his wife Beatrix in or near Pavia . He came from the noble family of the Hohenstaufen dynasty, who only received this name afterwards from historians of the 15th century. The origin and origin of the family are still unclear today; the ancestors on the paternal side were insignificant and their names have not been passed down. All that is known about Barbarossa's great-grandfather Friedrich von Büren is that he married a woman named Hildegard . A few years ago it was assumed that the Schlettstadt property did not belong to Hildegard, but to Friedrich himself and that the Staufers were therefore not a Swabian but an Alsatian family. It was not until around 1100 that the family under Duke Friedrich I reached out into the East Swabian Rems Valley.

Much more important for the Hohenstaufen family was their prestigious maternal relationship with the Salians . The grandmother of Friedrich Barbarossa was Agnes , a daughter of the Salian ruler Heinrich IV. Philip's father saw himself as a descendant of the first Salier emperor Konrad II , to whom he referred several times as his ancestor in documents. After the Salians in the male line died out in 1125, the Hohenstaufen raised first through Friedrich II. And then through Konrad III. vain claim to royal dignity. In 1138, Konrad III was elected as a king, making the Hohenstaufen family a royal family. In 1152, the royal dignity passed smoothly to Konrad's nephew, Friedrich Barbarossa, who was also Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire from 1155. Barbarossa led a conflict with Pope Alexander III for decades . In an archaic warrior society the honor certain (honor) social rank. Damaging the head of the Reich was at the same time a violation of the dignity of the Reich. The preservation of the "honor of the empire" ( Honor Imperii ), which the emperor through the appearance and person of the cardinal Roland and later Pope Alexander III. saw attacked, and the resulting compulsion to revenge led to protracted conflicts with the papacy. It was not until 1177 that the conflict could be resolved in the Peace of Venice.

The Hohenstaufen had never used the name Philipp before. It was named after the Archbishop of Cologne, Philipp von Heinsberg , who was an important helper and confidante of Friedrich Barbarossa during this time. The name of the Archbishop of Cologne was thereby accepted into a royal family. For Gerd Althoff , this demonstrative honor makes " Barbarossa's preparations for the confrontation with Heinrich the Lion tangible". A little later, the Archbishop of Cologne played a key role in the overthrow of this powerful Duke of Bavaria and Saxony.

As a child, Philipp was destined for a spiritual career. He learned to read and also to Latin. At times Philipp was taught in the Premonstratensian Monastery in Adelberg . From April 1189 to July 1193 Philipp was provost of the Aachen Marienstift . Meanwhile, Philip's father left for the crusade in 1189 , but he drowned in the Saleph River in southeastern Anatolia in 1190 . The successor was Philip's brother Heinrich VI. on. From 1190/91 Philipp was selected as a bishop of Würzburg, but Heinrich was probably not able to get his brother consecrated. Heinrich had married Constance of Sicily in 1186 , the aunt of the reigning King Wilhelm II of Sicily . This gave the Hohenstaufen the possibility of a union of the Norman Empire with the Empire (unio regni ad imperium) . As a result, however, the relationship with the Pope deteriorated, because the Papacy wanted to assert the feudal claim over the Kingdom of Sicily. In the spring of 1193 Philip left his clergy, perhaps because of the childlessness of the imperial couple. Philip's other brothers also had no children. Duke Friedrich VI. von Schwaben had already died and his brother Konrad von Rothenburg , who succeeded him as the Swabian Duke, was unmarried. In addition, Philip's brother Otto , the Count Palatine of Burgundy, had no male descendants. However, the concerns of the imperial couple turned out to be unfounded. Heinrich's wife Konstanze gave birth to a son on December 26th, 1194 in Jesi , the later Roman-German ruler Friedrich II. In 1194/95 Philip was in Italy with his imperial brother. During the emperor's absence, the princes elected his two-year-old son Friedrich as Roman-German king in Frankfurt at the end of 1196 . Heinrich wanted to have his successor settled before starting the crusade .

In order to improve relations with Byzantium , the emperor decided that Philip should be married to the Byzantine princess Irene . Philip accompanied his imperial brother on his journey to Sicily. At Easter 1195 he was made Duke of Tuszien in Bari . It is unclear what measures Philip took to consolidate his rule. Because of his activity as Duke of Tuscia in Italy, Pope Celestine III. the excommunication over him. On May 3, 1196, Philip last documented as Duke of Tuszien. After the death of his brother Konrad, Philipp was enfeoffed with the Duchy of Swabia in August / September 1196. The wedding with Irene probably took place at Pentecost 1197 on or on a hill called Gunzenle near Augsburg . From the marriage with the Byzantine princess there were four daughters ( Beatrix the elder, Kunigunde , Maria and Beatrix the younger ) and probably no sons.

Controversy for the throne

Outbreak of conflict

In September 1197 Philip traveled in the direction of Apulia to his nephew Friedrich II. To accompany him to the coronation in Aachen . In Montefiascone north of Viterbo , Philip seems to have heard of the death of his brother Henry VI. to have experienced. The emperor died on September 28, 1197 in Messina . In view of the news of his death, Philip tried to secure the kingship for his nephew Friedrich. On January 21, 1198, Philipp issued a certificate for the citizens of Speyer , in which he indicated that he was acting in the name of King Friedrich.

But the Archbishop of Cologne, Adolf, was already beginning to gather opponents of the Hohenstaufen dynasty around a candidate for his own king. The choice finally fell on Otto von Poitou , the son of Henry the Lion and nephew of the English King Richard the Lionheart . He was by no means Adolf's preferred candidate, because the Archdiocese of Cologne had benefited considerably from the fall of the powerful Duke Henry the Lion. Rather, a group of financially strong citizens ran Otto's election. The archbishop was able to reduce the high debt burden of his church. Thereupon, at the insistence of the Saxon princes in Nordhausen , Philipp gave his consent to his own candidacy. On March 6, 1198, in front of the ecclesiastical and secular greats present in Ichtershausen, he declared his willingness to be elected king. Two days later he was elected in Mühlhausen . The election took place on Laetare , a day that was of considerable symbolic importance in the Hohenstaufen royal tradition. Otherwise there were a number of symbolic deficits: All three Rhenish archbishops, who traditionally performed an important ceremonial act of institution, were absent from the election, and Mühlhausen was an unusual location for a king's election. For Mühlhausen, in the Staufer period up to Philip's election as king, only one single residence as a ruler can be proven. Possibly with this choice of location Philip wanted to symbolically erase the humiliation in the historical memory that his great-uncle Konrad III. in autumn 1135 in Mühlhausen during his submission to Lothar III. had suffered. The insignia ( imperial crown , imperial sword and imperial orb ) were in Philip's possession. Otto was only elected on June 9, 1198 in Cologne by the archbishop there, who had bought the votes of the absent archbishops. Only two other bishops and three abbots took part in the election of the Guelph. After his election, Philipp failed to make up for the coronation quickly. On the contrary, he retired to Worms to see his confidante, Bishop Lupold . Philip's hesitant behavior gave Otto the opportunity to be crowned by the rightful coronator ("King's Crown") Adolf of Cologne on July 12, 1198 at the traditional royal place in Aachen.

In an empire without a written constitution, a solution had to be found under the conditions of a consensual system of rule when there were competing claims . These habits were agreed upon through consultation at court meetings, synods, or other gatherings. The consensus thus established was the most important process for establishing order in the Middle Ages. In the throne dispute, one of the rivals was only able to prevail in the long term if the other side was offered noticeable compensation. With inferior opponent a balance had to be found of him to abandon the kingship while preserving his honor (honor) easier.

In the first few months after his election as king, Philip failed to issue documents and thereby assert his kingship. His first surviving royal charter, issued to Bishop Bertram von Metz , dates from Worms on June 27, 1198. Two days later, Philip entered into an alliance with King Philip II Augustus of France . In Mainz Cathedral, on September 8, 1198, it was not the Archbishop of Cologne, as usual, but the Archbishop of Burgundy Aimo von Tarentaise who crowned Philip as king. It is uncertain whether his wife was also crowned. Despite these violations of the consuetudines (customs) in his election and coronation, Philip was able to unite the majority of the princes behind him. For the princes, property, ancestry and origins were essential for their support of Philip. Otto IV rejected an attempt at mediation made by Archbishop Konrad von Mainz in 1199 to settle the dispute over the throne.

Both sides expected Pope Innocent III in the foreseeable future . the imperial coronation and with it the papal recognition of their rule. The Pope took his time before deciding on one of the conflicting parties. This gave the parties the opportunity to contact Innocent several times through letters and embassies. Innocent wanted to prevent a reunification (unio regni ad imperium) of the Kingdom of Sicily, whose liege lord he was and wanted to remain, with the Roman Empire, and he was concerned about his claims to central Italy. For the Pope, the question of obedience was a decisive factor in deciding which candidate should receive papal favor, the favor apostolicus . In contrast to Otto, Philip expressed himself much more cautiously towards the Pope on this question.

In the first months of 1199, the Guelph side asked for confirmation of the decision and for an invitation from the Pope to be crowned emperor. On May 28, 1199, the supporters of the Hohenstaufen drew the Speyer prince declaration . At this point in time, the Staufer could have 4 archbishops, 23 imperial bishops, 4 imperial abbots and 18 secular imperial princes behind him. They confidently appealed to the princely majority and announced the Italian march for the imperial coronation.

At the turn of the year 1200/01 the Pope subjected the candidates for the imperial coronation to a critical examination. In the Deliberatio domni pape Innocentii super facto imperii de tribus electis the Pope set out the reasons for and against the suitability of the respective candidates. Philip's nephew Frederick II left because of his youth, and Philip himself was the son of one in Innocent's eyes Gender of persecutors (genus persecutorum) . His father Friedrich Barbarossa had fought against the Pope for years. In contrast, Otto's ancestors were always loyal followers of the church. Otto had also sworn extensive concessions to the Pope in the Neuss oath on June 8, 1201, assuring that he would not strive for a unification of the empire with Sicily. Thus the Pope decided in favor of the Guelph and excommunicated his opponent. The papal judgment for Otto had no major effect in the empire.

Consolidation of the Hohenstaufen rule

Representation of Philip. Chronica Sancti Pantaleonis, Cologne, St. Pantaleon Monastery, around 1237, Wolfenbüttel, Herzog August Library , Cod. Guelf. 74.3 Aug. 2 °.

From then on, both kings tried to win over the undecided or opponents. In order to achieve this goal, there were fewer major decisive battles, but personal bonds between rulers and greats had to be strengthened. This happened because faithful, relatives and friends were favored by gifts or the transfer of imperial property , or by a marriage policy that was supposed to strengthen partisanship or promote a change of party. In an aristocratic society both rival throne this had regard for the rank and reputation of the great, on their honor (honor) take.

In the next few years of the controversy for the throne, the acts of representation of power were of immense importance, because in them not only the kingship was on display, but the role of the great in the respective system of rule was revealed. However, Philip did little to symbolically represent his kingship . In 1199 Philipp celebrated Christmas with tremendous splendor (cum ingenti magnificentia) in Magdeburg and thus in the immediate vicinity of the Guelph center of Braunschweig . Older studies had criticized the large expenditures on farm days as a waste, assuming a consistent modernization and more effective rulership. More recent studies see the expenses of the court festival less as useless expenditure, but as a result of the goal of acquiring fame and honor. The Magdeburg Court Day at Christmas is considered to be the first high point in the struggle for royal dignity. Some of the princes present expressed their first public support for the Staufer by participating. The chronicler of the Gesta of the bishops of Halberstadt and the poet Walther von der Vogelweide were present. Walther's description of the great splendor of Christmas in the First Philippston was intended to induce absent princes to join the Thuringians and Saxons. The rich clothing and the stately demeanor of the participants in the festival were intended to demonstrate Philip's ability to rule. On Christmas Day the king went in a solemn procession with his splendidly dressed wife to the service under the crown. The Saxon Duke Bernhard carried the king's sword in front of him and showed his support for the Hohenstaufen. The sword bearer service was not only an honorable distinction, as research has long assumed, but according to Gerd Althoff also a sign of demonstrative subordination. In such productions, personal ties were emphasized, because Bernhard himself had intended in 1197 to fight for royal dignity. In addition, he saw himself best protected against the possible withdrawal of his Saxon duchy by the Guelph Otto through the support of the Staufer. Just as solemnly as in Magdeburg, the elevation of the bones of Empress Kunigunde , who was canonized by Innocent 1200, was celebrated on September 9, 1201 in Philip's presence .

In contrast to his father Friedrich Barbarossa, marriage projects with foreign royal families were out of the question for Philipp; his marriage policy was exclusively related to the dispute for the throne. In 1203 he tried to find a balance with the Pope through a marriage project in which Philip wanted to give one of his daughters to his nephew Innocent's wife. However, the Staufer did not commit to important points such as carrying out a crusade, returning unlawfully confiscated goods to the Roman Church or concession to canonical elections, which is why the settlement with the Pope failed.

Depiction of Philip of Swabia in the Cologne royal chronicle (13th century), Brussels, Bibliothèque royale , Ms. 467, fol. 138 r

In contrast to Otto, Philipp was ready to honor the achievements of his loyal followers. The Staufer was able to attract high-ranking supporters of the Guelph to his side through gifts and rewards. Rewarding the faithful was one of the most important duties of the ruler. The Bohemian Ottokar I received the royal dignity in 1198 for his support. Philip rewarded Count Wilhelm von Jülich with valuable gifts for his expressed will to win all of Otto's important supporters for the Hohenstaufen. Otto, on the other hand, refused his brother, Count Palatine Heinrich , the city of Braunschweig and Lichtenberg Castle in the spring of 1204 . Heinrich then went over to the Staufer. For his change, the Palatinate was restituted to him by Philipp, he was enfeoffed with the Vogtei over Goslar and rewarded with monetary payments. The change of the Count Palatine was decisive for a broad movement of apostasy from the Welf.

During the siege of Weissensee on September 17, 1204, Landgrave Hermann of Thuringia humbly submitted to the Staufer. It is the only case of submission ( deditio ) through which the sources give detailed information about the act of submission itself. According to Arnold von Lübeck , Philipp held up to the Landgrave his “faithlessness and stupidity” “while he was lying on the ground for so long”. Only after the intercession of those present was he lifted from the floor and received the peace kiss from the Staufer. Hermann had initially supported Otto, had switched to Philipp in 1199 and again joined Otto in 1203/04. The landgrave was able to retain office and property after his submission. Hermann stayed in the Hohenstaufen camp until Philip was murdered.

In November 1204 the Archbishop of Cologne Adolf and Heinrich I von Brabant also switched to Philip's side in Koblenz . Heinrich von Brabant received Maastricht and Duisburg . The Archbishop of Cologne was able to retain his function in the election and ordination of a king and was rewarded with 5,000 marks for converting to Philip. The growing money traffic in the High Middle Ages influenced the princes in their decisions for military support or in the question of their partisanship. With the transfer of the Archbishop of Cologne, Philip's document production increased considerably. However, the majority of Cologne's citizens remained on the Guelph's side. The support commitments of Adolf I of Cologne and Henry I of Brabant were documented for the first time since the Staufisch- Zähring agreement from 1152. The double election is therefore seen as a turning point, as it marked the beginning of written alliances in the northern Alpine empire. The number of contracts concluded also rose during the throne dispute. However, these written agreements were regularly broken for political reasons. The big ones tried to use the political situation to expand their regional principalities. Landgrave Hermann of Thuringia, a cousin of Philip of Swabia, changed sides five times between the outbreak of the controversy for the throne and the election of Frederick II in September 1211. According to Stefan Weinfurter , the relativization of the oath by the Pope was also essential for the breach of contract . Pope Innocent advised the spiritual and secular princes to submit to his judgment only. The marriage of his son Heinrich , the future duke, to Philip's daughter Maria was agreed with the Duke of Brabant in 1207 . As a result, the duke should be closely tied to the Hohenstaufen monarchy.

After the protracted conflicts between the Archbishop of Cologne and Philip, order had to be restored in a demonstrative way. Philipp moved into Cologne on the symbolic Palm Sunday . The adventus ( entry of rulers) had "the function of a homage , a solemn recognition of the rule of the king". In addition, numerous welf supporters from the Lower Rhine and Westphalia had joined the Staufer. Philipp has now been able to unite a large number of supporters in the empire behind him. The basis for Philip's success against Otto's followers was “a mixture of threats, promises and gifts”. On the occasion of the renewed coronation in Aachen, the Archbishop of Cologne went to meet the Staufer with "the greatest display of splendor and service" in front of the walls. In this way the archbishop publicly recognized Philip as king. In January 1205, Philip demonstratively laid down the crown and was crowned again on January 6th at the traditional coronation site in Aachen by the correct coronator ("King's Crown"), the Archbishop of Cologne. With this measure Philip took the honor of the archbishop into consideration and, by safeguarding his coronation right in Aachen, made submission to the long-fought king acceptable to him. The repetition of the coronation also cleared up the blemish of his first coronation in 1198.

On July 27, 1206, Philipp defeated an army consisting mainly of Cologne near Wassenberg . This was the only time that the armies of the two kings met. After the battle the two kings met for the first time. It took place in an atmosphere of confidentiality (colloquium familiare) and offered the necessary consideration for the honor of the two kings. Direct negotiations in public were rather unusual at the time. But the negotiations failed. The curia also noticed Otto's decline in the empire. In 1207/08 the Pope approached Philip, and negotiations about the coronation of the emperor were already underway.

court

Since the 12th century the court developed into a central institution of royal and princely rule. It was a “decision-making center and theater of power, consumer and entertainment center, distribution center, broker's seat for and for power, money and goods and social opportunities, for tastes, ideas and fashions of all kinds”. Medieval royal rule was exercised through outpatient rule in an empire without a capital. So Philip had to go through the kingdom and thereby give his rule validity and authority. The greats of the empire gathered for deliberations on the court days. For Philip's reign, 28 farm days are known, of which only twelve took place within the Staufer sphere of influence. Somewhat more than 630 people can be found at Philip's court between 1198 and 1208. Around 100 people belonged to Philip's inner court. Of the 630 people, however, only 100 people are “attested in a somewhat more noticeable density at the Staufer”. The bishops Konrad von Hildesheim , Hartwig von Eichstätt , Konrad IV. Von Regensburg and above all Konrad von Speyer stood out at the court. By contrast, none of the secular princes is as closely and frequently attested to at court as Konrad von Speyer. Bernhard von Sachsen , Ludwig von Bayern and Dietrich von Meißen probably had the most intensive contact with the court . They had profited significantly from the fall of Henry the Lion and feared that his son Otto would gain access to the Guelph inheritance. Marshal Heinrich von Kalden was of outstanding importance to the ministerial staff . Kalden was not only a military leader, but also influenced Philip's politics by arranging a personal encounter with Otto IV. He is mentioned in more than 30 diplomas and also in narrative sources.

The most important part of the court was the chancellery . Philip's office was in the personal tradition of Henry VI. In other ways, too, Philip's document system does not differ from that of his Staufer predecessors. In contrast to his predecessors, his rival Otto IV and his successor Friedrich II, Philip only led a few Typars . The ducal seals for Tuscia and Swabia as well as a wax seal and a gold bull for the royal period are verifiable. This is probably due to the fact that he did not obtain the imperial crown, because it would have led to a change in title. With his awarding of certificates, Philipp reached far further north, north-west ( Bremen , Utrecht , Zutphen ) and south-west ( Savoy , Valence ) in order to give validity to his kingship. With the issuing of the certificate, Philipp wanted to increase loyalty to his followers in these areas as well. His itinerary is shaped like no other ruling rulers from the Hohenstaufen era by the political situation of the controversy for the throne. An almost orderly move through the Reich with continuous notarial activity did not materialize. Rather, there is a regionalization of itinerary, awarding of certificates and visits to the court, which Bernd Schütte interpreted as a “withdrawal of the royal central authority”.

Philip is considered to be the "first Roman-German ruler whose court demonstrably wrote courtly poetry and who himself became the subject of courtly poetry." Walther von der Vogelweide dedicated a slogan to the Magdeburg Court Day in 1199 , the First Philip's sound. During his short reign, the Hohenstaufen did not have the opportunity to promote art or build buildings. Spiritual institutions were not particularly promoted by him.

assassination

Count Palatine Otto von Wittelsbach kills Philip of Swabia. Miniature from the Saxon World Chronicle, Northern Germany, first quarter of the 14th century, Berlin, State Library of Prussian Cultural Heritage , Ms. germ. Fol. 129, fol. 117v

Since the end of May 1208, Philip had been preparing for a campaign against Otto IV and his allies. He interrupted the plans to attend the wedding of his niece Beatrix of Burgundy and Duke Otto VII of Merania on June 21 in Bamberg . After the marriage, the Staufer retired to his private apartments. In the afternoon he was murdered by Otto VIII von Wittelsbach . After the murder, the Wittelsbacher was able to flee with his followers. The Bamberg Bishop Ekbert and his brother Margrave Heinrich of Istria were suspected of having known about the plans . Other medieval historians expressed doubts about complicity or ignored other possible perpetrators.

For the first time since the end of the Merovingian era a king had been murdered. Besides Albrecht I of Habsburg (1308), Philip is the only Roman-German ruler to be assassinated. No chronicler witnessed the murder. In contemporary sources there is little agreement about the course of the murder. Most medieval chroniclers saw the withdrawal of the promise of marriage as a motive for murder. Even in distant Piacenza , Philip's murder was still associated with a marriage project. After an unfortunate campaign to Thuringia, Philipp had betrothed his third daughter Kunigunde to the Wittelsbacher in the summer of 1203 in order to make him a reliable partner in the fight against Landgrave Hermann I of Thuringia. In the following years Philip increasingly succeeded in gaining acceptance for his kingship in the empire. In November 1207 he engaged Kunigunde to two-year-old Wenzel , the son of King Ottokar I of Bohemia, on a court day in Augsburg . Philipp hoped that this marriage alliance would gain permanent support from Bohemia. For the Wittelsbacher, this behavior was an act of defamation. His social status was under attack and in order to regain his social acceptance he had to react to the defamation.

Since Eduard Winkelmann's careful source analysis in the 19th century, research has assumed that Otto von Wittelsbach acted as a lone perpetrator. In contrast, in 1998 Bernd Ulrich Hucker made a “comprehensive conspiratorial plan” and suspected a “coup d'état”. The Andechs-Meranians (the brothers Ekbert and Heinrich), King Philip II Augustus of France and Duke Heinrich of Brabant should have been involved in this comprehensive plot. Allegedly, the conspirators had planned to make Heinrich von Brabant king. But Hucker's coup hypothesis did not prevail. It remains to be seen what use the French king would have had from the removal of Philip and from a kingdom of Brabant. The Andechs-Meranians, as loyal followers of Philip who often stayed at his court and were promoted by him, had no interest in his death.

effect

In Bamberg Cathedral, the burial place of Heinrich II. And Conrad III. , Philip was buried first. His opponent Otto let the assassins persecute relentlessly and wanted to prove his innocence. Only the Pegauer Annalen held Otto's supporters responsible for the murder. Philipp's wife Irene-Maria died just a few weeks after the Bamberg regicide as a result of a miscarriage. Otto was able to quickly enforce his rule in the empire. On a court day in Frankfurt in November 1208 Otto was generally recognized as ruler. The most important goal was to restore order in the empire. For this purpose, a country peace was issued and the imperial ban was imposed on Philip's murderer and alleged accomplices, the two Andechs-Meranier brothers Ekbert von Bamberg and Margrave Heinrich IV of Istria . As a result, they lost all offices, rights and property. In addition, Otto's engagement to Beatrix, Philip's eldest daughter, was agreed. Philip's murderer Otto von Wittelsbach was found in March 1209 by Reichsmarschall Heinrich von Kalden in a granary on the Danube near Regensburg and beheaded. The Andechs brothers, however, were politically rehabilitated three years later.

Profile view of the Bamberg rider

Otto's attempt to conquer the Kingdom of Sicily led to his excommunication by Pope Innocent III in 1210 . The Welf lost consensus on his rule in the northern Alpine empire. Some of the greats gave up their obedience to Otto and elected the Staufer Friedrich II as the other emperor (alium imperatorem) . In 1212 Friedrich moved to the northern part of the empire. At the turn of the year 1213/14, Frederick's rule in the empire north of the Alps was not yet secured. In this situation, Friedrich had Philip's remains transferred from Bamberg to Speyer. Personally, Friedrich does not seem to have come to Bamberg for the transfer of the body. Bamberg was possibly avoided by the later Hohenstaufen rulers because of Philip's murder. In any case, you have not authenticated there. At Christmas 1213 Philipp was buried in the Speyer Cathedral . The imperial cathedral in Speyer was a memorial of the Salian-Staufer dynasty and was the most important burial place of the Roman-German kingship. By transferring his uncle Philipp to the Salian-Staufer tradition, Friedrich was able to place himself. Confidence in the Staufer was to be strengthened and Frederick's opponents were to be influenced. From the middle of the 13th century, the anniversary of Philip was celebrated in Speyer in a similar way to that of the Salian Heinrich IV. Philip is the last Roman-German king to be recorded in both medieval books of the dead in the Speyer cathedral chapter . The Bamberg rider , a figure carved in stone at Bamberg Cathedral around 1235, has repeatedly been referred to as Philip; so Hans Martin Schaller sees in her the attempt to maintain the memoria of Philipp. But the figure was also held for the Roman Emperor Constantine , the Hungarian King Stephen the Holy or the Roman-German rulers Heinrich II. Or Friedrich II .

Medieval judgments

Many chroniclers saw the divine order represented by the ruler significantly disrupted by the controversy between the two kings. Philipp is described in detail in the chronicle of the premonstratensian Burchard von Ursberg . Burchard wrote a continuation of the world chronicle of Ekkehard of Aura in 1229/30 . The chronicle is one of the most important sources for the history of the empire at the beginning of the 13th century. For the chronicler who was loyal to the Hohenstaufen, Philip was of a gentle nature, of a mild disposition, of affable speech, kind and quite generous, while Otto was not named with the title of king until the Hohenstaufen was murdered. Despite his great physical strength, he lacked all the important virtues of rulership. For Burchard, Otto was “haughty and stupid, but brave and tall” (superbus et stultus, sed fortis videbatur viribus et statura procerus) . The chronicler Arnold von Lübeck , loyal to the welf, called Philipp an “ornament of virtues”. Arnold portrayed Otto's rule through the murder of Philip as being willed by God. The image of Philip in posterity had a major impact on Walther von der Vogelweide, who referred to him in an honorable short form as "young suezen man".

The Bamberg regicide had no major impact on the further history of the empire. Later chroniclers and annals describe the transition of the royal rule from Philip to Otto as smooth. However, after the experience of the dispute over the rise of the king in the empire, a considerable development spurt began, which led to a rethink in writing down the habits. The Sachsenspiegel by Eike von Repgow is an important testimony to this .

Artistic reception

In modern times, little was remembered of Philipp von Schwaben. Philip fell significantly behind the other Hohenstaufen rulers Friedrich Barbarossa and Friedrich II . His reign, which was limited to a few years, was never undisputed, and he was never crowned emperor. In addition, he had not fought a major conflict with the Pope, in which the alleged failure of the medieval central authority could have been exemplified. In addition, his name cannot be associated with any extraordinary conception of power. Furthermore, his murder could not be instrumentalized for sectarian disputes or for the establishment of a German nation-state in the 19th century.

Representations of the Bamberg regicide are rarely found in history painting. Alexander Zick made a drawing of the murder in 1890 , and Carl Friedrich Lessing made a draft without converting it into a painting. On July 4, 1998, Rainer Lewandowski's play “The King's Murder in Bamberg” was premiered at the ETA Hoffmann Theater in Bamberg.

Research history

Large statue of Philip of Swabia, in the vestibule of the Speyer Cathedral , created by Anton Dominik Fernkorn , 1858

The historians of the 19th century were interested in a strong monarchical central power and therefore looked for the reasons for the late emergence of the German nation state. The "sources of strength of the German nation" were located in the Middle Ages. The kings and emperors were seen as early representatives of a strong monarchical power that is also longed for today. The decisive factor for the historians' judgment was whether the medieval rulers increased the royal development of power over the nobility and the church or whether they were responsible for the loss of power. The image of history shaped by this aspect emerged after the dissolution of the Old Kingdom and the wars of liberation against Napoleon . From this point of view, the German kings and emperors under the Ottonians , Salians and Staufers appeared to be extremely powerful, since they had a predominant position in Europe. In the course of the Middle Ages, however, the emperors lost this position of power. The papacy and the princes were held responsible for this. For the Protestant, nationally-minded German historiography, they were considered the "gravedigger of the German royal power". Two "turns" were considered to be decisive for the central authority's loss of power. At the first turning point, Henry IV lost royal influence over the church when he went to Canossa in 1077. The second turning point was the double election of 1198. The nobility have used their right to vote for kings to gain privileges from kings and thus expand their own rule. This view of a loss of power for the German kingship through the double election of 1198 has long remained the predominant one. In Karl Bosl's work “Die Reichsministerialität” from 1950, Philip and Otto's government signified “a huge, if not perhaps the decisive, setback that the German monarchy suffered in its last attempt to build a state”.

The scientific occupation with Philip as a person began in 1852 with the monograph King Philip the Hohenstaufe by Heinrich Friedrich Otto Abel . Abel made no secret of his sympathies for Philip. Eduard Winkelmann's yearbooks of German history under Philipp von Schwaben and Otto IV (1878) became the standard work . With 541 closely described pages, they are the most detailed description of the Staufer to date. In the portrayal, Winkelmann was more sober than Abel. It followed on from a statement made by Johann Friedrich Böhmer , who had described Philipp as "the best of all Hohenstaufen". Winkelmann saw Philipp in his preface by "[s] a faithful defense of imperial rights against the rebellious principality and against the Pope, against Denmark and against France [...] as the true German king", he was "attractive as a person, as a king To be counted among the best and most capable ”. In 1866 Wilhelm Grotefend published his dissertation. Unlike Winkelmann and Abel, he passed a damning verdict on Philip. He saw Philip as an "dependent, feeble personality with a smooth form and graceful appearance, but without nobility of disposition." The decisive factor for this judgment was that the Staufer did not fight energetically enough for his kingship and, through the alliance with the French king, this influence admitted to the Reich. In addition, he had allowed the arrogant Pope and the selfish princes to make too many concessions.

Since the 1980s, research on the Middle Ages has come up with numerous new insights into high medieval royalty. The German royal rule in the Middle Ages was no longer perceived as a history of decline. Rather, the king and the great are seen as "natural and natural main partners in the empire". The older image of the selfish princes who only wanted to weaken the kingship was relativized by pointing out that the greats in the throne dispute repeatedly tried to settle it. The newer research shifted the focus to the communication and interaction of the ruler with his great ones. Philip's actions were no longer questioned about the increase in monarchical power, but rather about the means by which he tried to enforce his kingship in the aristocratic network of relationships.

In contrast to other Staufers, Philip remained a neglected ruler for a long time in medieval studies . For several decades no major accounts of Philip appeared. His murder in Bamberg did not attract the interest of the Historisches Verein Bamberg in 1908 or 1958 . Only recently has Philipp received greater attention in historical studies. In 1998, Bernd Ulrich Hucker characterized Philipp as a "weak king" who was completely dependent on ministeriality , which meant that the imperial princes would have lost their influence over the king. He no longer saw the murder of Philipp von Schwaben as a private vengeance, but as a “coup d'état” by important imperial elites. This hypothesis sparked controversial discussions, but did not prevail. Since 2002 the edition of the diplomas of Philip of Swabia has been prepared on behalf of the Monumenta Germaniae Historica . The edition published in 2014 has a total of 216 documents and deperdita (lost documents that have been handed down in other sources, for example chronicles), including 199 documents from Philip's ten-year reign as king, of which around two thirds are products of his office. The work published by Bernd Schütte in 2002 examined the scope of action and the ability to integrate Philip's monarchy on the basis of itinerary, award of certificates and court. He contradicted Hucker's thesis of a weak kingdom of Philip of Swabia. As a result, Schütte interpreted the increase in document production from an average of 1.5 pieces per month to just over two pieces due to the transfer of Archbishop Adolf of Cologne in November 1204 as a “yardstick for the recognition of his kingship”. He also found that Philip's radius of action had extended beyond the rooms of personal presence due to the award of certificates. In 2003, Peter Csendes published the first modern biography in 130 years. On the 800th anniversary of the assassination of Philip in 2008, the Society for Staufer History dedicated a volume to the Staufer . At the working group for regional and local history in the Association of Württemberg History and Antiquity Associations, the spring meeting was held on April 25, 2008 under the title "Philipp von Schwaben († 1208) and the rule in the German southwest". His rule was viewed from a regional historical perspective. A conference also took place in Vienna in May 2008, the contributions of which were published in 2010. Based on the edition of the documents for Philip's reign, the studies reveal new possibilities for knowledge.

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literature

Lexicon article

Representations

  • Eduard Winkelmann : Philipp von Schwaben and Otto IV. Von Braunschweig. Volume 1: King Philip of Swabia. 1197-1208. Duncker & Humblot, Leipzig 1873 ( digitized in the Internet Archive ) (reprint Scientific Book Society, Darmstadt 1968).
  • Bernd Schütte : King Philip of Swabia. Itinerary - awarding of certificates - courtyard. Hahnsche Buchhandlung, Hannover 2002, ISBN 3-7752-5751-9 ( review ).
  • Peter Csendes : Philipp von Schwaben. A Staufer in the struggle for power. Primus Verlag, Darmstadt 2003, ISBN 3-89678-458-7 ( review ).
  • Klaus van Eickels : Otto IV. (1198-1218) and Philipp (1198-1208). In: Bernd Schneidmüller, Stefan Weinfurter (Hrsg.): The German rulers of the Middle Ages. Historical portraits from Heinrich I to Maximilian I. CH Beck, Munich 2003, ISBN 3-406-50958-4 , pp. 272–292.
  • Peter Csendes among others: Philipp von Schwaben. A Staufer fighting for royal rule (= writings on Staufer history and art. Volume 27). Society for Staufer History, Göppingen 2008, ISBN 978-3-929776-19-5 .
  • Andrea Rzihacek, Renate Spreitzer (Ed.): Philipp von Schwaben. Contributions to the international conference on the occasion of the 800th anniversary of his death, Vienna, May 29-30, 2008 (= research on the history of the Middle Ages. Volume 19). Publishing house of the Austrian Academy of Sciences, Vienna 2010, ISBN 978-3-7001-6651-1 . ( Review ).

Web links

Commons : Philipp von Schwaben  - Collection of images, videos and audio files

Remarks

  1. Knut Görich : The Staufer. Ruler and empire. Munich 2006, p. 19.
  2. ^ Daniel Ziemann: The Staufer - An Alsatian noble family? In: Hubertus Seibert, Jürgen Dendorfer (Ed.): Counts, dukes, kings. The rise of the Hohenstaufen and the empire 1079–1152. Ostfildern 2005, pp. 99-133. Rejecting: Eduard Hlawitschka: The Staufer: not a Swabian, but an Alsatian noble family? In: Zeitschrift für Württembergische Landesgeschichte 66, 2007, pp. 63–79.
  3. ^ Hubertus Seibert : The early Staufer - research balance sheet and open questions. In: Hubertus Seibert, Jürgen Dendorfer (Ed.): Counts, dukes, kings. The rise of the Hohenstaufen and the empire 1079–1152. Ostfildern 2005, pp. 1–39, here: p. 4.
  4. Knut Görich: Die Ehre Friedrich Barbarossas became fundamental . Communication, Conflict, and Political Action in the 12th Century. Darmstadt 2001.
  5. Gerd Althoff : naming and noble self-image. In: Dieter Geuenich et al. (Ed.): Nomen et gens. On the historical significance of early medieval personal names. Berlin 1997, pp. 126-139, here: p. 138.
  6. Gerd Althoff: naming and noble self-image. In: Dieter Geuenich et al. (Ed.): Nomen et gens. On the historical significance of early medieval personal names. Berlin 1997, pp. 126-139, here: p. 139.
  7. ^ Knut Görich: Friedrich Barbarossa: A biography. Munich 2011, p. 206. See in detail Walter Ziegler: Philipp, Adelberg and der Hohenstaufen. In: Philipp von Schwaben - A Staufer in the struggle for royal rule. (Writings on Staufer History and Art 27) Göppingen 2008, pp. 62–121.
  8. Andrea Rzihacek: The edition of the charters of Philip of Swabia for the Diplomata series of the Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Planning - implementation - aspects. In: Andrea Rzihacek, Renate Spreitzer (Ed.): Philipp von Schwaben. Contributions from the international conference on the occasion of the 800th anniversary of his death, Vienna, 29-30 May 2008. Vienna 2010, pp. 151–161, here: p. 155.
  9. Bernd Schütte : King Philip of Swabia. Itinerary - awarding of certificates - courtyard. Hanover 2002, p. 490 f. Peter Csendes: Philipp von Schwaben. A Staufer in the struggle for power. Darmstadt 2003, pp. 36-38.
  10. Tobias Weller: Dynastic Politics. In: Andrea Rzihacek, Renate Spreitzer (Ed.): Philipp von Schwaben. Contributions from the international conference on the occasion of the 800th anniversary of his death, Vienna, 29-30 May 2008. Vienna 2010, pp. 193–214, here: p. 194.
  11. Bernd Schütte: King Philip of Swabia. Itinerary - awarding of certificates - courtyard. Hanover 2002, p. 4.
  12. Peter Csendes : Aspects of the biography of Philip of Swabia. In: Andrea Rzihacek, Renate Spreitzer (Ed.): Philipp von Schwaben. Contributions from the international conference on the occasion of the 800th anniversary of his death, Vienna, May 29-30, 2008. Vienna 2010, pp. 73–84, here: p. 80.
  13. Bernd Ulrich Hucker: Kaiser Otto IV. Hanover 1990, pp. 25–35.
  14. Peter Csendes: Aspects of the biography of Philip of Swabia. In: Andrea Rzihacek, Renate Spreitzer (Ed.): Philipp von Schwaben. Contributions from the international conference on the occasion of the 800th anniversary of his death, Vienna, May 29-30, 2008. Vienna 2010, pp. 73–84, here: p. 80.
  15. Bernd Schütte: King Philip of Swabia. Itinerary - awarding of certificates - courtyard. Hanover 2002, p. 346.
  16. Bernd Schütte: King Philip of Swabia. Itinerary - awarding of certificates - courtyard. Hanover 2002, p. 347.
  17. Gerd Althoff: Otto IV. - How did the Guelph dream of empire fail? In: Frühmittelalterliche Studien 43, 2009, pp. 199–214, here: p. 202.
  18. Steffen Krieb : Procedure for conflict resolution in disputes over the throne. Germany, Denmark and Hungary in comparison. In: Andrea Rzihacek, Renate Spreitzer (Ed.): Philipp von Schwaben. Contributions to the international conference on the occasion of the 800th anniversary of his death, Vienna May 29-30 , 2008. Vienna 2010, pp. 277–291.
  19. Peter Csendes: Aspects of the biography of Philip of Swabia. In: Andrea Rzihacek, Renate Spreitzer (Ed.): Philipp von Schwaben. Contributions from the international conference on the occasion of the 800th anniversary of his death, Vienna, May 29-30, 2008. Vienna 2010, pp. 73–84, here: p. 81.
  20. Bernd Schütte: King Philip of Swabia. Itinerary - awarding of certificates - courtyard. Hanover 2002, p. 398.
  21. Katrin Kottmann: Adolf I von Altena's policy of dispute over the throne in the area of ​​tension between 'law' and legal mentality. In: Frühmittelalterliche Studien 39, 2005, pp. 151–175, here: p. 170.
  22. Gerd Althoff: "Blessed are those who practice persecution". Popes and violence in the High Middle Ages. Darmstadt 2013, pp. 201-209.
  23. Knut Görich: The Staufer. Ruler and empire. Munich 2006, p. 82.
  24. ^ Regestum Innocentii III papae super negotio Romani imperii, edited by Friedrich Kempf, Rome 1947, no. 29, pp. 74–91. See Steffen Krieb: Mediation and Reconciliation. Conflict settlement in the German throne dispute 1198–1208. Cologne 2000, p. 78ff.
  25. ^ Regestum Innocentii III papae super negotio Romani imperii, edited by Friedrich Kempf, Rome 1947, No. 29, pp. 74–91, here: pp. 83f.
  26. Knut Görich: Honor as a motive for action in rule practice and documents of Philip of Swabia. In: Andrea Rzihacek, Renate Spreitzer (Ed.): Philipp von Schwaben. Contributions to the international conference on the occasion of the 800th anniversary of his death, Vienna May 29-30, 2008. Vienna 2010, pp. 129–150, here: p. 130.
  27. Knut Görich: Honor as a motive for action in rule practice and documents of Philip of Swabia. In: Andrea Rzihacek, Renate Spreitzer (Ed.): Philipp von Schwaben. Contributions to the international conference on the occasion of the 800th anniversary of his death, Vienna May 29-30, 2008. Vienna 2010, pp. 129–150, here: p. 132.
  28. ^ Stefan Pätzold : Curiam celebrare. King Philip's Court Day in Magdeburg in 1199. In: Zeitschrift für Geschichtswwissenschaft 12, 1999, pp. 1061-1075.
  29. Jan Keupp : The first chicken farm in Mainz - on the economy and logistics of the farm festivals. In: Alfried Wieczorek, Bernd Schneidmüller and Stefan Weinfurter (eds.): Die Staufer and Italy. Three regions of innovation in medieval Europe. Essays. Darmstadt / Mannheim 2010, pp. 276–282, here: p. 281.
  30. Knut Görich: Honor as a motive for action in rule practice and documents of Philip of Swabia. In: Andrea Rzihacek, Renate Spreitzer (Ed.): Philipp von Schwaben. Contributions to the international conference on the occasion of the 800th anniversary of his death, Vienna May 29-30, 2008. Vienna 2010, pp. 129–150, here: p. 149.
  31. Gerd Althoff: The cathedral as a meeting place of religion and politics: The example of the Magdeburg cathedral. In: Wolfgang Schenkluhn , Andreas Waschbüsch (Ed.): The Magdeburg Cathedral in a European context. Contributions to the international scientific colloquium on the 800th anniversary of the cathedral in Magdeburg from 1st to 4th October 2009. Regensburg 2012, pp. 13–23, here: p. 17.
  32. Gerd Althoff: The cathedral as a meeting place of religion and politics: The example of the Magdeburg cathedral. In: Wolfgang Schenkluhn, Andreas Waschbüsch (Ed.): The Magdeburg Cathedral in a European context. Contributions to the international scientific colloquium on the 800th anniversary of the cathedral in Magdeburg from 1st to 4th October 2009. Regensburg 2012, pp. 13–23, here: p. 18.
  33. ^ Gerd Althoff, Christiane Witthöft: Les services symboliques entre dignité et contrainte. In: Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 58, 2003, pp. 1293-1318. Gerd Althoff: The cathedral as a meeting place for religion and politics: The example of Magdeburg Cathedral. In: Wolfgang Schenkluhn, Andreas Waschbüsch (Ed.): The Magdeburg Cathedral in a European context. Contributions to the international scientific colloquium on the 800th anniversary of the cathedral in Magdeburg from 1st to 4th October 2009. Regensburg 2012, pp. 13–23, here: p. 21
  34. Knut Görich: Honor as a motive for action in rule practice and documents of Philip of Swabia. In: Andrea Rzihacek, Renate Spreitzer (Ed.): Philipp von Schwaben. Contributions to the international conference on the occasion of the 800th anniversary of his death, Vienna May 29-30, 2008. Vienna 2010, pp. 129–150, here: pp. 132 and 140.
  35. Tobias Weller: Dynastic Politics. In: Andrea Rzihacek, Renate Spreitzer (Ed.): Philipp von Schwaben. Contributions from the international conference on the occasion of the 800th anniversary of his death, Vienna, May 29-30, 2008. Vienna 2010, pp. 193–214, here: p. 213.
  36. Tobias Weller: Dynastic Politics. In: Andrea Rzihacek, Renate Spreitzer (Ed.): Philipp von Schwaben. Contributions to the international conference on the occasion of the 800th anniversary of his death, Vienna, 29-30 May 2008. Vienna 2010, pp. 193–214, here: pp. 195f.
  37. Gerd Althoff: Otto IV. - How did the Guelph dream of empire fail? In: Frühmittelalterliche Studien 43, 2009, pp. 199–214, here: p. 213.
  38. Gerd Althoff: Otto IV. - How did the Guelph dream of empire fail? In: Frühmittelalterliche Studien 43, 2009, pp. 199–214, here: p. 203. In detail, Steffen Krieb: Mediation and reconciliation. Conflict settlement in the German throne dispute 1198–1208. Cologne 2000, pp. 35-57.
  39. Gerd Althoff: Otto IV. - How did the Guelph dream of empire fail? In: Frühmittelalterliche Studien 43, 2009, pp. 199–214, here: p. 205. The sources Arnoldi Chronica Slavorum , VIII, 1.
  40. Steffen Krieb: Mediation and Reconciliation. Conflict settlement in the German throne dispute 1198–1208. Cologne 2000, p. 37.
  41. Knut Görich: Honor as a motive for action in rule practice and documents of Philip of Swabia. In: Andrea Rzihacek, Renate Spreitzer (Ed.): Philipp von Schwaben. Contributions to the international conference on the occasion of the 800th anniversary of his death, Vienna May 29-30, 2008. Vienna 2010, pp. 129–150, here: p. 139.
  42. ^ Arnoldi Chronica Slavorum VI, 8.
  43. Bernd Schütte: The court of King Philip of Swabia. In: Philipp von Schwaben - A Staufer in the struggle for royal rule. (Writings on Staufer History and Art 27) Göppingen 2008, pp. 43–61, here: p. 51.
  44. Bernd Schütte: King Philip of Swabia. Itinerary - awarding of certificates - courtyard. Hanover 2002, p. 325.
  45. Knut Görich: The Staufer. Ruler and empire. Munich 2006, p. 84.
  46. Katrin Kottmann: Adolf I von Altena's policy of dispute over the throne in the area of ​​tension between 'law' and legal mentality. In: Frühmittelalterliche Studien 39, 2005, p. 151-175, here: p. 152. Hermann Kamp: Money, Politics and Moral in the High Middle Ages. In: Frühmittelalterliche Studien 35, 2001, pp. 329–347, here: p. 330.
  47. Andrea Rzihacek: The edition of the charters of Philip of Swabia for the Diplomata series of the Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Planning - implementation - aspects. In: Andrea Rzihacek, Renate Spreitzer (Ed.): Philipp von Schwaben. Contributions from the international conference on the occasion of the 800th anniversary of his death, Vienna, May 29-30, 2008. Vienna 2010, pp. 151–161, here: p. 156.
  48. Claudia Garnier : Amicus amicis - inimicus inimicis. Political friendship and princely networks in the 13th century. Stuttgart 2000, pp. 29, 40, 297-308.
  49. Stefan Weinfurter: Treaties and political action around 1200. In: Philipp von Schwaben - A Staufer in the fight for royal rule. (Writings on Staufer History and Art 27) Göppingen 2008, pp. 26–42, here: p. 29.
  50. ^ Christian Friedl: Political Pragmatism - Opportunism - Loyalty? Witness continuity from Philipp von Schwaben to Friedrich II. In: Andrea Rzihacek, Renate Spreitzer (Ed.): Philipp von Schwaben. Contributions to the international conference on the occasion of the 800th anniversary of his death, Vienna, May 29-30, 2008. Vienna 2010, pp. 215–225, here: p. 216.
  51. Stefan Weinfurter: Treaties and political action around 1200. In: Philipp von Schwaben - A Staufer in the fight for royal rule. (Writings on Staufer History and Art 27) Göppingen 2008, pp. 26–42, here: p. 32.
  52. Tobias Weller : Dynastic Politics. In: Andrea Rzihacek, Renate Spreitzer (Ed.): Philipp von Schwaben. Contributions from the international conference on the occasion of the 800th anniversary of his death, Vienna, May 29-30, 2008. Vienna 2010, pp. 193–214, here: p. 204.
  53. Steffen Krieb: Mediation and Reconciliation. Conflict settlement in the German throne dispute 1198–1208. Cologne 2000, p. 52.
  54. Steffen Krieb: Mediation and Reconciliation. Conflict settlement in the German throne dispute 1198–1208. Cologne 2000, p. 55.
  55. Knut Görich: Honor as a motive for action in rule practice and documents of Philip of Swabia. In: Andrea Rzihacek, Renate Spreitzer (Ed.): Philipp von Schwaben. Contributions to the international conference on the occasion of the 800th anniversary of his death, Vienna May 29-30, 2008. Vienna 2010, pp. 129–150, here: p. 136.
  56. Knut Görich: Honor as a motive for action in rule practice and documents of Philip of Swabia. In: Andrea Rzihacek, Renate Spreitzer (Ed.): Philipp von Schwaben. Contributions to the international conference on the occasion of the 800th anniversary of his death, Vienna May 29-30, 2008. Vienna 2010, pp. 129–150, here: p. 141.
  57. Steffen Krieb: Procedure for conflict resolution in disputes over the throne. Germany, Denmark and Hungary in comparison. In: Andrea Rzihacek, Renate Spreitzer (Ed.): Philipp von Schwaben. Contributions to the international conference on the occasion of the 800th anniversary of his death, Vienna 29-30 May 2008. Vienna 2010, pp. 277–291, here: p. 278.
  58. Knut Görich: Honor as a motive for action in rule practice and documents of Philip of Swabia. In: Andrea Rzihacek, Renate Spreitzer (Ed.): Philipp von Schwaben. Contributions to the international conference on the occasion of the 800th anniversary of his death, Vienna May 29 to 30, 2008. Vienna 2010, pp. 129–150, here: p. 143. On the Colloquium familiare cf. Gerd Althoff: Colloquium familiare - colloquium secretum - colloquium publicum. Advice on political life in the early Middle Ages. In: Frühmedalterliche Studien 24, 1990, pp. 145–167.
  59. Steffen Krieb: Mediation and Reconciliation. Conflict settlement in the German throne dispute 1198–1208. Cologne 2000, p. 74.
  60. Werner Paravicini: The knightly courtly culture of the Middle Ages. Munich 1994, p. 66f.
  61. ^ Rudolf Schieffer : From place to place. Tasks and results of research into outpatient domination practice. In: Caspar Ehlers (Ed.): Places of rule. Medieval royal palaces. Göttingen 2002, pp. 11-23.
  62. Bernd Schütte: King Philip of Swabia. Itinerary - awarding of certificates - courtyard. Hanover 2002, p. 40.
  63. Bernd Schütte: King Philip of Swabia. Itinerary - awarding of certificates - courtyard. Hanover 2002, p. 163.
  64. Bernd Schütte: The court of King Philip of Swabia. In: Philipp von Schwaben - A Staufer in the struggle for royal rule. (Writings on Staufer History and Art 27) Göppingen 2008, pp. 43–61, here: p. 46.
  65. Bernd Schütte: King Philip of Swabia. Itinerary - awarding of certificates - courtyard. Hanover 2002, p. 167.
  66. Bernd Schütte: The court of King Philip of Swabia. In: Philipp von Schwaben - A Staufer in the struggle for royal rule. (Writings on Staufer History and Art 27) Göppingen 2008, pp. 43–61, here: p. 50.
  67. Bernd Schütte: The court of King Philip of Swabia. In: Philipp von Schwaben - A Staufer in the struggle for royal rule. (Writings on Staufer History and Art 27) Göppingen 2008, pp. 43–61, here: p. 51.
  68. Bernd Schütte: The court of King Philip of Swabia. In: Philipp von Schwaben - A Staufer in the struggle for royal rule. (Writings on Staufer History and Art 27) Göppingen 2008, pp. 43–61, here: p. 52.
  69. Bernd Schütte: The court of King Philip of Swabia. In: Philipp von Schwaben - A Staufer in the struggle for royal rule. (Writings on Staufer History and Art 27) Göppingen 2008, pp. 43–61, here: p. 55.
  70. Andrea Rzihacek: The edition of the charters of Philip of Swabia for the Diplomata series of the Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Planning - implementation - aspects. In: Andrea Rzihacek, Renate Spreitzer (Ed.): Philipp von Schwaben. Contributions to the international conference on the occasion of the 800th anniversary of his death, Vienna, 29-30 May 2008. Vienna 2010, pp. 151–161, here: p. 158.
  71. Andrea Rzihacek: The edition of the charters of Philip of Swabia for the Diplomata series of the Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Planning - implementation - aspects. In: Andrea Rzihacek, Renate Spreitzer (Ed.): Philipp von Schwaben. Contributions from the international conference on the occasion of the 800th anniversary of his death, Vienna, May 29-30, 2008. Vienna 2010, pp. 151–161, here: p. 157. Cf. in detail: Andrea Rzihacek, Renate Spreitzer: Hanc paginam sigillo nostro iussimus communiri. Seal and sealing practice of the documents of King Philip of Swabia. In: Archiv für Diplomatik 53, 2007, pp. 175–203.
  72. Bernd Schütte: King Philip of Swabia. Itinerary - awarding of certificates - courtyard. Hanover 2002, p. 141.
  73. Bernd Schütte: King Philip of Swabia. Itinerary - awarding of certificates - courtyard. Hannover 2002, pp. 33 and 244.
  74. Bernd Schütte: King Philip of Swabia. Itinerary - awarding of certificates - courtyard. Hanover 2002, p. 246f.
  75. ^ Georg Scheibelreiter: Philipp of Swabia in courtly view. In: Andrea Rzihacek, Renate Spreitzer (Ed.): Philipp von Schwaben. Contributions from the international conference on the occasion of the 800th anniversary of his death, Vienna, May 29-30, 2008. Vienna 2010, pp. 85–98, here: p. 87.
  76. Peter Csendes: Aspects of the biography of Philip of Swabia. In: Andrea Rzihacek, Renate Spreitzer (Ed.): Philipp von Schwaben. Contributions to the international conference on the occasion of the 800th anniversary of his death, Vienna, 29-30 May 2008. Vienna 2010, pp. 73–84, here: p. 76.
  77. Wolfgang Stürner : 13th century. 1198-1273. (Gebhardt: Handbuch der deutschen Geschichte 6) 10th, completely revised edition, Stuttgart 2007, p. 175.
  78. Jan Keupp: The Bamberg Murder in 1208 - a royal drama? In: Philipp von Schwaben - A Staufer in the struggle for royal rule. (Writings on Staufer History and Art 27) Göppingen 2008, pp. 122–142, here: p. 123 (with further references). ( online ).
  79. ^ Andreas Bihrer: Philipp von Schwaben (1208). In: Michael Sommer (ed.): Political murders. From ancient times to the present. Darmstadt 2005, pp. 117–126, here: p. 123.
  80. ^ Andreas Bihrer: Historians as assassins. Contemporary perception, narrative design and discursive instrumentalization of the murder of King Philip of Swabia. In: Andrea Rzihacek, Renate Spreitzer (Ed.): Philipp von Schwaben. Contributions from the international conference on the occasion of the 800th anniversary of his death, Vienna, 29-30 May 2008. Vienna 2010, pp. 9–24, here: p. 16.
  81. ^ Andreas Bihrer: Historians as assassins. Contemporary perception, narrative design and discursive instrumentalization of the murder of King Philip of Swabia. In: Andrea Rzihacek, Renate Spreitzer (Ed.): Philipp von Schwaben. Contributions from the international conference on the occasion of the 800th anniversary of his death, Vienna, 29-30 May 2008. Vienna 2010, pp. 9–24, here: p. 17.
  82. Bernd Schütte: The Kingship of Philip of Swabia in the mirror of contemporary sources. In: Andrea Rzihacek, Renate Spreitzer (Ed.): Philipp von Schwaben. Contributions to the international conference on the occasion of the 800th anniversary of his death, Vienna May 29-30, 2008. Vienna 2010, pp. 113–128, here: p. 120.
  83. ^ Andreas Bihrer: Historians as assassins. Contemporary perception, narrative design and discursive instrumentalization of the murder of King Philip of Swabia. In: Andrea Rzihacek, Renate Spreitzer (Ed.): Philipp von Schwaben. Contributions from the international conference on the occasion of the 800th anniversary of his death, Vienna, May 29-30, 2008. Vienna 2010, pp. 9–24, here: p. 12. Andreas Bihrer: Philipp von Schwaben (1208). In: Michael Sommer (ed.): Political murders. From ancient times to the present. Darmstadt 2005, pp. 117–126, here: p. 118.
  84. ^ Eduard Winkelmann: Philipp von Schwaben and Otto IV. Von Braunschweig. 2 vol., Leipzig 1873–1878, vol. 1, p. 466.
  85. Bernd Ulrich Hucker: The regicide of 1208 - private revenge or coup? In: The Andechs-Meranier in Franconia. European Principality in the High Middle Ages. Mainz 1998, pp. 111-127. Bernd Ulrich Hucker: Otto IV. The rediscovered emperor. Frankfurt am Main 2003, p. 158. Approving: Peter Csendes: Philipp von Schwaben. A Staufer in the struggle for power. Darmstadt 2003, p. 192f.
  86. Wolfgang Stürner: 13th century. 1198-1273. (Gebhardt: Handbuch der deutschen Geschichte 6) 10th, completely revised edition, Stuttgart 2007, p. 175; Jan Keupp: The Bamberg Murder in 1208 - a royal drama? In: Philipp von Schwaben - A Staufer in the struggle for royal rule. (Writings on Staufer History and Art 27) Göppingen 2008, pp. 122–142. ( online )
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  93. Caspar Ehlers: Metropolis Germaniae. Studies on the importance of Speyer for royalty (751–1250). Göttingen 1996, p. 182.
  94. Hans Martin Schaller: The German controversy for the throne and Europe 1198-1218. Philipp von Schwaben, Otto IV., Friedrich II. In: Mario Kramp (Hrsg.): Coronations. Kings in Aachen. History and myth. Mainz 2000, pp. 398-406, here: pp. 402f.
  95. ^ Georg Scheibelreiter: Philipp of Swabia in courtly view. In: Andrea Rzihacek, Renate Spreitzer (Ed.): Philipp von Schwaben. Contributions to the international conference on the occasion of the 800th anniversary of his death, Vienna, May 29-30, 2008. Vienna 2010, pp. 85–98, here: pp. 97f. (with further evidence).
  96. Wolfgang Stürner: 13th century. 1198–1273 (Gebhardt: Handbuch der deutschen Geschichte 6) 10th, completely revised edition, Stuttgart 2007, p. 162.
  97. Peter Csendes: Philipp von Schwaben. A Staufer in the struggle for power. Darmstadt 2003, p. 200.
  98. Burchardi praepositi Urspergensis chronicon. ad a. 1198.
  99. Thomas Scharff: Otto IV. In the historiography of the 13th century. In: Bernd Ulrich Hucker, Stefanie Hahn, Hans-Jürgen Derda (eds.): Otto IV. Dream of the Guelph Empire. Petersberg 2009, pp. 299–306, here: p. 303.
  100. ^ The sources at Andreas Bihrer: Historians as assassins. Contemporary perception, narrative design and discursive instrumentalization of the murder of King Philip of Swabia. In: Andrea Rzihacek, Renate Spreitzer (Ed.): Philipp von Schwaben. Contributions from the international conference on the occasion of the 800th anniversary of his death, Vienna, 29-30 May 2008. Vienna 2010, pp. 9–24, here: p. 15.
  101. Gerd Althoff: Otto IV. - How did the Guelph dream of empire fail? In: Frühmittelalterliche Studien 43, 2009, pp. 199–214, here: p. 202. See in detail Hagen Keller: From 'holy book' to 'bookkeeping'. Life functions of writing in the Middle Ages. In: Frühmittelalterliche Studien 26, 1992, pp. 1–31.
  102. ^ Andreas Bihrer: Historians as assassins. Contemporary perception, narrative design and discursive instrumentalization of the murder of King Philip of Swabia. In: Andrea Rzihacek, Renate Spreitzer (Ed.): Philipp von Schwaben. Contributions to the international conference on the occasion of the 800th anniversary of his death, Vienna, 29-30 May 2008. Vienna 2010, pp. 9–24, here: pp. 23f.
  103. Gerd Althoff: The Middle Ages picture of the Germans before and after 1945. A sketch. In: Paul-Joachim Heinig (Ed.): Empire, regions and Europe in the Middle Ages and modern times. Festschrift for Peter Moraw. Berlin 2000, pp. 731-749.
  104. Hellmut Kämpf (ed.) Combines older works on this historical image: Canossa als Wende. Selected essays on recent research. Darmstadt 1969.
  105. ^ Herbert Grundmann: Elective King, Territorial Policy and Eastern Movement in the 13th and 14th Centuries (1198-1378). In: Gebhardt: Handbook of German History. Vol. 1, Stuttgart 1970, pp. 427-607, § 128: "The turn of the Middle Ages".
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  109. ^ Eduard Winkelmann: Philipp von Schwaben and Otto IV. Von Braunschweig. 2 vol., Leipzig 1873, vol. 1: King Philip of Swabia. 1197-1208. Preface .
  110. ^ Wilhelm Grotefend: On the characteristics of Philip of Swabia and Otto IV of Braunschweig. Trier 1886, p. 22.
  111. ^ Rudolf Schieffer: On the opening: Philipp von Schwaben in the 19th and 20th centuries. In: Andrea Rzihacek, Renate Spreitzer (Ed.): Philipp von Schwaben. Contributions from the international conference on the occasion of the 800th anniversary of his death, Vienna, May 29-30, 2008. Vienna 2010, pp. 1–6, here: p. 3.
  112. Gerd Althoff: The high medieval monarchy. Accents of an unfinished reassessment. In: Frühmedievalliche Studien 45, 2011, pp. 77–98.
  113. Peter Moraw: Princes at the late medieval German royal court. In: Cordula Nolte , Karl-Heinz Spieß, Ralf-Gunnar Werlich (eds.): Principes. Dynasties and courts in the late Middle Ages. Stuttgart 2002, pp. 17–32, here: p. 20.
  114. Steffen Krieb: Mediation and Reconciliation. Conflict settlement in the German throne dispute 1198–1208. Cologne 2000, p. 231.
  115. Knut Görich: Honor as a motive for action in rule practice and documents of Philip of Swabia. In: Andrea Rzihacek, Renate Spreitzer (Ed.): Philipp von Schwaben. Contributions to the international conference on the occasion of the 800th anniversary of his death, Vienna May 29-30, 2008. Vienna 2010, pp. 129–150, here: p. 130.
  116. ^ Rudolf Schieffer: On the opening: Philipp von Schwaben in the 19th and 20th centuries. In: Andrea Rzihacek, Renate Spreitzer (Ed.): Philipp von Schwaben. Contributions to the international conference on the occasion of the 800th anniversary of his death, Vienna, 29-30 May 2008. Vienna 2010, pp. 1–6, here: p. 1.
  117. Bernd Ulrich Hucker: The regicide of 1208 - private revenge or coup? In: The Andechs-Meranier in Franconia. European Principality in the High Middle Ages. Mainz 1998, pp. 111-127.
  118. See in detail the article by Andrea Rzihacek: The edition of the documents of Philip of Swabia for the Diplomata series of the Monumenta Germania Historica. Planning - implementation - aspects. In: Andrea Rzihacek, Renate Spreitzer (Ed.): Philipp von Schwaben. Contributions to the international conference on the occasion of the 800th anniversary of his death, Vienna, May 29-30, 2008. Vienna 2010, pp. 151–161.
  119. Bernd Schütte: King Philip of Swabia. Itinerary - awarding of certificates - courtyard. Hanover 2002.
  120. Bernd Schütte: King Philip of Swabia. Itinerary - awarding of certificates - courtyard. Hanover 2002, especially p. 151f.
  121. Bernd Schütte: King Philip of Swabia. Itinerary - awarding of certificates - courtyard. Hanover 2002, p. 107.
  122. Bernd Schütte: King Philip of Swabia. Itinerary - awarding of certificates - courtyard. Hanover 2002, p. 140.
  123. Peter Csendes: Philipp von Schwaben. A Staufer in the struggle for power. Darmstadt 2003.
  124. Philip of Swabia - A Staufer in the fight for royal rule. (Writings on Staufer History and Art 27) Göppingen 2008.
  125. Three articles were published: Thomas Zotz : Werra magna et dissensio nimis timenda oritur inter principes Theutonicos de imperio. The throne dispute between Philipp von Schwaben and Otto von Braunschweig 1198–1208. In: Zeitschrift für Württembergische Landesgeschichte 69, 2010, pp. 17–36; Sönke Lorenz : King Philip and Count Palatine Rudolf of Tübingen. To a helper in the controversy for the throne and related dynasts. ibid pp. 37-70; Hansmartin Schwarzmaier : The death of Philip of Swabia and the consequences. To a previously unknown fragment of the annals from St. Gallen. ibid, pp. 71-90.
  126. Andrea Rzihacek, Renate Spreitzer (Ed.): Philipp von Schwaben. Contributions to the international conference on the occasion of the 800th anniversary of his death, Vienna, May 29-30, 2008. Vienna 2010.
predecessor Office successor
Henry VI. Roman-German King
1198–1208
Otto IV of Braunschweig
Konrad II. Duke of Swabia
1196–1208
Friedrich VI.
Christian I. of book Margrave of Tuscany
1195–1197
-
Gottfried von Spitzenberg Bishop of Würzburg
1190–1191
Henry III. from mountain
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