Henry the Lion
In 1152, as Duke of Saxony, Henry the Lion played a decisive role in the coronation of his cousin Friedrich Barbarossa . For this he received intensive support from Barbarossa in the following years. In 1156 he also received the Bavarian duchy. In northern Germany Heinrich was able to build up a position that was equal to a king. He made Braunschweig a princely center of representation by building the collegiate church of St. Blasius and the neighboring castle Dankwarderode with the statue of a lion . The Duke's aggressive expansion of rule in Saxony and north of the Elbe , however, provoked resistance from the other Saxon greats . Heinrich initially returned the favor for the support from Barbarossa through great efforts in the Reich service during the first Italian trains .
In 1176, however, the relationship was severely strained when the duke refused to provide military support to the emperor in a threatening situation in the face of an impending war with the Lombard cities . After the defeat of Barbarossa, the failure of the Northern Italian policy and the peace treaty of 1177 with the long-fought Pope Alexander III. Henry the Lion was overthrown at the endeavors of several princes and had to go into exile in southern England , from which he could only return years later. Alongside Friedrich Barbarossa, he was long considered the most important protagonist of the Staufer-Guelph antagonism that dominated imperial politics in the 12th century. Only recently has this assessment been put into perspective.
Heinrich the Lion came from the noble family of the Guelphs . As early as the twenties of the 12th century, several writings were written in which the history of this family was fixed in writing with changing accents; The Guelphs were the first noble family in the empire to have their history recorded. The house tradition, which was expressed in the Genealogia Welforum, the so-called Sächsische Welfenquelle and the Historia Welforum , emphasized the connection with the Carolingians and emphasized the importance of the guiding name Welf, which is related to the ancient world via the name catulus (= puppy) Rome made it possible.
The ancestors of the Guelphs appeared in the Carolingian environment as early as the 8th century. The family rose through advantageous marriages. As the second wife of Emperor Ludwig the Pious, the Welfin Judith had a decisive influence on the history of the Franconian empire . Her sister Hemma was married to Judith's stepson, King Ludwig the German . The double marriage connection with the Carolingian ruling house secured the rise in the circle of kings. After the disintegration of the Franconian Empire, a branch of the family provided the kings of Burgundy until 1032 . After the death of Welf III. in 1055, who died without an heir, the house got into an existential crisis. His sister Cuniza married the Margrave Azzo II of Este , who from today's perspective continued the family.
The grandfather of Heinrich the Lion, the Bavarian Duke Heinrich the Black , married Wulfhild , the eldest daughter of the Saxon Duke Magnus Billung and the Hungarian king's daughter Sophia . Larger lands around Lüneburg , the central and burial place of the Billunger , came to the Guelphs. In 1123, the canonization of Bishop Konrad von Konstanz , a member of the house, increased the family's reputation. The Welfin Judith, daughter of Heinrich the Black, married the Staufer Duke Friedrich II , the father of Friedrich Barbarossa. The candidacy of Frederick II to succeed the Salian ruler Heinrich V , who died childless, was unsuccessful in 1125. Instead, the Saxon Duke Lothar III was elected. Decisive for this was the change of party of Henry the Black, who did not support his Staufer son-in-law, but the Saxon Duke Lothar in the election of a king. Lothar won him over by marrying his only daughter Gertrud with Heinrich's son, Heinrich the Proud . From this connection Henry the Lion emerged. His place of birth is uncertain. According to the Steterburger Chronik, he should have been born in 1129/1130. However, the time up to the date of baptism in 1135/36 seems to be too long and the copyist of the only composite manuscript could have made a transcription error, so that Heinrich could also have been born in 1133/35. In the following period, Henry the Proud achieved a super-ducal, almost royal-like position. At the end of the reign of his father-in-law Lothar, he had the duchies of Bavaria and Saxony, the margraviate of Tuszien , the Mathildic estates and extensive property in Swabia, Bavaria, Saxony and Italy.
Confrontation with Konrad III.
Lothar died in December 1137 on the way back from Italy and handed over the imperial insignia to Heinrich the proud on his deathbed . As the emperor's son-in-law, Heinrich the Proud had justified hopes of his successor. According to Otto von Freising , he is said to have boasted of his rule “from sea to sea, from Denmark to Sicily” . However, he is also said to have "made himself hated by almost everyone who took part in the procession to Italy with Emperor Lothar because of his pride".
In spite of his weak material base, Konrad from Staufer managed to reach agreements with some princes to elect his king. On March 7, 1138 he was elected king in Koblenz by a small group of princes under the leadership of Archbishop Albero von Trier . After a long hesitation, Heinrich the Proud handed over the imperial insignia. However, he rejected the new king's request to renounce one of his two duchies. Conrad then withdrew both duchies from the Guelph in 1138. In the same year he gave the Margrave Albrecht the Bear Saxony, in the spring of 1139 he gave Bavaria to his Babenberg half-brother Leopold IV.
When his father died in October 1139, Henry the Lion was an underage child. The largest part of the property complex on which his house power was based was located between Oker , Fuhse , Aller and Bode with Braunschweig and Königslutter and in the central Billung area to the left of the Elbe and the Ilmenau River, northwest of Lüneburg . His claims to the controversial duchies of Bavaria and Saxony were represented in Saxony by Lothar's widow, Empress Richenza , and then by his mother Gertrud. Heinrich grew up as a spiritual and military adviser to the court of Lothar III. on. These included the important Saxon ministers Anno von Heimburg , Liudolf and Balduin von Dahlum, Heinrich von Weida and Poppo von Blankenburg , on whom Heinrich relied and who shaped his personality. The use of ministeriality also meant that the influence of the Saxon nobility on the Duke's politics declined.
Immediately after the death of Henry the Proud, Albrecht the Bear tried to assert himself as Duke in Saxony. However, Konrad's succession plan was not accepted by the Saxon nobility. Albrecht was unable to assert himself against Richenza's supporters and had to withdraw after fighting against Count Palatine Friedrich von Sommerschenburg , Count Rudolf von Stade and Archbishop Konrad von Magdeburg .
Konrad's plans to reorganize conditions in Bavaria also met with resistance. After the death of Henry the Proud, his brother Welf VI. the duchy for himself. In August 1140 he defeated Leopold IV at Valley in the Mangfall valley . After Leopold's death in 1141, Konrad transferred the duchy to Leopold's brother Heinrich II. Jasomirgott in 1142 .
A settlement was agreed with the help of the Archbishop of Mainz Markolf in May 1142 at a court day in Frankfurt. Albrecht the Bear renounced the Duchy of Saxony, which was given to Heinrich the Lion. On the advice of his mother Gertrud, Heinrich renounced the Duchy of Bavaria. Gertrud married Heinrich Jasomirgott; the hoped-for son from this marriage should probably take over the rule in this duchy. The alliance did not last long, however, as Gertrud died in April 1143 and the marriage with Heinrich Jasomirgott thus remained childless.
Konrad's decision to take part in the Second Crusade delayed the settlement of the conflict over Bavaria. The king succeeded on March 15, 1147 at the court conference in Frankfurt to get his son Heinrich to be elected by the princes. Henry the Lion used this opportunity and raised inheritance claims to the Duchy of Bavaria. He claimed it was wrongly taken from his father. A land peace was issued for the duration of the crusade . Since Heinrich the Lion was also bound to it, he had to postpone his claim to the Bavarian duchy. Welf VI., Who took part in the crusade himself, emphasized that his feud was not over.
However, many secular and spiritual princes from the north-east of the empire did not want to embark on the dangerous and lengthy march into the Holy Land , but instead wanted to wage war against the neighboring pagan Slavs. This plan was supported by the Cistercian Abbot Bernhard von Clairvaux , who called for the conversion and submission of the "pagans". Heinrich the Lion, Duke Konrad von Zähringen and Archbishop Adalbero von Bremen were among the leaders of the " Wendenkreuzzug " directed against the Abodrites . The crusaders were less interested in the conversion of the Gentiles; Even contemporary chroniclers reproached them (and especially Heinrich the Lion) that it was first and foremost about the expansion of domination and the increase of income. The eastern part of the Abodritic Empire in the Mecklenburg areas up to the Peene was spared the crusade, as a friendship alliance had existed between the Slavic prince Niklot and Count Adolf II of Holstein since 1143. Heinrich the Lion established closer relationships with Konrad von Zähringen in the course of the Wendenkreuzzug, and in 1148/49 he married his daughter Clementia . As a dowry he received Badenweiler Castle with 500 hooves and 100 ministerials. The marriage resulted in a son and two daughters. The first-born Heinrich died as a toddler in Lüneburg . After 1150 Gertrud was born, who was married to Duke Friedrich IV of Swabia in 1166 . Heinrich's second daughter Richenza also died in childhood.
It was not until 1160 that Henry the Lion was able to carry out major military advances again in the Slavic country. The Burg Werle was the resistance to the center. Niklot fell, his sons Pribislaw and Wertislaw fled. In the autumn of 1160 Heinrich rearranged the Abodrite land and handed over the important castles ( Quetzin , Malchow , Mecklenburg ) to reliable confidants. As early as February 1163, the sons of Niklot tried to regain the Abodrite land. Wertislaw was captured and executed in the course of the fighting that followed, and Pribislaw finally had to submit. However, the increase in the number of his opponents in Saxony may have contributed to Henry the Lion changing his policy. Pribislaw, who had meanwhile converted to Christianity, was enfeoffed most of his paternal inheritance in 1167 and henceforth proved to be a loyal vassal .
Collaboration with Friedrich Barbarossa
Sponsored by Friedrich Barbarossa
After the death of Konrad III. in 1152 the princes elected his nephew Duke Friedrich III. from Swabia to the new king, the son of Duke Friedrich II, the unsuccessful Staufer throne candidate from 1125. Otto von Freising paints the picture of a unanimous king's elevation and inevitable succession by Friedrich. Friedrich was elected because he belonged to the two warring families of the Heinrici de Gueibelinga (Heinriche von Waiblingen) and the Guelfi de Aldorfio (Welfen von Altdorf) and thus became the "cornerstone" (angularis lapis) of reconciliation. In fact, intensive negotiations, concessions and agreements between Frederick and the Great before the Frankfurt election on March 4, 1152 and the coronation in Aachen on March 9, 1152 were actually conducted. Barbarossa had probably won the support of Henry the Lion by agreeing to restore the Duchy of Bavaria to him. With the election of a king, a shift in the power structure set in: the Guelphs, as former opponents of the old king, now became friends of the new one.
A 25-year collaboration began between Friedrich and Heinrich. Heinrich was involved in all important decisions of the royal court. He can be found as a witness in around two thirds of all documents from the first ten years. After the coronation in Aachen, Heinrich accompanied the newly elected king for several weeks on his tour of the empire. On May 8 or 9, 1152, Friedrich Barbarossa enfeoffed Heinrich with the Reichsvogtei Goslar , which secured high, continuous income because of its silver mining on the Rammelsberg . On May 18, 1152 a court day took place in Merseburg . There Barbarossa had to resolve a dispute over the Plötzkau and Winzenburg counties between Heinrich the Lion and Albrecht the Bear. Albrecht probably invoked the right to inheritance of relatives, Heinrich took the view that after the death of an heirless count, his property and rights pass to the duke. Through this regulation of the inheritance, Heinrich could have positioned himself with his ducal power between the king and the counts. In this way, as in the late Carolingian period, the Saxon ducat would have become a viceroyalty. The inheritance disputes could not yet be resolved in Merseburg. The conflict was only resolved on October 13, 1152 in Würzburg . Heinrich received the more important Winzenburg inheritance and Albrecht the Plötzkau counties .
In Merseburg must have been also negotiating the Bavarian Duchy, because on May 18, 1152, Henry is the first time in a document for the transfer of assets and rights to the Premonstratensian Weißenau in Ravensburg testified as "Duke of Bavaria and Saxony". The royal chancellery continued to run him only as "Duke of Saxony" (dux Saxonie) . The negotiations between Barbarossa and Heinrich Jasomirgott dragged on until 1156, before Heinrich the Lion received the Duchy of Bavaria. In the so-called Privilegium minus , the compromise was fixed on September 17, 1156 in Regensburg. Heinrich the Lion received the Duchy of Bavaria. The Welf gave part of it, the Mark of Austria , back to Emperor Friedrich Barbarossa. The mark was converted into a duchy (ducatus Austrie) and given to Heinrich Jasomirgott so that “the honor and fame of our very beloved uncle (honor et gloria dilectissimi patrui nostri) do not appear to be diminished in any way.” The separation and upgrading of Austria Heinrich the Lion, however, was deprived of the opportunity to expand his Bavarian duchy to the east. When Heinrich received the Bavarian duchy in addition to the Saxon duchy, “a new name was created for him: Heinrich the Lion” (creatum est ei nomen novum: Heinricus leo) . The title of lion was considered a characteristic of strong rule. However, according to research by Karl Schmid and Otto Gerhard Oexle, the nickname Leo ("the lion") was not only his personal nickname, but also generally stood for belonging to the Guelph family.
After his return to Saxony in the autumn of 1156, Heinrich supported Sven Grathe , who was recognized as the rightful king by Barbarossa in the Danish controversy for the throne in Merseburg. Sven was still unable to assert himself against his cousin Knut V. Magnusson and had to go into exile in Saxony. Heinrich tried to bring Sven back to Denmark with a large army. Although he conquered the episcopal seats of Schleswig and Ripen and advanced to Hadersleben , the company was unsuccessful. In January 1157 Heinrich withdrew to Saxony.
Support Barbarossa in Italy
In October 1152 Barbarossa set the date for his trip to Rome for the imperial coronation at the court day in Würzburg for autumn 1154. Already on the Konstanzer Hoftag in March 1153 he was confronted with the conflicts between the Italian cities, for which he would need the help of Henry the Lion and other greats in the next decades. Two Lodi merchants brought a lawsuit against Milan for obstructing their trade. The conflict between Milan and Lodi was caused by the rise of the urban communes from the late 11th century and the fact that the larger ones among them began to establish territory. Milan had already subdued Lodi in 1111 and Como in 1127 . In October 1154 the army rallied near Augsburg. On the first Italian train in 1154/55, Henry the Lion provided the largest contingent. In Saxony he left his wife as regent. In Roncaglia the army was misdirected by two Milanese consuls, which resulted in considerable supply problems. In addition, several Lombard cities complained about Milan and its ally Tortona . After Barbarossa had unsuccessfully asked Tortona to end the alliance with Milan and to ally himself with the loyal Pavia , Henry the Lion began to siege the city. On February 17, 1155 he succeeded in conquering and burning down the lower town at the foot of the mountain. The upper town gave up two months later.
Heinrich also used the Italian train to collect goods from the House of Este . In doing so, Heinrich disregarded his uncle Welf VI's share rights. Inheritance law arguments were also brought up here. Heinrich's great-grandfather Welf IV had received the goods from the estate of Margrave Azzo II. After the death of Henry the Proud, the Este family took over the property again. In the camp of the Imperial Army near Povegliano , Heinrich agreed with the Margraves Boniface and Fulco that he should own the Este Castle with the towns of Solesino, Arqua and "Merendola" (probably Mirandola ). These goods were given to the Este brothers as a fief .
While Heinrich sought his advantages through his closeness to the ruler in the imperial service, the Bremen archbishop Hartwig used the absence of the duke to expand his territory. He took the castles of Stade , Bremerhaven , Harburg and Freiburg / Elbe again. In addition, a group of Bavarian and East Saxon greats gathered in the Bohemian Forest for preliminary discussions. However, no concrete result was achieved.
Shortly before the imperial coronation by Pope Hadrian IV , an embassy from the Romans appeared at Barbarossa. The communal movement had renewed the old Roman Senate and wanted to completely redefine the rights of the emperor and pope. With reference to ancient traditions, she offered Friedrich the imperial crown from the hand of the Roman people for a payment of 5,000 pounds of silver. Barbarossa refused this, especially since he had already promised the Pope that the commune would be crushed. On June 18, 1155 he was crowned emperor. Shortly after the coronation, the anticipated uprising of the Romans broke out, in which the camp of Henry the Lion was attacked. Heinrich managed to repel the attack. His military success attracted the greatest attention from contemporary chroniclers, especially in Saxony, right up to the Braunschweig Rhyming Chronicle, which was written in the last quarter of the 13th century . The Pope then consecrated Gerold as Bishop of Oldenburg and decided against the responsible Metropolitan Hartwig of Bremen , who rejected the Duke's candidate.
Role in the conflict between Emperor and Pope and the Italian cities
After Barbarossa's return, there was a sharp dispute between the emperor and the pope over the question of whether the pope was the supreme liege lord. In October 1157, a papal embassy appeared on the court in Besançon . Before the meeting of the princes, a letter from Pope Hadrian was read out, in which Barbarossa's Chancellor Rainald von Dassel translated the word benefecium as a fief . This created the impression that the Pope consider the emperor as his vassal himself as suzerain. This re-evaluation of the relationship between spiritual and secular power provoked strong protests from emperors, princes and also bishops. In a letter, Barbarossa complained that the “honor of the empire” had been violated by such an outrageous innovation. Heinrich the Lion succeeded in mediating the confrontation together with Bishop Eberhard von Bamberg . Both had great influence at Barbarossa's court and their mediation work therefore had to be appreciated by the curia. Pope Hadrian IV then wrote a clarifying letter to Barbarossa. In June 1158, two cardinals discussed the written declaration: The Pope did not mean beneficium in the sense of fiefdom (feudum) , but in the sense of benevolence (bonum factum) . In 1159, however, the conflict between the emperor and the pope came to a head, because after Hadrian's death there was a double election on September 1st. Pope Alexander III took the view that the empire was a fiefdom of the Pope or at least went back to a papal act of grace. A synod in Pavia in 1160 decided in favor of Viktor IV , who was loyal to the emperor . With the subsequent excommunication of Barbarossa by Alexander III. began a conflict that lasted nearly two decades. For Friedrich it was now crucial to enforce the imperial view and to get Viktor IV general recognition.
At the same time, the fighting against the Lombard cities continued. In 1156 and 1157 envoys from Pavia , Lodi , Como and Cremona appeared several times at Barbarossa and complained about the oppression by Milan. After the first submission of Milan, Heinrich supported Barbarossa with 1200 armored personnel in the siege and destruction of Crema , which did not end until the end of January 1160. In January 1161 Heinrich was involved in the siege of Milan. According to news from the Afflighem monastery ( Brabant ), the sonless Barbarossa is said to have expected death in a battle during the fierce fighting around Milan in the spring of 1161. Therefore, he had the precaution of Duke Frederick IV. Of Swabia , the overridden in the election of the king's son Conrad III., And Henry the Lion to succeed in the King's office or to the army command control (duos imperatores) designated. A few weeks later, Henry the Lion left the siege army in front of Milan and returned to Saxony.
Duke in Saxony and Bavaria
Extension of rule in Saxony and north of the Elbe
The ducal dignity conferred by the king in Saxony was not associated with official authority, but an unclearly defined legal title. Heinrich was only able to act on the basis of property and legal titles owned by the family. In Saxony he faced rulership complexes of other noble families. Heinrich saw his position as a duke as a kind of viceroy in Saxony. He saw himself and not the king as the feudal lord of the counts. Therefore he wanted to stand between the king and all counties in Saxony. By wanting to incorporate the nobility into his feudal concept, the duke disregarded traditional forms of consensual rule. For a ducal sovereignty he had to increase the Guelph power from own goods and rights. This could only be achieved if the rights of the clergy and secular nobility were curtailed as much as possible and the direct ties to the king were removed from the competitors. Heinrich expanded his territory not only within Saxony, but also outwards by conquering land north of the Elbe. In his rule he relied particularly on Ministeriale, because they had to be loyal due to their unfree legal status.
From today's point of view , Bernd Schneidmüller emphasizes the “rigorous new understanding of office”, his “cultural integration performance ” and “the limits of creative power in the lordly association” as characteristic of Heinrich's appearance in Saxony .
The acquisition of further property and rule rights was decisive for Heinrich's strengthening of rule as a duke. When Saxon aristocratic families died out, he laid claim to their inheritance. After farmers had murdered Count Rudolf II of Stade in 1144, only his brother Hartwig remained as the last descendant of the Count's house . He was canon in Magdeburg and provost of the Bremen cathedral chapter. As a member of the clergy, he bequeathed the rich Stader inheritance to Archbishop Adalbero of Bremen , while the count's court rights passed to his brother-in-law, the Saxon Count Palatine Friedrich von Sommerschenburg. On the Magdeburg court conference of Konrad III. In December 1144, Heinrich's followers sued against the award of the Stade counties to the provost Hartwig of Bremen. Different legal conceptions faced each other. The opponents of Henry the Lion took the position that counties and other feudal property had to be passed on under inheritance law and that the count did not depend on the duke. Heinrich took the position that the Saxon duke was the supreme liege lord of the Saxon noble families and that a county would fall to the duke when the last male official died. His claim was based on a new understanding of the duchy, which was derived from the king, but shaped like a king in the country and began to mediate the counts .
A court of arbitration under the direction of Archbishop Adalbero of Bremen was set up by the king. Its composition was clearly directed against the Guelph, with Bishop Thietmar von Verden, Albrecht the Bear, Count Hermann von Winzenburg and his brother Count Heinrich von Assel. During the court of arbitration in Ramelsloh, south of Hamburg, the Archbishop of Bremen was captured by Heinrich's supporters and taken to Lüneburg . After a short imprisonment, he was ready to cede the Stader county rights to Heinrich the Lion. Heinrich occupied the Stader castles with his own ministerials. Heinrich's usurpation was still occasionally disputed, but with the death of the archbishop on October 11, 1168 at the latest, the resistance finally ceased. However, the dispute over the Stader inheritance sparked a confrontation that lasted until 1236 between the Guelphs and the Archbishops of Bremen over sovereignty rights on the lower Elbe and Weser rivers .
The Archbishop of Bremen Hartwig consecrated two bishops in 1149, namely Vizelin for Oldenburg and Emmehard for Mecklenburg. Henry the Lion then claimed the royal right to invest in the three dioceses north of the Elbe. Since the Worms Concordat , the king has endowed the newly elected bishop with the secular goods and sovereign rights of his episcopal church. This process took place in feudal form in that the king gave him the scepter , making the bishop vassal of the king. In this situation Heinrich succeeded in restricting the authority of the Archbishop of Bremen and exercising the royal right to invest. After heavy defeats against the Seljuks, King Konrad only returned to the empire in May 1149 and was defeated by conflicts with Welf VI. bound in Swabia. In 1150/51 Vizelin and Emmehard had Heinrich invest them with a staff.
This special right, once exercised, was permanently confirmed to the Duke by Friedrich Barbarossa on June 3, 1154 in Goslar. Barbarossa granted "his beloved Heinrich, Duke of Saxony" ("dilecto nostro Heinrico duci Saxonicae") the royal right of investiture for the dioceses of Oldenburg , Mecklenburg , Ratzeburg and for all future episcopal seats that the duke would build in pagan northern Albingia . In addition, the duke was allowed to found and furnish dioceses and churches. With the receipt of ecclesiastical sovereignty, he took a viceroyal position for the country north of the Elbe. Heinrich the Lion was the only German prince who could have such an investiture right. Barbarossa wanted to secure Heinrich's support in Italy. Shortly after this royal privilege was granted, in 1154 Heinrich renewed the diocese of Ratzeburg, which had been destroyed by the Slavs in the 11th century. After the death of Vizelin von Oldenburg in December 1154, Heinrich's wife Clementia appointed the Swabian Gerold as the new bishop. As part of his church sovereignty, Heinrich began consistently organizing the North Elbe Church in the following years. In 1158 he moved the bishopric of Mecklenburg to Schwerin and in 1159/60 the seat of the bishopric of Oldenburg to Lübeck. In 1169/70 Heinrich confirmed the facilities and legal status of the dioceses of Lübeck , Schwerin and Ratzeburg.
As a Saxon duke, Heinrich the Lion was in direct competition with the developing monasteries and the Saxon aristocratic families, who wanted to expand their own territorial lordship and be bound by feudal rights to the king in his efforts to intensify his rule. Heinrich's claim to the inheritance of the Counts von Stade (1144), von Plötzkau (1148) and von Winzenburg (1152) resulted in an increasing potential for conflict with the Saxon greats. At the head of the opposition were Archbishop Wichmann von Magdeburg , who was in open competition with Heinrich in the expansion of Magdeburg's sovereignty in the area around Haldensleben, and Bishop Hermann von Hildesheim . They were joined by Landgrave Ludwig II of Thuringia , Margrave of Brandenburg, Albrecht the Bear with his sons and his Wettin son-in-law, Margrave Otto von Meißen and the Counts of Assel, Christian I of Oldenburg and Widukind von Schwalenburg . The aim of the alliance was the common war against Henry the Lion. After the emperor had embarked on his fourth expedition to Italy, the conflict over Henry's expansive rule broke out openly in 1166. Eastern Saxony in particular was severely devastated in eventful wars. Henry the Lion found only a few supporters. The most important was the Slav prince Pribislaw , whom he enfeoffed with the Obodritenland with the exception of Schwerin and who thereby became the founder of the noble house, which resided in Mecklenburg until 1918. In addition, Heinrich married his illegitimate daughter Mathilde to Borwin , Pribislaw's eldest son. Schwerin was given as a hereditary fiefdom to Gunzelin von Hagen , one of the duke's closest followers.
In 1167 the war coalition against Heinrich the Lion reached its climax through the alliance of the archbishops of Magdeburg and Cologne, “because all the princes fought against the duke. Warriors were captured and maimed, castles and houses destroyed, cities burned down ”. Between 1168 and 1170, Barbarossa settled the conflict on several farm days in Würzburg, Bamberg, Frankfurt, again Würzburg, Wallhausen , again Bamberg and Erfurt. In June 1169 the emperor reached a peace treaty on a court day in Bamberg. The end of the Saxon War in the summer of 1170 could only be sealed through his interventions on an Erfurt court day. With his support, Heinrich managed to maintain his outstanding position and rule without restriction.
The ducal power in Bavaria, unlike in Saxony, perhaps also included official powers to lead the Bavarian army as well as the maintenance of the peace against feuding noble families and was possibly also based on the royal bond to exercise the supreme judicial power in the state. Nevertheless, Bavaria was only a secondary country for Heinrich, as Saxony offered significantly better opportunities for development and expansion, while Bavaria was surrounded on all sides by other rulers. Domestic expansion through new acquisitions was also not possible here, as only a few noble families died out. In addition, the number and importance of the ducal church bailiffs over monasteries and monasteries (such as Wilten , Wessobrunn , Ranshofen , Polling , Innichen , Reichersberg ) were lower in Bavaria than in Saxony. In Bavaria, the foreign duke also had fewer property and armed people than the long-established families like the Wittelsbacher , the Vohburger or the Andechser . With the exception of the less significant official property in the Regensburg area , on the Salzach and on the Inn , Heinrich only owned the older Welf property complexes in the Lech and Tyrol area, which he also owned with Welf VI. had to share. As in Saxony, Henry the Lion relied on ministerials to manage these properties.
However, Heinrich also tried selectively in Bavaria to expand his power base through economic and fiscal measures; these are demonstrable in Munich , Landsberg and Reichenhall . The salt trade with its transport routes from Bavaria to Swabia should be subject to its control. His destruction of the Isar bridge near Föhring in the area of Bishop Otto von Freising , with which the important long-distance road of the salt trade from Reichenhall to Augsburg was interrupted, caused a sensation . In doing so, he tried to wrest the revenue from the bridge and market tariffs from the Bishop of Freising. The bishop's market, customs and mint were closed and relocated five kilometers further on his property near the town of Munichen in order to collect customs here on the trade route from Salzburg to the Swabian region.
Bishop Otto von Freising protested to his imperial nephew Friedrich I. On the Pentecost Day on June 14, 1158 in Augsburg, the conflict was settled through a settlement that was in favor of the duke. The relocation of the coin, market, customs and bridge was confirmed, but the bishop was awarded a third of the income as compensation, and Heinrich was to take another third from him as a fief. Customs administration should be carried out by the duke, by a bailiff appointed by the bishop of Freising, or by two bailiffs each appointed by the duke and bishop. Around 1160 Heinrich built the border fortress Landsberg on the east bank of the Lech crossing over the bridge he built for the road from Reichenhall via Munich to Memmingen . In 1165 he took over the county of Burghausen an der Salzach with the most profitable customs station in Bavaria, in 1169 he took over the Hallgrafschaft and thus had control of the center of southern German salt production.
Although Heinrich tried to expand his position in Bavaria, he spent barely two of his 24 years as a Bavarian duke in this duchy. After 1156 he seems to have come to Bavaria only nine times, often in connection with a transit to Italy or a pilgrimage to the Holy Land. It was not until 1174 that he stayed in Bavaria for almost six months. Of the 103 documents received, only 20 are for Bavarian recipients. Thietbald von Passau is the only Bavarian bishop to be found in the witness lists . He avoided conflicts with the large aristocratic families in Bavaria, as they were of little importance to him and he rarely stayed in Bavaria. The king near the Wittelsbach and the Andechser prevented their media coverage by the Duke. Heinrich brought mainly Saxon troops to the emperor for the Italian trains. When Bavarian aristocrats took part in the emperor's Italian campaigns, they did so more on their own initiative than as the duke's summons.
Marriage to Mathilde
1164 began the conflict between the English King Henry II Plantagenet and his Chancellor Thomas Becket , who wanted to free the English Church from royal influence and to the side of Pope Alexander III. kicked. Barbarossa then tried to win the English king for an alliance. A son of Barbarossa and Henry the Lion were supposed to marry the two daughters of the English king. In 1162 Heinrich the Lion had cast out his first wife Clementia von Zähringen . The separation was justified with the close relationship, which was an obstacle to marriage according to canon law . For Heinrich, political and dynastic reasons may have played a major role in marrying the English king's daughter Mathilde . The fourteen-year marriage to Clementia had not produced any male descendants; through an Anglo-Norman marriage, he hoped to increase his reputation in the face of increasing resistance in the Saxon nobility. In addition, the Welfisch-Zähringian alliance, which was formerly directed against the Staufer, had survived thanks to Heinrich's good agreement with his cousin Barbarossa. The marriage with Mathilde was concluded in 1168 in Minden Cathedral , the wedding was celebrated in Braunschweig. The Minden cathedral received a farm as a gift on February 1, 1168, on the day "when Heinrich, Duke of Bavaria and Saxony, married Mathilde, the daughter of the King of England." significant material gain. According to the Exchequer's accounts, the dowry totaled £ 5,102 . On the voyage to Saxony, Mathilde's trousseau was loaded onto the ships in twenty sacks and chests. The duke used the English money for his buildings and foundations as well as for his great pilgrimage to Jerusalem in 1172.
Henry's trip to Jerusalem
Heinrich's trip to Jerusalem in 1172 was intended to increase the reputation and, as a "pious achievement", also to secure the offspring. On January 13, 1172, Heinrich set out for Jerusalem with an army of at least 1,500 men. He was accompanied by Archbishop Baldewin of Hamburg-Bremen , Bishop Konrad of Lübeck , the abbots Heinrich von St. Aegidien / Braunschweig and Berthold von St. Michael / Lüneburg as well as the Obodriten prince Pribislaw . He transferred the reign in Saxony to Archbishop Wichmann of Magdeburg. His wife Mathilde stayed in Braunschweig and gave birth to their daughter Richenza there in 1172. With Heinrich (1173), Lothar (1174 or 1175), Otto (1177) and Wilhelm , four sons later emerged from the marriage.
Stephan III. , the King of Hungary, only sent an envoy to meet Heinrich to accompany him through his country. By contrast, Heinrich was received like a king in Constantinople by the basileus Manuel I , who had been pursuing ambitions in Italy for decades and had therefore fought Barbarossa at times . He received large quantities of silk fabric for all of his knights. From the capital of the Byzantine Empire, the journey continued to Jerusalem, where he was received in a similar manner by King Amalrich I and the Patriarch of Jerusalem. Heinrich donated large sums of money to the Holy Sepulcher and the Chapel of the Holy Cross. He gave arms and money to the two knightly orders of the Templars and Johanniter . However, Heinrich could not prove himself as a knight in pagan warfare, as Amalrich and the Templars advised against military advances due to the precarious situation of the Kingdom of Jerusalem . The journey to the Holy Land was therefore ended earlier than planned. At the beginning of January 1173 he returned to Braunschweig.
From the 12th century the court developed into a central institution of royal and princely power. The most important tasks were the visualization of the rule through festivals, art and literature. The term “court” can be understood as “presence with the ruler”. For Heinrich the Lion, the court was probably even more important than for other greats: he tried to gradually align the disparate parts of Saxony to his person through a loyal court. The most important part of the court was the chancellery. As the first Saxon duke, Heinrich had certificates (103 diplomas, letters and mandates) issued and sealed based on the royal model. Also for the first time it can be proven that office fees were charged for the notarization of a contract.
Joachim Ehlers distinguishes between a “core courtyard”, which is characterized by ministerials, court clergy and chaplains, and an “outer courtyard”, the state of which reveals the possibilities and limits of ducal sovereignty. The core courtyard is "exclusively and location-independent oriented to the person" while outer courtyards (Lübeck, Artlenburg, Verden, Lüneburg) formed with a certain regularity at certain itinerary locations around the duke. There is evidence that Heinrich stayed in Braunschweig 21 times between 1142 and 1180. He was in Artlenburg and Lüneburg six times, four times in Lübeck and three times in Verden . For Braunschweig, a merging of the inner courtyard with the outer courtyard can be determined, since all of the noble free mentioned for Saxony are also attested in Braunschweig.
Braunschweig gained a unique meaning for Heinrich the Lion. The duke built a palace complex in the nascent city, making it one of the earliest residences of a medieval prince. The town was not expanded until after 1165 as a result of the marriage to the English king's daughter Mathilde on February 1, 1168. In the center of the complex, a bronze statue of a lion was erected between 1164 and 1176 , the first free-standing sculpture of the Middle Ages north of the Alps . The "Braunschweiger Löwe" was a sign of his name and thus probably an individual symbol of rulership, not a family symbol of the Guelphs.
In 1173 the collegiate monastery of St. Blasius was completely rebuilt. Heinrich also promoted the early urban settlement: The marshland in Hagen was opened up for ministerials and cives (citizens); the urbs (city) of the old town , Hagen and the castle area were walled. The Duke's most important mint was in Braunschweig; at least 55 types were minted from 1150 onwards. The concentration on this place went hand in hand with a return to the Brunonian ancestors. The recently laid out burial place for the imperial grandfather Lothar III. in Königslutter , just 20 km to the east, the project was discontinued.
Literature at the court
The Roland song of the cleric Konrad and the Tristrant of Eilhart von Oberg were probably composed on the initiative of Henry the Lion. The Tristrant is the first German verse novel that deals with a Celtic material. The origin of the author and the exact time of creation are unknown. Research largely agrees that the information in the Roland song relates to Henry the Lion. The Roland song was written after 1168 (Heinrich's marriage to Mathilde) and before 1180 (loss of the Duchy of Bavaria). The identity of the poet Konrad remains uncertain. In the Roland song, Henry the Lion is compared with the biblical King David and placed alongside Charlemagne , who was already praised as the earthly embodiment of biblical royalty during his lifetime. Konrad thus portrays Heinrich as the ideal Christian ruler. He increases his ruling panegyric with his assertion that in disem zîte (in the present) only Heinrich the Lion is worthy of comparison with David. The Lucidarius was also commissioned by Henry the Lion after 1150 . It is the first encyclopedia in German.
Art patron and founder
Heinrich the Lion had bailiwick rights over about 75 bishops, monasteries and collegiate churches. Neither in Saxony nor in Bavaria did he found a monastery or a canonical foundation. He only sponsored existing institutions to a limited extent, larger donations received the monasteries Königslutter , St Michael in Lüneburg , Riddagshausen , Northeim , Loccum and the canons of Georgenberg and Riechenberg .
Heinrich, however, was an avid donor of church utensils. According to Arnold von Lübeck and Gerhard von Steterburg, his patronage and foundation activity for the churches was largely motivated by his trip to the Holy Land and his fall. The arm reliquaries of Saints Theodosius and Innocentius from the sixties of the 12th century bear the donor's inscription Dux Heinricus me fieri iussit ad honorem Dei (Duke Heinrich had me made for the glory of God). It is the only surviving goldsmith's work that can certainly be traced back to Henry the Lion. The Marienaltar in the choir of St. Blasius, consecrated in 1188 by Bishop Adelog von Hildesheim , was donated by Mathilde, who furnished it with Heinrich's consent and appointed a pastor for the service. The dedicatory inscription notes that Duke Heinrich and his "religious ossima consors" Mathilde founded and promoted the altar. The seven-armed chandelier , which was certainly made by order of the duke, is also likely to date from around 1188 . The pious foundations date from the last years of Mathilde and Heinrich's life and were an expression of concern for the salvation of souls. According to a 15th century treasure register, the Braunschweig reliquary collection was one of the largest and most distinguished in Europe. Also on behalf of the Duke, the Gospel Book of Henry the Lion was created in the Benedictine Abbey of Helmarshausen , the date of which is controversial between 1173/74 and 1188/89. The so-called “coronation picture” shows the duke's concern for his memoria (commemoration of the dead). It is uncertain whether it can support the thesis, which is sometimes held in research, that Heinrich was striving for royal dignity.
Heinrich and Mathilde donated liturgical implements and vestments to Hildesheim Cathedral . Perhaps this also included the Oswald reliquary. On the other hand, it cannot be proven with certainty whether Heinrich endowed the Lüneburg Michaelskloster with foundations. The monastery was a main place of the Billunger and thus also significant for Henry the Lion. There he probably celebrated Christmas in 1158, 1167 and 1178, but certainly in 1179 and 1180. His first son, who died early, was buried there. Most of the Lüneburg “Treasure of the Golden Plate” was lost in 1698 through theft and between 1791 and 1793 through sales. Whether it can be traced back to Henry the Lion remains uncertain. The foundation of a Byzantine ivory tablet from St. Michael in Lüneburg cannot be traced back to Heinrich with any certainty either.
Through economic and political support measures, the duke had a lasting influence on the development of Lübeck, Schwerin, Braunschweig, Hanover, Lüneburg, Stade and Hamburg. In older history he was assigned the role of founder of Lübeck, Munich and Schwerin; it was claimed that he pursued a systematic "urban policy". In recent research this picture is put into perspective. The measures served rather to increase his income, to demonstrate his domination and to control economic routes. The lion's privilege to found a city has not been handed down.
In addition to Braunschweig, Lüneburg was another important center of power. Heinrich often stayed in Lüneburg with his wife Clementia, but only protective measures for the Lüneburg salt works in 1153 have been handed down to promote Lüneburg. Lüneburg's rise did not begin until after 1189.
A dispute over customs led to the relocation of the Isar bridge, which is important for the salt trade, from Föhring to Munich. No other measures by Heinrich for Munich have come down to us, the duke evidently never visited the settlement and did not grant it city rights.
In Stade, after the takeover of the Stader estates, intensive promotion of the place began. It is unclear whether the town charter was granted. Little can be said about Heinrich's influence on the development of Hanover, Göttingen and Schwerin because of the poor sources.
Lübeck was founded by Count Adolf II from Holstein in 1143 and particularly attracted merchants from Bardowick , a market settlement belonging to the duke. Heinrich initially fought Lübeck and, in competition with the Count, established the so-called Lion City as a counter-foundation in 1158 , which, however, remained unsuccessful. After negotiations with the count, Lübeck's economic rise began. In 1158/1159 Heinrich had Lübeck, which had been badly damaged by fire, rebuilt, took over the rule of the city and began to promote Lübeck's long-distance trade. As the most important trading partners, the Gotland drivers received privileges in 1161 and thus the first written legal protection of their trade. The Neustadt Hamburg was also economically promoted in 1190/91 by exemption from customs duties above the Elbe. In 1216 Count Albrecht von Holstein confirmed this privilege for the entire city of Hamburg with reference to Heinrich the Lion.
A dysentery epidemic , favored by the August heat, claimed great victims in the imperial army off Rome in 1167, including numerous heirs of noble dynasties. Barbarossa then began to systematically collect the goods of heirless noblemen in Swabia. The question of the fate of the southern German property Welf VI. , whose son of the same name Welf VII had also died, led to competition between Welf's nephew Heinrich the Lion and Friedrich Barbarossa. Welf VI. initially bequeathed his entire property in Upper Swabia with a contract to his Guelph nephew Heinrich in return for a large amount of money. The latter, however, delayed the payments, as he might have anticipated the untimely death of his uncle. Then Welf VI closed. a new contract in which he appointed Friedrich Barbarossa and his sons as heirs. This considerable shift in power in Swabia in favor of the emperor was a prerequisite for the trial against the lion.
Heinrich appeared for the last time on July 6, 1174 as a witness in a diploma from the emperor. In the following years he did not perform any military service in Italy and only rarely appeared at the royal court. On the other hand, the Archbishop of Cologne, Philipp , who was one of the lion's most dangerous opponents and had been fighting with him for supremacy in Westphalia for years , committed himself to above-average performance in Italy. Philip wanted to spend "until the Imperial Highness again in full possession of her strength bowed the raised head of the rebels and threw them to the ground".
The pressure of the imperial administration in Italy had already led in December 1167 to the establishment of the Lombard League of Towns , the relations with Alexander III. knotted. Lengthy military conflicts with the emperor followed. In November 1175, Barbarossa asked for support in the fight against the Lombard cities after negotiations had failed.
The events that now follow cannot be reconstructed without contradictions, since the sources allow different interpretations and not only contradict each other in details. All Saxon princes are said to have followed the emperor's request, only Heinrich the Lion refused and Barbarossa asked for an interview. In early 1176 the two probably met in Chiavenna north of Lake Como. Since all sources on the events were drawn up years or even decades later, the historicity is not certain and the details are controversial. Joachim Ehlers interprets the stories about the overthrow of the Guelph Duke as "valuable clues for opening up the public mood in which Henry the Lion acted, but which he played a key role in influencing precisely this act." It is possible that the emperor even fell on his knees in front of the duke to clarify the urgency of his request. Heinrich refused this, however, and thereby broke with the social convention of accepting a request manifested by the fall of a higher rank before the lower ranked one. The Duke probably made the position of an army contingent dependent on the handover of the city of Goslar with its rich silver mines. However, Barbarossa refused.
Contemporaries were already arguing about the causes of the rift between the two longstanding allies. In his account, written between March and August 1210, the loyal historiographer Arnold von Lübeck tried to "cope" with the subsequent overthrow of the duke. The request for help is postponed to a court day, where Barbarossa asked the imperial princes to go to Italy. With reference to his old age, Heinrich did not want to achieve personal military success and instead offered the emperor money.
The refusal of Henry the Lion had serious consequences for the conflict between the emperor and the Lombard cities and the associated Pope Alexander III. In May 1176 the imperial army lost the battle of Legnano . Friedrich had to make peace with Alexander III on August 1, 1177 in Venice. conclude. The archbishops of Cologne and Magdeburg were negotiators on the imperial side. Both were opponents of the lion, the duke was not involved in the negotiations. In peacetime it was also determined that Bishop Ulrich von Halberstadt, who was expelled in 1160 at Heinrich's instigation , should get his old office back.
In the autumn of 1177 Ulrich von Halberstadt in Saxony began the fight against Heinrich the Lion for the Halberstadt church fiefdom. He received support in 1178 from Philip of Cologne, who had returned from Italy. The archbishop invaded the Westphalian part of the duchy. In November 1178, on a farm day in Speyer in front of Barbarossa, the lion brought an action against Philip for breach of the peace . At a court day in Worms, the duke was supposed to answer for his aggressive behavior towards the Saxon nobility. However, Heinrich did not appear in Worms between January 6 and 13, 1179. To appear in court would have meant that he would have recognized the lawsuit against him as justified. The charge disobedience and the demonstrative disregard of the emperor, prince and court affected Barbarossa's claim to power and was a violation of the honor of the empire ( Honor Imperii ). Heinrich's behavior could not go unpunished. Thereupon a "declaratory judgment" was issued on the Worms Hoftag in January 1179, according to which he was threatened with the eighth in case of recurrence . Heinrich did not appear on a court day in Magdeburg on June 24, 1179. In Magdeburg, Margrave Dietrich von der Lausitz brought charges against the lion for high treason and challenged him to a judicial duel .
Arnold von Lübeck delivered the most detailed account of the events about thirty years later. For Arnold, the trial was not a prime example of consensual rule, but the result of a conspiracy against the Duke. Arnold tries to give the impression in his presentation that Heinrich reflected the prevailing legal conception with his argumentation and was thus in line with the ideas of his contemporaries. This version absolves Heinrich of all guilt and makes Barbarossa guilty: the emperor used the duke's justified refusal to overthrow him. After Arnold there was a second confidential conversation in Haldensleben. There Heinrich is said to have asked the emperor through mediator to settle the conflict. Allegedly, Barbarossa demanded 5,000 marks of silver in order to secure for the duke the grace of the princes, to whom he had wronged, through his mediation . Heinrich refused this request. The duke did not appear at the court days in July 1179 in Naumburg (or Neunburg), in August of the same year in Kayna and in January 1180 in Würzburg. In order to gain the support of larger circles of the princes, Barbarossa had to undertake not to restore the duke to his previous honor without their consent. The princes wanted to prevent possible retaliatory measures by a later restituted by Barbarossa and still overpowering double duke. In return, Friedrich lost the traditional prerogative of sovereign forgiveness. Since the Würzburg Court Congress of January 1180, Heinrich was no longer an imperial prince, but as "the noble Heinrich of Braunschweig" (nobilis vir Hainricus de Bruneswic) held a name that was also used by better ministerials.
The future of the Saxon duchy was settled on a court day in Gelnhausen at the end of March 1180. Henry the Lion was condemned as a majesty criminal and his imperial fiefs were withdrawn. In the exhibited for the Archbishop Philip of Cologne Gelnhäuser document the allegations that led to the conviction are listed: the suppression of freedom (libertas) of the Churches of God and the nobles who disregard by feudal law adopted three-time charge before the Hofgericht and multiple Contempt for the imperial majesty (pro multiplici contemptu nobis exhibito) . As a beneficiary of this conflict, Archbishop Philipp of Cologne received western Saxony on April 13, 1180 as the newly created Duchy of Westphalia-Engern . The eastern part fell to Count Bernhard von Anhalt , who became Duke of Saxony. At the end of September 1180, the Duchy of Bavaria was also decided on a court day in Altenburg. Styria was elevated to a duchy and given to the previous margrave Ottokar von Steier , Count Berthold IV von Andechs received the duchy of Meranien. The previous Bavarian Count Palatine Otto von Wittelsbach was enfeoffed with the reduced Duchy of Bavaria ; the Wittelsbach rulers in Bavaria from then on until 1918. With the division of Saxony and Bavaria, the history of the great Carolingian regna of the East Franconian Empire finally came to an end; in their place came princely domains, some of which developed into sovereign rulers. The reorganization also limited royal power and favored regional aristocratic dynasties in both Bavaria and Saxony.
The verdict had to be enforced through an army expedition . Heinrich opened the decisive battles in April 1180 with an attack on the Hohenstaufen palace town of Goslar and with the capture of Landgrave Ludwig III. of Thuringia . The emperor waged a two-month campaign of devastation in Saxony in the summer. A court day on August 15 in the royal palace of Werla urged Heinrich's followers to leave him by November 11 at the latest if they wanted to keep their fiefs and service goods. Heinrich's system of rule, which had given too little consideration to followers and servants, now quickly collapsed. Most of the Guelph castles fell immediately to the emperor ( Ilfeld , Scharzfeld , Herzberg , Staufenberg , Heimburg , Blankenburg , Regenstein , Lauenburg ). Heinrichs Ministeriale Anno II. Von Heimburg, Heinrich III. von Weida, Ekbert II. von Wolfenbüttel and Liudolf II. von Peine switched to Friedrich's side within a few weeks. Heinrich only remained in the main towns of Lüneburg, Braunschweig and Haldensleben. For this reason, Barbarossa was able to dismiss his army as early as the autumn of 1180. In November 1181, Henry the Lion submitted to the Erfurt court. He was allowed to keep his Saxon property, but his two duchies were lost. Heinrich had to go into exile to his father-in-law in the south of England because he was seen as a troublemaker during the political reorganization. The banishment would last three to seven years.
On July 25, 1182 Heinrich went with his wife, his two sons Heinrich and Otto, his daughter Richenza and a few faithful from Braunschweig to his father-in-law in Normandy . In the autumn of 1182 he made a pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela, Spain, to promote the salvation of his soul. It is possible that the Erfurt court decision had imposed a penitential pilgrimage on Heinrich. From Christmas 1182 the lion lived at the court of Henry II. This became a costly affair for the English king. Even in exile, the lion maintained his own court with court offices and a bodyguard paid by the English king. Mathilde and Heinrich's fourth child, Wilhelm , was born in Winchester in 1184 . After the death of Otto I von Wittelsbach in July 1183, Heinrich hoped to regain the Duchy of Bavaria. At Pentecost 1184 he attended the Mainz Court Day , probably as a mediator for his father-in-law Heinrich II . The Bavarian duchy was, however, Otto's son Louis I forgive.
Through diplomatic efforts with the Emperor and Pope, Henry II achieved the return of Henry the Lion to the empire. In the spring of 1185 the former duke landed in Normandy , and at the end of September 1185 he returned to Braunschweig with his wife and eldest son Heinrich. His lion seal now only showed the legend Duke Heinrich instead of the formula Heinrich by God's grace Duke of Bavaria and Saxony . There was no spatial reference. However, the Hohenstaufen chancellery refused him the title of duke. The enormous restriction of his rule after his fall also strengthened Braunschweig's special position from 1185 to 1189. A crusade was decided on March 27, 1188 at the Mainz Court Conference . Barbarossa invited Heinrich to a farm day in Goslar in July 1188. On this occasion he gave him the choice of whether he wanted to be reinstated immediately in parts of his previous dignity or whether he would take part in the crusade and then obtain full restitution. But if he neither wishes one nor the other, he should go into exile again for a period of three years. The former duke chose exile "as going where he did not want to go or seeing the former dignity in some way violated by diminution". At Easter 1189 he returned to England with his son Heinrich. His wife stayed in Braunschweig. After the death of Henry II on July 6th, Henry the Lion joined the new King Richard I. "Lionheart".
The death of his wife on June 28, 1189 induced Heinrich to return to the empire against all agreements. After his arrival in Saxony, Archbishop Hartwig II of Bremen enfeoffed him again with the county of Stade . The emperor and his most important princes had meanwhile set off on a journey to the Holy Land. Heinrich therefore initially succeeded in taking large parts of his former dominion in Saxony. Barbarossa's son Heinrich VI. led an army against the lion to Saxony, but soon had to deal with other problems. After the death of Wilhelm II of Sicily , the succession in Sicily had priority for him, there he had to enforce his inheritance claims resulting from his marriage to the Norman king's daughter. Therefore, he closed the dispute with Heinrich the Lion and made peace with him in Fulda. Heinrich von Braunschweig, the eldest son of Heinrich the Lion, accompanied Heinrich VI. to Italy. On August 5, 1191 he succeeded by Pope Celestine III. to receive the important privilege that Henry the Lion and his sons could only be excommunicated by the Pope or by a papal legate. In addition, through the marriage of Heinrich von Braunschweig with the Staufer Agnes at the end of 1193, family relationships with the Staufers could be re-established. In March 1194 Henry the Lion was accepted into the emperor's full grace in the Palatinate of Tilleda . As a sign of reconciliation, Heinrich's son of the same name was enfeoffed with the Palatinate County near the Rhine .
In the chronicle of Gerhard von Steterburg it is said that in the last year of his life Heinrich had "had old chronicles collected, written down and read aloud and often spent the whole night sleepless with this occupation". After his death he was buried at the side of his wife Mathilde in the Blasius Church in Braunschweig, which he had furnished. From then on, the Guelph memoria concentrated on the Saxon ancestors of the duke couple. The dating of the grave images still preserved today is controversial. It is unclear whether they were made no later than 1210 or between 1235 and 1240. The grave complex for Heinrich and his wife is in any case the oldest surviving double grave of a married couple in Germany.
Shortly after Heinrich's death, his son Heinrich von Braunschweig was able to take over the rhenish palatine dignity in 1195/1196 and thus return to the top group of the nobility in the empire. Heinrich's marriage connection with the English royal family was probably the most important prerequisite for the election of his son Otto as a king . Just three years after Heinrich's death Otto was raised to king by the Lower Rhine-Westphalian greats under the leadership of the Archbishop of Cologne against the Staufer Philipp of Swabia . From 1208 it was generally recognized. Pope Innocent III crowned Otto emperor in 1209. In 1235 Friedrich II. Heinrich's grandson Otto made the child the first duke in the newly created duchy of Braunschweig-Lüneburg . This enabled the Guelphs to return to the ranks of imperial princes.
Judgment in the Middle Ages
Henry the Lion received no contemporary biography. In Bavaria historians took little notice of his fall, and later the repressed memory culture of Wittelsbach his memory. Historiography, memories and stories about the duke were limited to northern Germany after his death, with a few exceptions.
Probably between 1167/68 and 1172, Helmold , pastor in Bosau am Plöner See , wrote his Slav chronicle , in which he describes the history of the West Slav mission from the conversion of Saxony by Charlemagne to the death of Oldenburg Bishop Gerold in 1163. Funding for the Diocese of Oldenburg / Lübeck and the Slavic Mission were of fundamental importance for the assessment of Heinrich the Lion . For Helmold, the protection of the diocese, the Christianization of the Slavs and the safeguarding of the Saxon conquest could only be achieved with Henry the Lion. Heinrich is the figure that towers above all other princes. In him Helmold saw the "prince of all princes of the country", who "bowed the necks of the rebels, broke their castles, exterminated the highwaymen, made peace in the country, built the strongest fortresses and had enormous property."
The Benedictine Abbot Arnold from Lübeck also wrote a chronicle in the same diocese as Helmold . He saw it as a continuation of Helmold's Slav chronicle. Arnold's work is an important source for the history of northern Elbe during the Danish expansion period around 1200 as well as for the history of the Saxon duke, in particular for his arguments with Emperor Friedrich I and the prince opposition. Already in the prologue Arnold places the duke at the beginning of his work because of his conquest of the Sclavi, the spread of Christianity, the establishment of a peace in the entire Slavic land and his services to the church. At the end, Arnold again refers to Heinrich as a convert and subordinate of the Sclavi. However, Arnold's work found little circulation and was rarely used by other authors.
Heinrich's further aftermath was minor. It was not until the end of the 13th century that the Braunschweig Rhyming Chronicle paid tribute to him from a regional historical point of view. In this perspective, the Duke was Braunschweig's patron and fighter for the spread of the Christian faith. Historiographers' interest continued to decline from the beginning of the 14th century.
Heinrich's image was subject to constant change in posterity: the Duke was portrayed as a hero, as a city founder, as a patron of the arts, as a crusader, as a shining light of Germanness and as a European prince, but also as a criminal majesty and treason in the service of the papacy .
His pilgrimage to Jerusalem in 1172/73 was reflected in the so-called Henry saga . In this late medieval story, the duke went on an adventurous journey as a knightly hero (griffin episode, dragon fight, raft trip with the lion) and returned to his native Braunschweig with a lion who was devoted to him. The story was widely spread through several picture cycles, various literary works and songs by Hans Sachs and Heinrich Göding . In 1689 the Italian composer Agostino Steffani took up the legendary material for his opera Enrico Leone for the opening of the opera house in Hanover.
From 1685 the Guelph Dukes of Celle and Hanover tried to establish historical sovereignty claims with the help of Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz . Leibniz was commissioned to write a house story for the Guelphs. Although he collected the source material, the work he expected did not materialize. Henry the Lion became the point of reference for the disputes over rank and territory. His extensive possessions and his position of power formed the "natural basis" for the historical and legal arguments of the Guelphs.
From the 16th century, Heinrich was captured in denominational disputes. In the 19th century Barbarossa's prostration before Henry the Lion a frequently emergent theme in history painting , because the event was widely known through history lessons and literature. It inspired Hermann Wislicenus , Wilhelm Trautschold and Philipp von Foltz . Further scenes from Heinrich's life were processed in the history painting by Bernhard Rode (Heinrich conquers the Wends ), Heinrich Anton Mücke (Heinrich humbled himself before Barbarossa at the Erfurt Reichstag), Adolf Quensen (Heinrich's entry into Jerusalem), Max Koch (Heinrich as the founder of Lübeck ), Ludwig Tacke (Heinrich as the victor over the Wends) or Peter Janssen (submission of Heinrich to Barbarossa at the Erfurt Reichstag).
The construction of the Welfenschloss in the 1860s of the Kingdom of Hanover under George V also determined the pictorial program of the summer residence of the royal family: As a return to the tradition of the Guelphs , the sculpture of Henry the Lion opened the round of eight important rulers on the front of the palace.
At the end of the 19th century, Braunschweig's city planning officer, Ludwig Winter , had a pronounced Henry cult that has shaped Braunschweig's cityscape to this day. In the years 1887 to 1906, he reconstructed the palace of Dankwarderode Castle in the historicizing style. For the Hagenmarkt he designed the Heinrichsbrunnen, built in 1874, with a larger than life bronze figure of the Duke of Guelph.
During the First World War , Heinrich's popularity was intended to encourage the population of the city and duchy of Braunschweig to donate to charities and soldiers from the front. In 1915, the 3.90 m tall " Heinrich the Lion in Iron " was erected in front of Braunschweig Castle . Nails could be hammered into the figure in return for donations.
In his assessment of German history, Adolf Hitler initially emphasized three achievements: the colonization of the Ostmark , “the acquisition and penetration of the area east of the Elbe”, “the organization of the Brandenburg-Prussian state operated by the Hohenzollern as a model and crystallization core of one new empire ”. In this perspective, Heinrich the Lion was ascribed a special role as a champion of colonization in the east . Initially, Hitler praised Heinrich's “ethnic” achievements such as the “Germanization” of Mecklenburg and the “expansion of German living space to the east ”. In 1935, at the instigation of the Minister-President of Brunswick, Dietrich Klagges, the grave of Heinrich and his wife Mathilde was opened. Hitler declared it a “place of pilgrimage and consecration of the nation”, and from 1935 to 1940 the Braunschweig Cathedral was transformed into the “State Cathedral ” and the “Hall of Henry the Lion”.
In his table conversations recorded by Henry Picker , however, after the outbreak of World War II, Hitler was not very fond of the Duke's person and politics. On March 31, 1942, he criticized “feudal princes like Heinrich the Lion because of their out-of-line dancing”. As a “small settler”, the lion did not have the “format of the German emperors”. On July 26, 1942, Hitler sharpened his statements again: "If the German feudal princes had adhered to the German Empire, the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation would have become a huge empire."
Today the city of Braunschweig uses Heinrich the lion as a figure of identification for advertising purposes. In the 1980s, the city marketing took up the slogan "Braunschweig - The City of Henry the Lion", which was already known and used effectively in 1938, and placed it on signs on the city's entrance roads and on the main train station, among other things. Buildings in and around Braunschweig are often upgraded by referring to the historical founder, so that names such as "Castle Heinrichs des Löwen" or "Dom Heinrichs des Löwen" are common.
For older research, Heinrich the Lion and Friedrich Barbarossa embodied not only the Staufer-Guelph antagonism, but at times also two fundamentally contradicting concepts of German politics: Friedrich stood for the imperial Italian policy, Heinrich for a German Ostpolitik. The history of the empire in the 12th century was written as the history of the Staufer-Guelph antagonism. From this perspective, the fall of Heinrich appeared as the result of a dispute between the emperor and the prince over two political concepts and at the same time as the culmination and turning point in the Staufer-Welf conflict.
In Carl von Rotteck's 1818 published and widely read General World History for All Estates , the German nation was identified with the Hohenstaufen. "Henry the Lion's apostasy" was to blame for the emperor's catastrophic defeat of Legnano. Otto von Bismarck later took up this assessment again in his “Thoughts and Memories” in order to legitimize Prussia's annexation of the Guelph Hanover , which was dynastically linked to England, in 1866.
In the Protestant-national historiography of the 19th century, Heinrich the Lion was mostly seen as the main representative of princely particular interests. Wilhelm von Giesebrecht glorified medieval imperial politics in his History of the German Imperial Era, published from 1856, and the judgment on Heinrich was therefore negative. The “statesman's genius” slumbered in him, but “greed, faithlessness and arrogance” had tainted his image. In the subsequent Sybel-Ficker dispute , the advantages and disadvantages of the Italian policy for the German nation were argued. The background was the then current controversy about the design of a German nation-state, in which small German and large German proposed solutions opposed each other. The lion appeared to be a role model for some historians who had a little German-mindedness. He had rejected the failed policy of Rome and Italy and instead recognized the true interests of the German people: strict domination within and expansionary policy towards the outside in the Slavic regions. In particular, the Protestant Prussian Heinrich von Sybel described medieval imperial politics as the “grave of national welfare” and passed a positive judgment on Henry the Lion. The Duke was the first to recognize the true national tasks, since he had induced the Staufers to tear themselves away from Italy "in order to turn their forces undisturbed on the foundations in Austria, Bohemia, Silesia, Brandenburg and Prussia". Julius von Ficker , who teaches in Innsbruck, opposed this interpretation . Heinrich endangered the cohesion of the empire. As an advocate of a Greater German solution including Austria, Ficker particularly emphasized the national and universal importance of the empire from a pan-European perspective. Sybel's positive assessment of the duke did not gain acceptance in research, but it still found supporters in the 20th century. Georg von Below (1927) and his student Fritz Kern (1928) once again saw Heinrich as a forerunner of German national policy. In their opinion, borders could not have stopped Germanness in the east had one followed the lion.
Karl Jordan in particular has been researching the history of Henry the Lion since the 1930s . He issued the duke's documents in 1941/49 as part of the series of lay prince and dynasty documents of the imperial era of the Monumenta Germaniae Historica , which was specially set up for this purpose ; The company was supported by Heinrich Himmler . In 1979 Jordan presented a biography of the Guelph, which for a long time remained the authoritative reference work, although it did not provide any new insights. Jordan remained stuck with the pre-war interpretation patterns. Arrogance, greed for money, refusal to help in dire need, "tragic guilt" were the central interpretive patterns with which he judged the duke. Ultimately, Heinrich's obsession with power led to failure.
Research received new impulses from the personal history approach founded by Karl Schmid and especially further developed by Otto Gerhard Oexle , with the help of which the structure and rulership of the nobility could be recorded. This changed the image of Heinrich. The aspects of power and territorial politics receded, the duke now appeared as an important part of a wide-ranging aristocratic community of descent and remembrance. On the occasion of the 800th anniversary of his death, the exhibition "Heinrich the Lion and His Time" took place in Braunschweig in 1995. Heinrich was portrayed as the leading figure in European networks in the Middle Ages. In the same year, the Konstanz working group dedicated a conference to him, the first in the working group's forty-year history for a person without royal dignity. In 1996 Werner Hechberger revised the idea of the Staufer-Welf antagonism, which had long been regarded as the fundamental political constellation of the 12th century. He was able to prove that the image of two warring families was not a contemporary political coordinate, but a modern research construct. Accordingly, the fall of the lion was no longer to be understood as the result of a single-minded plan pursued by Barbarossa. More recent research has come to a more differentiated judgment on Heinrich's fall and emphasizes the participation of the princes in the royal rule, which was part of the "naturally practiced consensual decision-making structure". When the lion fell, Barbarossa is now rather characterized as the “driven one” of the princes.
In 1997 Joachim Ehlers wrote a brief portrait of the Guelph. He saw Henry's rule because of the connections to the Anglo-Norman world in a "great European perspective". Historical greatness could not be ascribed to the duke because of his energetic transformation of the aristocratic landscape of Saxony into a Guelph territory, but because of the formation of his court, which had become an important center of power and communication. Due to his pronounced will for self-expression and the influences received on his many journeys, the lion proves to be a prince of European rank. However, his numerous deliberate breaches of law are evidence that Heinrich underestimated the law as an instrument of rule and a regulatory factor. Therefore, he had not succeeded in "developing a coherent, externally defensible legal theory for his ambitions and government actions".
Bernd Schneidmüller appeared in 2000 as the power-conscious Welfe, who made little effort to reach a consensus with the Saxon greats, as a "modernizer and snubber, innovative virtuoso of power and insensitive autism in the structure of aristocratic equality". Heinrich's efforts to shift the ducal office between king and count and his attempts to mediate the count status , as well as the consequent use of ministeriality, showed the Guelphs as a modern ruler with above-average "creative will" and as a "motor for hierarchization". In the 13th century, the Sachsenspiegel actually placed the imperial princes above the counts in the feudal hierarchy.
In 2008, Ehlers provided a new synthesis of the current state of research with a comprehensive biography, which replaced Jordan's biography as the standard work.
- Matthias Becher (Hrsg.): Sources for the history of the Guelphs and the chronicle of Burchard von Ursberg (= selected sources for the German history of the Middle Ages. Freiherr-vom-Stein-Gedächtnisausgabe; Vol. 18b), Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, Darmstadt 2007. ( Review )
- Helmold von Bosau : Chronica Slavorum , ed. Bernhard Schmeidler , MGH SSrG 32, Hanover 1937, pp. 1–218 / Helmold von Bosau: Slawenchronik . Retransmitted and explained by Heinz Stoob , 7th edition. (Unchanged. Reprint of the 6th compared to the 5th by one additional later. Edition. 2002) Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, Darmstadt 2008, ISBN 978-3-534-21974-2 .
- Arnold von Lübeck : Chronica Slavorum , ed. Georg Heinrich Pertz , MGH SSrG 14, Hanover 1995 (unchanged reprint of the 1868 edition), ISBN 3-7752-5307-6 .
- Annales stederburgenses: Annales stederburgenses auctore Gerhardo praeposito a. 1000-1195. ed. Georg Heinrich Pertz (= MGH SS XVI), Hanover 1859, pp. 197-231.
- The documents of Henry the Lion, Duke of Saxony and Bavaria. edited by Karl Jordan (MGH lay prince and dynasty documents of the Imperial Era 1), Leipzig 1941–1949 (ND 1957–1960).
- Werner Hechberger , Florian Schuller (eds.): Staufer & Welfen. Two rival dynasties in the High Middle Ages. Pustet, Regensburg 2009, ISBN 978-3-7917-2168-2 . ( Review )
- Bernd Schneidmüller : The Guelphs. Reign and memory (819–1252). 2nd Edition. Kohlhammer. Stuttgart 2014, ISBN 3-17-026104-5 .
- Bernd Schneidmüller (Ed.): The Guelphs and their Brunswick court in the high Middle Ages (= Wolfenbüttel Medieval Studies. Volume 7). Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden 1995, ISBN 3-447-03705-9 .
- Joachim Ehlers : Heinrich the lion. European Principality in the High Middle Ages. Muster-Schmidt, Göttingen 1997, ISBN 3-7881-0149-0 .
- Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the lion. Biography. Siedler, Munich 2008, ISBN 978-3-88680-787-1 . ( Review ) (standard work)
- Johannes Fried , Otto Gerhard Oexle : Heinrich the lion. Dominion and representation (= lectures and research. Volume 57). Thorbecke, Ostfildern 2003, ISBN 3-7995-6657-0 ( digitized version ).
- Karl Jordan : Henry the Lion. A biography. 4th edition. Deutscher Taschenbuch-Verlag, Munich 1996, ISBN 3-423-04601-5 . (for a long time the authoritative reference work)
- Jochen Luckhardt , Franz Niehoff (ed.): Heinrich the lion and his time. Rule and representation of the Guelphs 1125–1235. Catalog of the exhibition Braunschweig 1995. 3 Bde. Hirmer, Munich 1995, ISBN 3-7774-6900-9 .
- Leila Werthschulte: Heinrich the lion in history and legend. Winter, Heidelberg 2007, ISBN 978-3-8253-5387-2 . ( Review see points ) / ( review )
- Hans Prutz : Heinrich the lion . In: Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie (ADB). Volume 11, Duncker & Humblot, Leipzig 1880, pp. 589-601.
- Karl Jordan: New German Biography (NDB). Volume 8, Duncker & Humblot, Berlin 1969, ISBN 3-428-00189-3 , pp. 388-391 ( version ). In:
- Bernd Schneidmüller: Heinrich the Lion. In: Horst-Rüdiger Jarck, Dieter Lent et al. (Ed.): Braunschweigisches Biographisches Lexikon: 8th to 18th century . Appelhans Verlag, Braunschweig 2006, ISBN 3-937664-46-7 , pp. 317-319.
- Sebastian Sobecki: Heinrich the lion. In: Biographisch-Bibliographisches Kirchenlexikon (BBKL). Volume 26, Bautz, Nordhausen 2006, ISBN 3-88309-354-8 , Sp. 629-656.
- Literature by and about Heinrich the Lion in the catalog of the German National Library
- Works by and about Heinrich the Lion in the German Digital Library
- Publications on Henry the Lion in the Opac of the Regesta Imperii
- Document regarding the possible excommunication of Heinrich the Lion in 1191 on Kulturerbe.niedersachsen.de
- Literature about Heinrich the lion in the Lower Saxony bibliography
- Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the lion. Biography. Munich 2008, p. 321. Color plate IV
- Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the lion. Biography. Munich 2008, p. 320. Color plate III
- Bernd Schneidmüller: The Welfs. Reign and memory (819–1252). Stuttgart 2000, p. 15.
- Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the lion. A biography . Munich 2008, p. 47.
- Karl Jordan: Heinrich the lion. A biography. 4th edition. Munich 1996, p. 25.
- Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the lion. Biography. Munich 2008, p. 47ff.
- Otto von Freising, Chronica, lib. VII, cap. 23
- Knut Görich: The Staufer. Ruler and empire. Munich 2006, p. 28. Gesta Frederici I, 23.
- Bernd Schneidmüller: The Guelphs. Reign and memory (819–1252). Stuttgart 2000, p. 186.
- Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the lion. Biography. Munich 2008, pp. 73, 157f.
- Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the lion. Biography. Munich 2008, p. 74.
- Alfried Wieczorek, Bernd Schneidmüller, Stefan Weinfurter (eds.): Die Staufer and Italy. Three regions of innovation in medieval Europe. Vol. 1: Essays. Darmstadt 2010, p. 72; Braunschweigisches Landesmuseum - Lower Saxony State Museums Braunschweig (Ed.): Otto IV. Dream of the Guelph Empire. Petersberg 2009, p. 324.
- Bernd Schneidmüller: The Guelphs. Reign and memory (819–1252). Stuttgart 2000, p. 188.
- Knut Görich: Friedrich Barbarossa: A biography. Munich 2011, p. 127.
- Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the lion. Biography. Munich 2008, p. 77.
- Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the lion. Biography. Munich 2008, p. 87.
- Knut Görich: "... so that our uncle's honor is not diminished ..." Procedure and settlement in the dispute over the Duchy of Bavaria 1152–1156. In: Peter Schmid, Heinrich Wanderwitz (ed.): The birth of Austria. 850 years of privilege minus. Regensburg 2007, pp. 23–35, here: p. 24.
- Knut Görich: Friedrich Barbarossa: A biography. Munich 2011, p. 463f. The source: Helmoldi Chronica Slavorum cap. 86.
- Karl Schmid: Welfish self-image. In: Josef Fleckenstein, Karl Schmid (Ed.): Nobility and Church. Festschrift Gerd Tellenbach. Freiburg et al. 1968, pp. 389–416, here: p. 410: Otto Gerhard Oexle: Heinrich's memorial of the lion. In: Dieter Geuenich , Otto Gerhard Oexle (Hrsg.): Memoria in the society of the Middle Ages. Göttingen 1994, pp. 128–177, here: p. 145.
- Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the lion. Biography. Munich 2008, p. 88.
- Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the lion. Biography. Munich 2008, p. 89.
- Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the lion. Biography. Munich 2008, p. 95.
- Rahewin , Gesta Frederici, III, 13.
- Rahewin, Gesta Frederici, III, 25-26.
- Knut Görich: Hunter of the lion or the driven of the princes? Friedrich Barbarossa and the disempowerment of Henry the Lion. In: Werner Hechberger, Florian Schuller (eds.): Staufer & Welfen. Two rival dynasties in the High Middle Ages. Regensburg 2009, pp. 99–117, here: p. 108.
- Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the lion. Biography. Munich 2008, p. 178.
- Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the lion. Biography. Munich 2008, p. 116; 164.
- Bernd Schneidmüller: The Guelphs. Reign and memory (819–1252). Stuttgart 2000, p. 224.
- Bernd Schneidmüller: Heinrich the lion and his political model in the north of the empire. In: The Hohenstaufen and Northern Germany. Göppingen 2016, pp. 12–46, here: p. 30.
- Bernd Schneidmüller: Heinrich the lion. Innovation potential of a medieval prince. In: Werner Hechberger, Florian Schuller (eds.): Staufer & Welfen. Two rival dynasties in the High Middle Ages. Regensburg 2009, pp. 50–65, here: p. 56 ( online ); Bernd Schneidmüller: The Guelphs. Reign and memory (819–1252). Stuttgart 2000, pp. 205f.
- Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the lion. Biography. Munich 2008, p. 88.
- Martin Bitschnau, Hannes Obermair: Tiroler Urkundenbuch. Department 2: The documents on the history of the Inn, Eisack and Pustertal valleys. Volume 2: 1140-1200. Innsbruck 2012, p. 48, no. 423 (note 1).
- Diana Zunker: Aristocracy in Westphalia. Structures and concepts of domination (1106–1235). Husum 2003, p. 14.
- Helmold von Bosau II 105.
- Rudolf Schieffer: Heinrich the Lion, Otto von Freising and Friedrich Barbarossa at the beginning of Munich's history. In: Werner Hechberger, Florian Schuller (eds.): Staufer & Welfen. Two rival dynasties in the High Middle Ages. Regensburg 2009, pp. 66–77, here: p. 70.
- Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the lion. Biography. Munich 2008, p. 163f.
- Rudolf Schieffer: Heinrich the Lion, Otto von Freising and Friedrich Barbarossa at the beginning of Munich's history. In: Werner Hechberger, Florian Schuller (eds.): Staufer & Welfen. Two rival dynasties in the High Middle Ages. Regensburg 2009, pp. 66–77, here: p. 71.
- Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the lion. Biography. Munich 2008, p. 100.
- Bernd Schneidmüller: The Welfs. Reign and memory (819–1252). Stuttgart 2000, pp. 213f.
- Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the lion. Biography. Munich 2008, p. 171.
- Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the lion. Biography. Munich 2008, pp. 184-186.
- Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the lion. Biography. Munich 2008, p. 14.
- Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the lion. Biography. Munich 2008, pp. 190f.
- Bernd Schneidmüller: The Guelphs. Reign and memory (819–1252). Stuttgart 2000, p. 222.
- Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the lion. Biography. Munich 2008, p. 199.
- Gert Melville: To Guelphs and Courtyards. Highlights at the end of a conference. In: Bernd Schneidmüller (Ed.), The Welfen and their Braunschweiger Hof in the high Middle Ages, Wiesbaden 1995, pp. 541–557, here: p. 546.
- Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the lion. Biography. Munich 2008, p. 229.
- Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the lion. Biography. Munich 2008, p. 240; 400; Bernd Schneidmüller: Heinrich the Lion. Innovation potential of a medieval prince. In: Werner Hechberger, Florian Schuller (eds.): Staufer & Welfen. Two rival dynasties in the High Middle Ages. Regensburg 2009, pp. 50–65, here: p. 58 ( online ).
- Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the lion. Biography. Munich 2008, p. 242.
- Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the lion. Biography. Munich 2008, p. 235.
- Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the lion. Biography. Munich 2008, p. 235f.
- Joachim Ehlers: The court of Heinrich the lion. In: Bernd Schneidmüller (Ed.): The Guelphs and their Brunswick court in the high Middle Ages. Wiesbaden 1995, pp. 43-59, here: p. 52.
- Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the lion. Biography. Munich 2008, p. 251.
- Bernd Schneidmüller: The Welfs. Reign and memory (819–1252). Stuttgart 2000, p. 218.
- Bernd Schneidmüller: Heinrich the lion. Innovation potential of a medieval prince. In: Werner Hechberger, Florian Schuller (eds.): Staufer & Welfen. Two rival dynasties in the High Middle Ages. Regensburg 2009, pp. 50–65, here: p. 59 ( online ).
- Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the lion. Biography. Munich 2008, pp. 257f.
- Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the lion. Biography. Munich 2008, p. 265.
- Tania Brüsch: The Brunones, their counties and the Saxon history. Rulership and nobility consciousness in the 11th century. Husum 2000, p. 94ff.
- Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the lion. Biography. Munich 2008, pp. 299-301.
- Joachim Bumke: Patrons in the Middle Ages. The patrons and patrons of court literature in Germany 1150–1300. Munich 1979, p. 85; Dieter Kartschoke: German literature at the court of Henry the Lion? In: Johannes Fried, Otto Gerhard Oexle (ed.): Heinrich the lion. Rule and representation. Ostfildern 2003, pp. 83-134, here: p. 86 ( digitized version ); Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the lion. Biography. Munich 2008, p. 296.
- Dieter Kartschoke: German literature at the court of Henry the Lion? In: Johannes Fried, Otto Gerhard Oexle (ed.): Heinrich the lion. Rule and representation. Ostfildern 2003, pp. 83–134, here: p. 89 ( digitized version )
- Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the lion. Biography. Munich 2008, p. 286f.
- Bernd Ulrich Hucker suspects that it could be a depiction of Otto from an unfinished tomb for him. See: Braunschweigisches Landesmuseum - Lower Saxony State Museums Braunschweig (ed.): Otto IV. Dream of the Welf Empire . Petersberg 2009, p. 289ff.
- Hubertus Seibert: Heinrich the Lion and the Welfs. An anniversary and its earnings for research. In: Historische Zeitschrift, Vol. 268 (1999), pp. 375-406, here: p. 385.
- Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the lion. Biography. Munich 2008, p. 122.
- Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the lion. Biography. Munich 2008, p. 302.
- Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the lion. Biography. Munich 2008, p. 303.
- Willibald Sauerländer: Dynastic patronage of the Staufer and Welfs. In: Werner Hechberger, Florian Schuller (eds.), Staufer & Welfen. Two rival dynasties in the High Middle Ages. Regensburg 2009, pp. 119–141, here: p. 133.
- Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the lion. Biography. Munich 2008, p. 307.
- Bernd Schneidmüller: The Welfs. Reign and memory (819–1252). Stuttgart 2000, p. 218.
- See Johannes Fried: "The gold-shining book". Henry the Lion, his gospel book, his self-image. Comments on a new release. In: Göttingische Gelehre Anzeige 242 (1990), pp. 34-79; Otto Gerhard Oexle: To the criticism of new research on the Gospel of Heinrichs the lion. In: Göttingische Gelehre Anzeige 245 (1993) pp. 70-109; Otto Gerhard Oexle: The memoria of Heinrichs the lion. In: Dieter Geuenich, Otto Gerhard Oexle (Hrsg.): Memoria in the society of the Middle Ages. Göttingen 1994, pp. 128-177; Wolfgang Milde: Christ promises the kingdom of life. Coronation representations of scribes and donors. In: Bernd Schneidmüller (Ed.): The Guelphs and their Brunswick court in the high Middle Ages. Wiesbaden 1995, pp. 279-296; Joachim Ott: Crown and Coronation. The promise and bestowal of crowns in art from late antiquity to around 1200 and the spiritual interpretation of the crown. Mainz on the Rhine 1998.
- Johannes Fried: Königsgedanken Heinrichs des Löwen In: Archiv für Kulturgeschichte , Vol. 55, 1973, pp. 312–351, here: pp. 343f.
- Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the lion. Biography. Munich 2008, p. 308.
- Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the lion. Biography. Munich 2008, pp. 308-313.
- Bernd Schneidmüller: The Guelphs. Reign and memory (819–1252). Stuttgart 2000, p. 215; Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the lion. Biography. Munich 2008, p. 126.
- Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the lion. Biography. Munich 2008, p. 128.
- Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the lion. Biography. Munich 2008, p. 164; Rudolf Schieffer: Heinrich the Lion, Otto von Freising and Friedrich Barbarossa at the beginning of Munich's history. In: Werner Hechberger, Florian Schuller (eds.): Staufer & Welfen. Two rival dynasties in the High Middle Ages. Regensburg 2009, pp. 66–77, here: p. 71.
- Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the lion. Biography. Munich 2008, p. 129.
- Bernd Schneidmüller: The Guelphs. Reign and memory (819–1252). Stuttgart 2000, p. 207.
- Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the lion. Biography. Munich 2008, p. 215.
- Knut Görich: Friedrich Barbarossa: A biography. Munich 2011, p. 470.
- Joachim Ehlers have the historicity of the meeting: Heinrich der Löwe. Biography. Munich 2008, p. 224; Claudia Garnier: The culture of request. Rule and communication in the medieval empire. Darmstadt 2008, pp. 188ff. and Stefan Weinfurter: The Empire in the Middle Ages. Brief German history from 500 to 1500. Munich 2008, p. 125 recorded, but recently the opposing voices have increased. Cf. for example: Johannes Fried: The veil of memory. Principles of a historical memory. Munich 2004, pp. 252-255.
- Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the lion. Biography. Munich 2008, p. 224.
- Gerd Althoff: The historiography mastered. The fall of Henry the Lion as portrayed by Arnold von Lübeck. In: Bernd Schneidmüller (Ed.): The Guelphs and their Brunswick court in the high Middle Ages. Wiesbaden 1995, pp. 163-182.
- Arnold von Lübeck, Chronica Slavorum II, 1.
- Knut Görich: Hunter of the lion or the driven of the princes? Friedrich Barbarossa and the disempowerment of Henry the Lion. In: Werner Hechberger, Florian Schuller (eds.): Staufer & Welfen. Two rival dynasties in the High Middle Ages. Regensburg 2009, pp. 99–117, here: p. 109.
- Knut Görich: Friedrich Barbarossa: A biography. Munich 2011, pp. 475–477.
- Steffen Patzold: Consensus and Competition. Thoughts on a current research concept in medieval studies. In: Frühmittelalterliche Studien , Vol. 41 (2007), pp. 75-103, here: p. 100.
- Gerd Althoff: The historiography mastered. The fall of Henry the Lion as portrayed by Arnold von Lübeck. In: Bernd Schneidmüller (Ed.): The Guelphs and their Brunswick court in the high Middle Ages. Wiesbaden 1995, pp. 163-182. Reprinted in: Staged Reign. Historiography and Political Action in the Middle Ages. Darmstadt 2003, pp. 190–210, here: p. 199.
- Arnold von Lübeck, Chronica Slavorum, lib. II, cap. 10.
- Knut Görich: Attempt to save contingency. Or: About difficulties in writing a biography of Friedrich Barbarossa. In: Frühmittelalterliche Studien , Vol. 43 (2009), pp. 179–197, here: p. 195.
- Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the Lion and the Plantagenet House 1182–1185. In: Lukas Clemens, Sigrid Hirbodian (ed.): Christian and Jewish Europe in the Middle Ages. Colloquium in honor of Alfred Haverkamp. Trier 2011, pp. 71–81, here: p. 71.
- DFI 795 ( digitized version ).
- Knut Görich: Friedrich Barbarossa: A biography. Munich 2011, p. 478.
- Bernd Schneidmüller: The Guelphs. Reign and memory (819–1252). Stuttgart 2000, p. 229.
- Knut Görich: Friedrich Barbarossa: A biography. Munich 2011, p. 481.
- Bernd Schneidmüller: The Welfs. Reign and memory (819–1252). Stuttgart 2000, p. 234.
- Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the lion. Biography. Munich 2008, p. 354.
- Bernd Schneidmüller: The Welfs. Reign and memory (819–1252). Stuttgart 2000, p. 235.
- Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the lion. European Principality in the High Middle Ages. Göttingen 1997, p. 119.
- Arnold von Lübeck, Chronica Slavorum, lib. IV., Cap. 7th
- Quoted from Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the Lion. Biography. Munich 2008, p. 386.
- Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the lion. Biography. Munich 2008, p. 389.
- Jochen Luckhardt and Franz Niehoff (eds.): Heinrich the lion and his time. Rule and representation of the Guelphs 1125–1235. Volume 1: Catalog , Munich 1995, p. 190.
- Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the lion. Biography. Munich 2008, p. 392.
- Volker Scior: The own and the foreign. Identity and foreignness in the chronicles of Adam von Bremen, Helmolds von Bosau and Arnold von Lübeck. Berlin 2002, p. 186.
- Helmold von Bosau II 102.
- Arnold, Prol.
- Volker Scior: The own and the foreign. Identity and foreignness in the chronicles of Adam von Bremen, Helmolds von Bosau and Arnold von Lübeck. Berlin 2002, p. 228.
- Volker Scior: The own and the foreign. Identity and foreignness in the chronicles of Adam von Bremen, Helmolds von Bosau and Arnold von Lübeck. Berlin 2002, p. 265f.
- Giselbert, Chronicon Hanoniense , c. 48. See also Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the Lion. Biography. Munich 2008, p. 404.
- Jochen Luckhardt, Franz Niehoff (ed.): Heinrich the lion and his time. Rule and representation of the Guelphs 1125–1235. Catalog of the exhibition Braunschweig 1995. Volume 3: Nachleben . Munich 1995, p. 110.
- Rita Seidel: Pictures, Figures, Monuments. In: Sid Auffarth , Wolfgang Pietsch (Ed.): The University of Hanover. Their buildings, their gardens, their planning history. Petersberg 2003, pp. 105-118.
- Monika Lemke-Kokkelink : From Heinrichsbrunnen to the Romanesque Festival - Stadtbaurat Ludwig Winter (1843–1930) as architect and director of the Heinrichskult in Braunschweig. In: Heinrich the Lion and His Time , Volume 3, Munich 1995, pp. 74–82.
- Jochen Luckhardt, Franz Niehoff (ed.): Heinrich the lion and his time. Volume 3, Munich 1995, pp. 215f.
- Adolf Hitler: Mein Kampf. Vol. 2, p. 742.
- Adolf Hitler at the crypt of Heinrich the Lion. In: Völkischer Beobachter from July 18, 1935 (= Vol. 48, No. 199), 1. Cf. Johannes Fried: The lion as an object. What writers, historians and politicians make of Henry the Lion. In: Historische Zeitschrift , Vol. 262 (1996), pp. 673-693, here: p. 684.
- Henry Picker: Hitler's table talks in the Führer Headquarters. Completely revised and expanded new edition with previously unknown personal testimonies from Adolf Hitler, illustrations, eyewitness reports and explanations by the author: Hitler as he really was, 3rd edition, Stuttgart 1977, pp. 165f .; 463.
- Braunschweiger Zeitung (ed.): The 100 largest Braunschweiger. Braunschweiger Zeitung Spezial, No. 1 (2005), p. 49.
- Jochen Luckhardt, Franz Niehoff (ed.): Heinrich the lion and his time. Volume 3, Munich 1995, p. 250f.
- Carl von Rottek: General history from the beginning of historical knowledge up to our times for thinking history lovers . Vol. 5. Freiburg 1818, p. 164.
- Johannes Fried: The lion as an object. What writers, historians and politicians made of Henry the Lion. In: Historische Zeitschrift , Vol. 262 (1996), pp. 673-693, here: p. 682.
- Wilhelm Giesebrecht: History of the German Imperial Era. Fifth volume. Second division. Frederick I fights against Alexander III, the Lombard League and Henry the Lion. Leipzig 1888, pp. 946f. Compare: Johannes Fried: The lion as an object. What writers, historians and politicians made of Henry the Lion. In: Historische Zeitschrift , Vol. 262 (1996), pp. 673-693, here: p. 680.
- The texts of the Ficker-Sybel controversy in: Friedrich Schneider (Ed.): Universalstatt or Nationstaat. Power and end of the First German Reich. The pamphlets by Heinrich v. Sybel and Julius Ficker on German imperial politics in the Middle Ages. Innsbruck 1941.
- Gerd Althoff: The assessment of medieval Ostpolitik as a paradigm for a time-bound assessment of history. In: Ders. (Ed.): The Germans and their Middle Ages. Topics and functions of modern historical images of the Middle Ages, Darmstadt 1992, pp. 147–164, here: p. 149.
- Georg von Below: The Italian imperial policy of the German Middle Ages with special regard to the policy of Friedrich Barbarossa. Munich et al. 1927, esp. P. 11f. Fritz Kern: The German state and the politics of the Roman procession. In: From Politics and History. Commemorative writing for Georg von Below. Berlin 1928, pp. 32-74.
- Karl Jordan: Heinrich the lion. A biography. Munich 1979, p. 252ff. See the judgment: Johannes Fried: The lion as an object. What writers, historians and politicians made of Henry the Lion. In: Historische Zeitschrift , Vol. 262 (1996), pp. 673-693, here: p. 689.
- Cf. Karl Schmid: On the emergence and research of gender consciousness. In: Zeitschrift für die Geschichte des Oberrheins , Vol. 134 (1986), pp. 21–33.
- Cf. Otto Gerhard Oexle: Noble self-understanding and its connection with liturgical commemoration - the example of the Guelphs. In: Zeitschrift für die Geschichte des Oberrheins , Vol. 134 (1986), pp. 47-75.
- Hubertus Seibert: Heinrich the Lion and the Welfs. An anniversary and its earnings for research. In: Historische Zeitschrift , Vol. 268 (1999), pp. 375-406, here: pp. 376f.
- Johannes Fried, Otto Gerhard Oexle: Heinrich the lion. Rule and representation. Ostfildern 2003.
- Werner Hechberger: Staufer and Welfen 1125–1190. On the use of theories in history. Cologne 1996.
- Bernd Schneidmüller: Consensual rule. An essay on forms and concepts of political order in the Middle Ages. In: Paul-Joachim Heinig, Sigrid Jahns, Hans-Joachim Schrnidt, Rainer Christoph Schwinges, Sabine Wefers (eds.): Empire, regions and Europe in the Middle Ages and modern times. Festschrift for Peter Moraw. Berlin 2000, pp. 53–87, here: p. 75.
- Knut Görich: Hunter of the lion or the driven of the princes? Friedrich Barbarossa and the disempowerment of Henry the Lion. In: Werner Hechberger, Florian Schuller (eds.): Staufer & Welfen. Two rival dynasties in the High Middle Ages. Regensburg 2009, pp. 99–117, here: p. 111.
- Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the lion. European Principality in the High Middle Ages. Göttingen 1997, p. 80.
- Hubertus Seibert: Heinrich the Lion and the Welfs. An anniversary and its earnings for research. In: Historische Zeitschrift , Vol. 268 (1999), pp. 375-406, here: p. 380.
- Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the lion. European Principality in the High Middle Ages. Göttingen 1997, p. 25.
- Bernd Schneidmüller: The Guelphs. Reign and memory (819–1252). Stuttgart 2000, p. 211.
- Bernd Schneidmüller: Heinrich the lion. Innovation potential of a medieval prince. In: Werner Hechberger, Florian Schuller (eds.): Staufer & Welfen. Two rival dynasties in the High Middle Ages. Regensburg 2009, pp. 50–65, here: p. 55 ( online ).
- Bernd Schneidmüller: Heinrich the lion. Innovation potential of a medieval prince. In: Werner Hechberger, Florian Schuller (eds.): Staufer & Welfen. Two rival dynasties in the High Middle Ages. Regensburg 2009, pp. 50–65, here: p. 64 ( online )
- Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the lion. Biography. Munich 2008.
Duke of Saxony
Duke of Bavaria
|SURNAME||Henry the Lion|
|SHORT DESCRIPTION||Duke of Saxony (1142–1180); Duke of Bavaria (1156–1180)|
|BIRTH DATE||between 1129 and 1135|
|DATE OF DEATH||August 6, 1195|
|PLACE OF DEATH||Braunschweig|