Heinrich V. (HRR)

The ruler depicted on a faldistory with the insignia of crown, scepter and orb is identified with Henry V. (Gospels from St. Emmeram in Regensburg, Cracow, library of the cathedral chapter, Cod. 208, fol. 1r)

Heinrich V (* 1081 or 1086 possibly on 11 August; † 23 May 1125 in Utrecht ) from the Salier family was co-king of his father, Emperor Heinrich IV , from 1098 , Roman-German king from 1106 and from 1111 to 1125 Roman-German emperor .

In the conflicts between Emperor Henry IV and the greats of the empire and the reformed papacy over the recognition of his royal rule, Henry V allied himself with his father's opponents. After his fall in 1106, Henry V ruled for five years by consensus with the great. The year 1111 is considered to be the turning point of his royal rule. Shortly before his coronation as emperor, Heinrich tried in vain to withdraw their regalia from the bishops . In order to at least preserve the previous right of investiture , i.e. the appointment of clergymen, he took Pope Paschal II.caught and forced his coronation as emperor. After 1111, the king turned away from joint rule with the princes and returned to the earlier autocratic forms of rule of the Salians. Heinrich fought out his conflicts with the greats increasingly uncompromisingly, but failed with the attempt to increase the power of rule over the church and princes in Saxony, on the Middle and Lower Rhine. The princes took responsibility for peace in the empire. In the Würzburg prince's ruling of 1121, they forced Heinrich to compromise with the papacy, which led to the Worms Concordat , with which the investiture dispute ended in 1122 . In the last years of his life, the king found little support from the great. The itinerary , the “travel route” of the king in an empire without a capital, was henceforth limited to the west of the empire. Heinrich had been married to Mathilde of England since 1114 . Since the marriage remained without male descendants, Henry V was the last emperor of the Salian dynasty.

Life

Crisis of the empire

The top row shows Emperor Heinrich IV between his sons Heinrich V and Konrad. (Gospels from St. Emmeram in Regensburg, Cracow, library of the cathedral chapter, Cod. 208, fol. 2v.)

Heinrich V was probably born on August 11th in the year 1081 or 1086. Only his sword line is secured for Easter 1101; this ceremony usually took place on reaching the age of 15. Heinrich was the son of Heinrich IV and Bertha von Savoyen , who died at the end of 1087. With Konrad and Agnes he had two older siblings, two other siblings had died early. Heinrich seems to have spent the first years of his life mainly in Regensburg . His tutor was Bishop Konrad von Utrecht .

At the time of Heinrich's birth, his father of the same name had been fighting with popes, bishops and princes for several years to maintain his rule. During his reign, Henry IV paid little attention to the advice and the sense of rank of the nobility. In addition to Saxony, the southern German duchies of Bavaria, Swabia and Carinthia were the centers of the resistance it generated. These southern German dukes, in turn, sought the support of Pope Gregory VII , an advocate of church reform ideas. Gregory's central demand was that the emperor should renounce the investiture of abbots and bishops. He excommunicated Henry IV in 1076. By going to Canossa at penance , the Salier succeeded in solving the ban on church. However, in 1080 and 1094 Heinrich IV was again excommunicated, in 1102 he and his partisans and thus his son Heinrich V were again exiled from church. The conflict divided the empire and the church.

Heinrich therefore tried to strengthen his influence in the south. His daughter Agnes was betrothed to Friedrich , who thereby acquired the Duchy of Swabia in 1079. In addition, the emperor tried to secure his successor. Heinrich IV. Appointed his eldest son Konrad, who was ordained king in Aachen in 1087, as the successor to the monarchy . But in 1093 Konrad defected to the party of church reformers in Italy. Therefore, in May 1098, on a court day in Mainz, his kingship and inheritance were revoked and given to his younger brother Heinrich V. The latter had to take the oath never to seize power against the father. On January 6, 1099, Heinrich was anointed and crowned king in Aachen. There he had to repeat the oath. His brother Konrad died on July 27, 1101 in Florence . The continuation of the Salian dynasty now depended on Henry V, the only living son of the emperor. The son's co-reign with the father seems to have gone smoothly for six years. Unlike the previous sons of the king, Henry V was not involved in government activities. The father's behavior towards his son was presumably marked by extreme caution since the apostasy of his older son Konrad.

Disempowerment of the father (1104–1106)

Above: The armies of Henry IV and Henry V faced each other on the banks of the Regen River in 1105. Below: Pope Innocent II surrounded by clerics and senators. ( Otto von Freising , Chronik, Jena, Thuringian University and State Library, Ms. Bos. Q. 6, fol. 91v.)

Emperor Heinrich IV hands over the ruler's insignia to his son Heinrich V. Contrary to historical facts, the pen drawing shows the ideal course of the personal and consensual handover of insignia from father to son. (World Chronicle of Ekkehard von Aura. Berlin State Library, Prussian Cultural Heritage Foundation, Cod. Lat. 295, fol. 99r)

Archbishop Ruthard of Mainz presents Heinrich V with the Sphaira. (Anonymous Imperial Chronicle for Henry V, 1112/1114, Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, The Parker Library, Ms. 373, fol.83r)

The causes and motives that led to the father being disempowered by the son are controversial in recent research. Stefan Weinfurter sees the religious reform motives of the conspirators in the king's environment as crucial. In the sources, the influence of young Bavarian counts is mentioned as the motive for the waste. Margrave Diepold III. von Vohburg , Count Berengar von Sulzbach and Count Otto von Habsburg-Kastl passed down by name. The Bavarian nobles belonged to the founding circle of the reform monastery Kastl and the reform monasteries Berchtesgaden and Baumburg in Bavaria. Through feasts (convivia) and hunting amusements , they had tied the king's son to themselves and conveyed to him that he would lose his rule if he did not turn against his father soon. Because if he waited until the death of his father before ascending to the throne, someone else would precede him, who in turn would find many supporters - so great is the hatred of his banned father in the whole empire. Concerned about the salvation of his soul , Heinrich then left his banned father and formed a "community of salvation" with the young Bavarian nobles. Heinrich assumed that he could only secure his successor through an alliance with these reform forces.

Another research opinion weights the assassination of Sieghard von Burghausen in February 1104 by ministerials and citizens of Regensburg more strongly for the fall of Heinrich IV . Sieghard had complained about the royal resetting of Bavaria against Saxony and Franconia. His murder had embittered the relatives of the dead man and all the nobles because the emperor had not taken decisive action against the guilty ministerials. As a result of this incident, the old allegations against Henry IV would have arisen again, he prefers people of lower class. Heinrich V would have tried in vain to mediate an amicable settlement between Count Sieghard and the ministerials and therefore had reason to resent his father for inaction. What is remarkable for this conclusion, however, is the long time lag between the murder of Sieghard von Burghausen and Heinrich's separation from his father.

In November 1104, Heinrich V marched in the army of his father Heinrich IV against Saxon reform nobility who had opposed the election of the Archbishop of Magdeburg. During this punitive expedition to Saxony, he renounced his father on December 12, 1104, thereby breaking the oath of allegiance to the ruling king. Following this, Heinrich V made his way to Regensburg, where he first celebrated Christmas with his followers. At the turn of the year 1104/05 he then sent messengers to Rome in order to be freed from the ban and the oath by the Pope - the breach of an oath was considered one of the greatest misconducts after his death, even according to the understanding of faith at the time Had to fear judgment before God's final judgment . The Pope told Henry V, on the condition that he would be a just king and ruler of the Church as his successor, not only absolution for this sin , but also support in the fight against his father.

Between 1105 and 1106, both parties had their arguments spread in letters and historiographical texts in order to bind the empire to themselves: father and son accused each other of disregarding the divine order and destroying the earthly order. Heinrich V began to strive intensively for Saxony. His father had not entered Saxony after 1089, where the opposition against him was particularly strong. In the spring of 1105 Heinrich V stayed there for two months. He showed his willingness to work with the church on the basis of Gregorian ideas by removing the bishops appointed by his father, Friedrich von Halberstadt , Udo von Hildesheim and Heinrich von Paderborn . He moved barefoot into Quedlinburg on Palm Sunday to celebrate Easter. In doing so, he demonstrated his humility (humilitas) , an elementary Christian ruling virtue. The stay was concluded with the celebration of Pentecost in Merseburg and the confirmation of the Magdeburg Metropolitan .

Heinrich V succeeded in the Babenberg Leopold III. to induce apostasy from his father by promising him his sister Agnes to be his wife. At the end of October 1105, Heinrich V. occupied Speyer , the central place of Salian rule. With Gebhard he set up a vehement opponent of his father as Bishop of Speyer. In the autumn of 1105 the armies of father and son faced each other on the Regen River . However, a battle was prevented by the princes on both sides who wanted to find a peaceful solution. At Christmas 1105, an agreement was to be reached on a court day in Mainz.

Heinrich IV moved to Mainz on the announced court day. On December 20, 1105, according to the Vita Heinrici IV. Heinrich V in Koblenz "fell around the neck" and "shed tears and kissed him". Falling feet, tears and kisses as public manifestations of reconciliation were, according to the opinion of the time, binding. Henry IV then dismissed his army. Father and son left together on December 21st for the farm day in Mainz. In Bingen on December 23, Heinrich persuaded his father to go to a castle for his own protection, because Archbishop Ruthard of Mainz would not let him into the city. Heinrich agreed and was brought to Böckelheim Castle , which belonged to Bishop Gebhard , not for his protection, but in permanent custody . Heinrich was thrown into the dungeon and remained there “unwashed and unshaven and deprived of any worship service” over the Christmas period. At the Reichstag in Mainz at Christmas 1105, Heinrich asked his father to give him the insignia ( crown , scepter , imperial cross , holy lance and imperial sword ). At the turn of the year Heinrich IV was brought to Ingelheim and forced to abdicate on December 31, 1105. In Ingelheim, the imperial insignia was also pressed from him. In possession of the insignia, Heinrich V had the version circulated that his father had voluntarily ceded the rule to him. This representation of the events was an expression of his striving for dynastic continuity.

On January 5 or 6, 1106, Henry V was anointed and crowned the new king. The Archbishop of Mainz, Ruthard, presented him with the imperial insignia with the admonishing words: "If he did not prove himself to be a just ruler of the empire and defender of the churches, he would fare like his father". The beginning of the rule was marked by a harmony between king and great that had been unfamiliar for a long time. More than fifty imperial princes were present when Heinrich took over power. In contrast to his Salic predecessors, Heinrich only counted his years of rulership from the day on which he took over the imperial insignia and obtained royal rule through the election of the princes. The appeal to St. Mary and the divine mandate were no longer decisive for Salian rule .

But Henry IV was able to escape from custody in Ingelheim and flee to Liège . His son feared a reversal of the balance of power and convened a diet there on Easter 1106. Henry IV began to organize the resistance against his son, but the old emperor died on August 7, 1106 in Liège and received an honorable burial there. The princes forbade a funeral in Speyer, but Heinrich opposed this decision. He had his father's body removed from the earth on August 24th and transferred to Speyer, because in Liège the deceased was being worshiped as a saint. The transfer to Speyer was supposed to help stabilize the rule of the rebellious son. In Speyer he was able to “present himself as a legitimate preserver and continuer”. The body was laid on September 3, 1106 in an as yet unconsecrated side chapel (later the Afra chapel) north of the cathedral . An appropriate burial at the side of his ancestors was prevented by the excommunication. It was not until 1111 that Heinrich IV was buried next to his ancestors in Speyer Cathedral after the excommunication was lifted.

Years of consensual rule

Heinrich V's certificate for Bishop Otto von Bamberg, issued on April 27, 1112. Munich, Bavarian Main State Archives, Kaiserselekt 440 a

Heinrich V seems to have learned from his father's mistakes; According to his own words in the spring of 1106, he understood that "the disregard of the princes [...] was the downfall of the empire". The following years of the royal rule were under the impression of church reform and greater joint responsibility of the princes. Documents and annals attest to the practice of consensual rule. The mention of the great as interveners and witnesses in the royal charters increased. Heinrich stated in documents that he had done his actions “with the judgment and advice of the princes”. He held court days more often than his father in order to find a consensus with the great on decisions. The numerous participation of the princes in the court days and the large increase in court day reports by chroniclers show the new awareness of the responsibility of the great for the empire. Bishops who were no longer able to enter their episcopal seats under his father made it possible for Heinrich V to return. Negotiations with the Pope were conducted with delegations made up of clerical and secular greats. Count Berengar von Sulzbach and Count Palatine Gottfried von Calw were particularly close to the young king. They are most frequently mentioned by the worldly greats in the royal documents. Both belonged to the group that had been instrumental in the overthrow of Henry IV. In addition, the archbishops Friedrich von Köln and Bruno von Trier , the bishops Burchhard von Münster , Otto von Bamberg and Erlung von Würzburg as well as Count Hermann von Winzenburg stood out in the royal documents. In addition, from 1108 the Staufer Duke Friedrich II and from 1111 Margrave Hermann von Baden came . Bishop Eberhard von Eichstätt was also particularly close to the king until his early death in 1112 .

Due to the consensual cooperation between the great and the king, a Salian ruler had unhindered access to all parts of the empire after a long time and was able to intervene in the political conditions of both the western and eastern areas. His relationship with the Saxons also remained good in the years to come; Heinrich stayed there several times until 1112. After the death of Magnus Billung , with whom the Saxon Billunger family died out, the Duchy of Saxony was not given to one of the deceased's two last remaining sons-in-law, Heinrich den Schwarzen or Otto von Ballenstedt , but to Lothar von Süpplingenburg . Thus the official character of the duchy was enforced against the dynastic custom. Campaigns against Hungary and Poland in 1108 and 1109 were not very successful. In Bohemia Heinrich managed to install his candidate Swatopluk as duke. However, rule had collapsed in imperial Italy due to the overthrow of the father. From October 1095 to October 1110, Henry IV and Henry V did not issue any documents for Italian recipients. Italian recipients also hardly bothered to travel to the northern part of the empire to obtain a royal document. Under Henry V, the turning away of the metropolis of Milan from Salian rule reached its climax.

Heinrich V continued the investiture with ring and staff (per anulum et baculum) and was able to continue working with the great clergy. The ring, the spiritual sign that symbolized the marriage of the bishop to his church, was presented next to the staff. Only Heinrich III had this type of bishop appointment. introduced. Under Henry IV it was one of the causes of the conflict with the Pope.

So on January 7, 1106 in Mainz Konrad I was raised to the position of the new Archbishop of Salzburg with ring and staff. In 1107 the Salier occupied the bishop's seats in Halberstadt , Magdeburg , Speyer and Verdun with the help of the greats . The court chapel or the cathedral schools and cathedral chapters in Speyer, Bamberg or Liège were no longer decisive for the bishops' surveys, but the family relationships with the greats. When selecting the bishops, the king sought the consent of these great men. These campaigned for candidates who could become important for the expansion of their respective territories. With this occupation practice there was the danger that the loyalty of the bishops to relatives and friends was more pronounced than to the king.

The demonstrative uprising of the bishops with ring and staff let the conflicts with the papacy persist. Pope Paschal II demanded that Henry completely renounce the investiture of clerical officials. However, kings and bishops acted together in the investiture. The Pope could not break this community of action. Attempts to reach an agreement with the Pope on the investiture question failed in 1106 at the Synod of Guastalla and in 1107 in Châlons-en-Champagne .

First train to Italy (1111)

The manuscript, created around 1460 in Hagenau, shows the coronation of Henry V as emperor by Pope Paschal II from a late medieval perspective. (Chronicon pontificum et imperatorum, Heidelberg, University Library, Cod.pal.Germ. 137, fol. 225r.)

In August 1110 a court took the decision to set off for Rome to end the investiture controversy. The army chose the shortest route over the Great Saint Bernard , reached Piacenza and Parma , then moved to Roncaglia and Florence, finally to Sutri by February 1111 and from there to Rome.

When he set out for the Italian train, Heinrich was “filled with the thought of an epochal event” (Weinfurter). For the preparation he had a new royal seal made. Duke Welf V of Bavaria led a second army from the southeast of the empire to Italy, which united with the main army in Roncaglia. This also showed that at this time even the family, with whom Heinrich's father had argued so violently, was now on the Salian side. Welf's presence was also important to Heinrich in that he was married to Mathilde von Tuszien from 1089-1095 , which made him the potential heir to her property. She therefore allowed the army to pass while she was still fighting the army of Henry IV, as she was fighting on the side of the Pope. Henry V sent envoys to her to negotiate “de pace […] de regis honore suoque”, that is, for peace and the honor of the king. This honor determined the rank of king; it began to develop under the last Salians into a concept of rule, from which later claims of the empire to southern Italy and to the Mathildic estates were derived. In fact, Mathilde, who in 1079 had intended the Pope to be the heir of her property in the event of her childlessness and who was now hoping for an agreement between the Pope and the King, appointed Henry V. This opened the way to Rome for the king.

Heinrich attached great importance to the documentation and the staging of the events from the perspective of the royal court. Supposedly he was accompanied by a huge army of 30,000 knights from all over the empire to Italy. According to Otto von Freising , the army camp offered "an impressive display of worldly power" in the nocturnal glow of torches. Heinrich could only command such a large army because his rule was based on consensus with the princes. Heinrichs Hofkapellan David was one of the participants in the Italian procession. As a chronicler, he was supposed to document all the important events in three books in such a simple style that even less learned people would understand. Thus Heinrich had planned the documentation and propaganda function of the historiography in advance in order to be able to rely on it in any later disputes with the Pope. David's description has not survived, but the work has been consulted by other historians.

Paschalis, for his part, who could only partially count on Mathilde von Tuszien, sought support from the Normans, who ruled southern Italy, and with whom the popes tried again and again to counterbalance the Roman-German rulers. The Normans had occupied Rome as early as 1084 against Henry IV. Now Roger of Apulia and Robert I of Capua assured Pope Paschalis oath of help if he should get into an emergency. In Rome, too, he found support from the urban nobility. However, the Pope made no attempt to gain support in northern Italy, whose municipalities were beginning to evade the empire's grasp. With the occupation of Lodis in 1111, Milan began to build up its own territory.

Heinrich continued to insist on his right to invest with ring and staff as well as on the oath of loyalty and team performance of bishops and imperial abbots. Pope Paschalis suggested that he renounce the investiture altogether - the appointment to the episcopate - in order to get back all sovereign rights ( regalia ) such as duchies, margraviates, coinage, market and customs rights arising from royal conferment . This was stated by the ruler and the pope in a preliminary contract on February 4, 1111. The aim was to deprive the bishops of rights and income that they had been entitled to since the Carolingian era and with which their activity in the service of the king was traditionally made possible and at the same time rewarded. When these regalia were returned to the empire, the bishops would only have been able to live on their own property, tithes and alms. They would have been restricted to their ministry, which would have increased their dependence on the Pope. They would have forfeited their right to a say and responsibility in the Reich; they would have again largely been dependent on secular protection. This would ultimately have excluded them from the joint responsibility of the greats for the empire. On February 9, Henry accepted the papal proposal by Sutri . For Pope Paschalis, the cause of the simony and stealth in the Church was not the investiture, but the secularization of the bishops.

The celebrations for the coronation of the emperor began on February 12, 1111. Heinrich kissed the Pope's feet in public in front of St. Peter's Church. With this he symbolically made known his submission to the spiritual father as his obedient son . The ritual was first handed down in 1111 during an imperial coronation and was part of the ceremonial of medieval emperors before entering St. Peter's Church.

Immediately before the coronation act, the bishops learned of the royal-papal agreement. Strong protest broke out. The coronation of the emperor had to be canceled and a riot broke out in the city itself. Heinrich thereupon again demanded the right of investiture and the coronation of the emperor. When Paschalis refused, Heinrich took him prisoner in St. Peter's Church. Two months later, Heinrich was able to obtain the removal of the deceased father from the ban by Paschalis in the Treaty of Ponte Mammolo on April 12, 1111 and continue to force the bishops to invest with ring and staff. On April 13th, Paschalis was crowned emperor. In addition, Paschalis had to take an oath never to excommunicate Heinrich, which he did not do in the following years.

However, when the Pope was captured, Heinrich quickly lost recognition, because he had captured Christ's representative on earth and thus the highest authority in the Latin Christian world. In response to this, he was banned by the cardinal legate Kuno von Praeneste at a synod in Jerusalem in the summer of 1111 . In September 1112 a Burgundian synod under the leadership of Archbishop Guido von Vienne, who later became Pope Calixt II, excommunicated him . According to Stefan Weinfurter, the year 1111 was a turning point in Henry V's reign. The new unity between church reform and kingship in the first few years Henry's reign broke up, and with it the reforming “community of salvation” between the king and the great. In March 1112 the investiture privilege was revoked by the curia at a Lateran synod and referred to as privilege ("evil document").

After the imperial coronation, Heinrich quickly withdrew to the northern part of the empire. On his way back from Italy he was received from May 6th to 8th, 1111 by Mathilde von Tuszien at Bianello Castle . Mathilde and Heinrich signed a contract that has been interpreted by research as the inheritance of Heinrich V in the case of the margravine's death. After his return, Heinrich was able to finally bring about the funeral of his father. His father's coffin was previously in an unconsecrated side chapel of Speyer Cathedral. On August 7, 1111, the funeral ceremony took place in Speyer Cathedral. In August Heinrich granted two privileges that brought the Speyer citizens important civil liberties. The first privilege dates from August 7th, the day of Emperor Henry IV's burial, the other from August 14th, 1111, the seventh day after that, which is important for the liturgical commemoration of the dead. In the first privilege, ideas about commemorating the dead are recorded for the father. The privileges for the citizens of the city of Speyer are considered to be a “milestone” in the history of civil liberties. The residents were assured of numerous rights and benefits (including exemption from inheritance taxes and the payment of the ban penny and the lap penny ). No other city in the empire was granted such extensive and far-reaching freedoms at the beginning of the 12th century. In the two privileges of Henry V for the citizens of Speyer, the changes in the Salic understanding of rule compared to the first three Salic rulers become clear. The donations no longer went to the clergy alone, but an entire township was committed to the Salian memoria . Speyer civil liberty, legal privileges and economic boom were linked to the memory of Henry IV.

The funeral ritual had a special meaning for Heinrich in the context of the legitimation of his rule. With the funeral ceremonies he was able to present himself as the loyal son and legitimate heir of the late emperor and demonstrate the dynastic continuity. At the same time, he made it clear that his kingship was based not only on his successful rebellion against his father and the consent of the princes, but also on his claim to the throne. In addition to Speyer, Worms was also granted privileges in 1114 , but unlike in Speyer, the residents were not granted any personal freedoms.

Breaking the consensual order

After 1111, Heinrich increasingly failed to solicit the sovereign consensus for his royal actions and hardly received any approval. He even went over to his father's earlier autocratic rule, thereby exacerbating the conflict. After the events of 1111, numerous clergymen fell away from him, including first Archbishop Konrad von Salzburg and Bishop Reinhard von Halberstadt . The break also occurred with Heinrich's long-time confidante Adalbert von Saarbrücken , who had been Chancellor since February 14, 1106. He exercised significant influence on imperial politics. Adalbert was appointed Archbishop of Mainz in 1109 and accompanied Heinrich on the Italian train in 1110/11. On August 15, 1111 he was installed as Archbishop of Mainz. Adalbert remained Heinrich's closest confidante until 1111. In the process of consolidation and expansion of rule, the holdings of the Mainz church overlapped with the Salian house and imperial estate on the Middle Rhine. The conflict with Adalbert apparently occurred because of the royal Trifels castle . Without seeking the consent of the great, the archbishop was captured and held in strict custody for over three years. Only with the threat of violence did the Mainz citizens and vassals manage to force the archbishop's release in November 1115. After his release, Adalbert was only skin and bones. The customs of amicable conflict resolution with demonstrative mildness practiced from the Ottonian times lost their importance under Henry IV and Henry V. Rather, these Salic rulers tried to get rid of the leniency and to establish a stronger royal penal power. Adalbert became the great opponent of the Salian royal rule.

Property disputes also led to conflicts in Saxony. Heinrich tried to expand the Salian domain again and thus got in the way of the princely territorial policy. After the death of the childless Count Ulrich von Weimar-Orlamünde , numerous Saxon nobles raised claims to his inheritance. However, Heinrich apparently assumed that the inheritance would go to the kingdom if there were no descendants. The royal view opposed the Saxon legal conception. Heinrich had the goods assured by prince approval, but made no arrangements with the Saxon greats concerned.

The break also occurred with Archbishop Friedrich von Cologne on a campaign against the Frisians, who refused to pay the annual tribute. Heinrich is said to have betrayed a Cologne contingent to the Frisians. The people of Cologne also complained about the strict regiment of one of its ministerials. The Archbishop of Cologne, Friedrich, complained in a letter about the catastrophic state of the church. The episcopal seats in Worms and Mainz were vacant for years and the secular rights of the bishops were exercised by royal estate administrators (villici) . But the worldly greats also complained, because Heinrich had been falling back on the Salic occupation practice since 1113. A court chaplain was appointed for the first time with Burchhard in 1113 in the diocese of Cambrai . Even the elevations of Bruning to the position of Bishop of Hildesheim and Gerhards of Merseburg found no consensus among the Saxon nobility. The big players were no longer involved in finding candidates and their approval was no longer obtained by the emperor.

The Archbishop of Cologne united the rebels in the empire and fell away from the emperor in the spring of 1114. Two imperial moves against the Cologne team failed. The defeat in Andernach in October 1114 ended Heinrich's presence on the Lower Rhine. At Christmas 1114, the unrest against the king in Saxony also came to a head. The Saxon Duke Lothar turned away from Heinrich again. On February 11, 1115, he defeated Heinrich in the battle of the Welfesholz and thus ended the Salian rule in Saxony. From then on Lothar developed an almost royal-like ducal rule, and the ability to integrate Heinrich's kingship declined more and more. None of the princes came to the court day in Mainz on November 1, 1115. The lack of acceptance of royalty itself was reflected in the court. Scheduled court days had to be canceled due to a lack of participants, which illustrates the further loss of reputation of the king. Heinrich celebrated Christmas as an important act of representation of the royal power in Speyer in 1115, surrounded by only a few loyal followers. In return, the Staufer Duke Friedrich II gained increasing importance at the royal court. Meanwhile, at the invitation of Adalbert von Mainz, numerous opponents of the emperor gathered in Cologne to discuss church issues.

The incidents in Rome of 1111 and the defeat in 1115 against the Saxon opposition almost completely dissolved the ties between bishops and rulers. While Henry IV had issued a third of his documents for episcopal churches, under Henry V it was only every twelfth, and of the total of 38 episcopal churches only 13 were considered.

Heinrich's royal rule in Bavaria was different. After a short stay in 1111 on his way back from Italy, Heinrich had not been in Bavaria until 1121. His conflicts in Saxony and the Rhineland required a stronger presence in these regions. Nevertheless, the Bavarian duchy remained “close to the king”. Heinrich's opponents could not hold their own in Bavaria, and the Bavarian greats sought out the royal court in other parts of the empire. Despite the events of 1111 and the disputes in 1115, Berengar I von Sulzbach, Margrave Diepold von Cham-Vohburg, Spanheim Count Engelbert II as well as his brother Bishop Hartwig I of Regensburg and the rapotonic Bishop of Augsburg Hermann joined Heinrich V. their rightful king. These nobles could also expect extraordinary consideration for their royal service. In the reign of Henry V, the Spanheimer Engelbert II rose to become Margrave of Istria in 1108 and Duke of Carinthia in 1124.

Marriage to Mathilde of England (1114)

Wedding meal of Henry V and Mathilde. (Ekkehard's World Chronicle of Aura. Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, Ms. 373, fol. 95v.)

From 1108 Heinrich V conducted intensive negotiations about a marriage with a daughter from the English royal family. The proposed marriage was intended to increase the authority of the Salic king and secure his throne. At Easter 1110 his engagement to the eight-year-old English princess Mathilde took place in Utrecht . The Anglo-Norman King Henry I of England paid the extraordinarily high sum of 10,000 or 15,000 pounds of silver as a dowry. In return, the marriage of his daughter to Heinrich V brought him enormous prestige. On July 25, 1110 Mathilde was crowned Roman-German queen in Mainz by Archbishop Friedrich of Cologne. The wedding was celebrated on January 7, 1114 in Mainz with the greatest splendor; The princes came to Mainz from all over the empire. After the conflicts of recent years, the Salier seemed to be able to reaffirm his unanimity with the greats. During the wedding celebration, the Saxon Duke Lothar von Süpplingenburg appeared barefoot and in a penitent garb. After a deditio ("submission") he received forgiveness for his participation in the inheritance disputes over the Orlamünder inheritance . It is the only surviving case of a deditio in the royal reign of Henry V that is comparable to the amicable rules of conflict management and settlement from the Ottonian times. On the other hand, he had Count Ludwig of Thuringia captured and imprisoned at the wedding celebrations because of his participation in the Saxon opposition, "which angered many princes against the emperor". Because of Henry's demonstrations of power, there was no festive mood among the princes. Some princes left the festival without permission, others took the opportunity to conspire.

The marriage with Mathilde remained without male descendants. There is only one source that reports a daughter Bertha. She was married to Count Ptolemeo II of Tusculum in 1117 . The marriage between the emperor and the leading nobility in Rome was unique. In the dispute with the Pope and in the struggle for supremacy in Italy, the Tusculans as imperial partisans should be particularly honored by this marriage bond.

Second Italian train (1116–1118)

The death of Margravine Mathilde von Tuszien on July 24, 1115 prompted Heinrich to leave for Italy in February 1116 in order to inherit the huge complex of goods in northern and central Italy. In addition, the Salier rule in northern Italy should be stabilized. With this he wanted to create a new power base for himself against the overpowering opposition in the northern part of the empire. During his absence, Heinrich made the Hohenstaufen brothers Friedrich II and Konrad his trustees in the German part of the empire. After Italy he was only accompanied by a small retinue. The second train to Italy began with a whole series of court documents with which Heinrich wanted to present himself in Northern Italy as a guarantor for law and justice. Heinrich was able to take over the Mathildic goods without any problems and his rule was largely accepted in the Italian municipalities . Rome was of particular importance to Heinrich during his stays in Italy. With five visits, no Salic ruler has stayed in Rome as often as he.

Pope Paschalis died on January 21, 1118. Heinrich had the Archbishop Mauritius of Braga elevated to Pope as Gregory VIII . At that time, Braga was the residential city of Portugal, which was just emerging, and the archbishopric there had only recently been founded. However , Gregor could not prevail against his rival Gelasius II . After Henry's banishment by papal legates had only had a limited effect, Gelasius II himself banished the emperor. In Würzburg, the princes wanted to restore peace in the empire during Heinrich's absence and depose the king in the event of further absence. Heinrich then abruptly broke off the Italian expedition in the autumn of 1118 and returned to the empire. His wife Mathilde remained in Italy as a deputy. The ruler was able to prevent the court day in Würzburg. Its further activity cannot, however, be determined in more detail until September / October 1119 due to the lack of royal documents. The lack of royal documents and the almost unknown itinerary of the royal court, since apparently nobody asked for documents from him, prove the low acceptance of his kingship .

Worms Concordat

The so-called Heinricianum , exhibited on September 23, 1122. (Città del Vaticano, Archivio Segreto Vaticano, AA, Arm. I-XVIII, 62.)

On February 2, 1119, Calixt II, a new pope, took over the pontificate. On October 24, 1119, the Pope and Emperor negotiated again in Mouzon on the Meuse about a settlement in the investiture dispute. Heinrich only wanted to make extensive commitments with the consent of the princes. The negotiations therefore failed. The meeting with the Pope in Reims in October 1119 is considered the "final and turning point in the medieval ruler's penance". During the negotiations with the papal side about the solution of the ban, it appeared to Henry V as "hard, even unbearable" to submit to a reconciliation ritual in which he would have had to appear before the Pope with bare feet. After his father's penance to Canossa in 1077 to resolve the papal ban, penance and self-expression were no longer compatible with one another, because they were underlaid with meanings that symbolized subordination to the Pope. However, it is uncertain whether the negotiations failed because of this demand. It was not until the conclusion of the Worms Concordat in 1122 that Heinrich was accepted back into the ecclesiastical community by a papal legate without any act of penance or submission. After the failure of the negotiations, Calixt strengthened the opposition to Heinrich V by conferring the title of papal legate on the Archbishop of Mainz, Adalbert.

In 1121 the conflict threatened to escalate militarily again. Heinrich decided to go on a great military expedition against Adalbert von Mainz. The archbishop mobilized a large army, especially from Saxony, to defend Mainz. The armies faced each other in Mainz. It was the princes of both armies who began negotiations and in the autumn of 1121 urged the emperor to make peace and compromise with the pope. The process is considered to be an important development for the implementation of consensual forms of rule. The princes began to negotiate as a community of action to end the conflicts. A prince commission, made up of twelve supporters and twelve opponents of Henry V, represented the interests of the entire empire and was supposed to bring about peace. The prince assembly on September 29, 1121 of Würzburg called the chronicler Ekkehard von Aura a meeting of many "heads of the state" (tot capita rei publicae) . The equal representation forced the emperor to make peace with the pope.

In this way, on September 23, 1122, the so-called Worms Concordat came about. The provisions of the Worms Concordat were negotiated among the princes. With the exchange of two documents, one imperial (Heinricianum) and one papal (Calixtinum) , the investiture controversy came to an end. In the future appointment of bishops, a distinction should be made between temporals (the temporal goods and powers of the bishop) and spiritualities (his spiritual authority). The election of bishops should be made by “clergy and people”. Heinrich had to renounce the investiture right with the spiritual symbols of the ring and staff in the Heinricianum . The deed expressly identifies the contract as a political work of the princes. The king no longer represented the kingdom alone, but together with the princes. The Calixtinum allowed the emperor to be present at the election of the bishops and abbots. Heinrich was only allowed to grant the newly elected royal rights ("regalia") with the scepter. At the end there was consecration by the metropolitan and the fellow bishops.

Failed campaign in France

Heinrich's grave in Speyer Cathedral

The close family ties to the English royal family drew Heinrich into the Franco-Norman disputes in 1123. Henry I of England asked his son-in-law for military support in the struggle for supremacy in Normandy . Henry V prepared a campaign in France in August 1124 with little princely support. The attack led to a hitherto unknown patriotic feeling of unity in France, which the French King Louis VI. used to raise a huge army, which Heinrich had nothing to oppose. The campaign had to be broken off in 1124 near Metz without result. Heinrich returned to the empire.

Death and succession

In the following years Heinrich stayed in the west of the empire. He celebrated Easter 1125 in Liège. On May 23, he died of cancer in Utrecht at the age of 39 . On his deathbed, he entrusted the care of his wife Mathilde and his property to Friedrich Staufer as his heir. Heinrich's entrails were buried in Utrecht and his bones in the Speyer Cathedral. Speyer lost its importance as a Salian memorial site , so that it took several generations before kings chose the city as a burial place again. The longstanding excommunication of the emperor was probably responsible for the fact that, with Gladbach , a reform monastery at Siegburg Observance , and the Reichsabbey of Niederaltaich, only two monasteries were remembered for the dead.

Mathilde handed over the imperial insignia to the Archbishop of Mainz. In September 1126 she returned to England. The Staufer Duke Friedrich II was considered to be a promising candidate for the succession to the king due to his close family ties to Henry V and his involvement in the unification efforts in the empire in recent years. His candidacy at the Mainz electoral assembly on August 24, 1125 was unsuccessful, however, because he did not want to accept the free election (libera electio) of the princes and his chances were ruined by his overly victorious demeanor (ambicone cecatus) . Margrave Leopold of Austria , Count of Flanders Charles the Good, and Duke of Saxony Lothar III were other contenders for the royal dignity . who was eventually elected. Legitimacy no longer determined the succession to the throne in the Roman-German Empire, but the election of the princes.

effect

Contemporary judgments

The king's violent repression against the Pope in 1111 caused a change in sentiment. Now the arrest of the father was no longer seen as a commendable disempowerment of a schismatic ruler, but was judged under the aspect of betrayal of the biological father. Archbishop Adalbert von Mainz felt that Henry V's reign, which had immediately passed, was “oppressive” to “Church and Empire”, and the upcoming “election” should bring “freedom” to the church and “peace” to the people.

French sources in particular gave Heinrich a consistently negative assessment. They stylized him as a troublemaker in church and empire, as a traitor or as a tyrant. For the French abbot Suger of Saint-Denis , Heinrich was a troublemaker in the empire and in the church, who had met a just death within a year because of his attack on France in 1124. For Suger, it was not national standards, but the ruler's behavior towards the Pope that were the decisive assessment components. For Gottfried von Vendôme , Heinrich was a second Judas . For Richard von Cluny , Heinrich's childlessness was the just punishment for betraying his father. For Hermann von Tournai , the German was guilty of betrayal and unfaithfulness planned long in advance (“proditio et perfidia diu premeditata”) and behaved like a tyrant. The events of Rome in 1111 were discussed throughout Latin Christendom. In many cases, the French annals only record the capture of the Pope about Heinrich. The events of 1111 found an echo in far western Europe. The Breton Chronicon Kemperlegiense of the Quimperlé monastery mentioned an emperor for the first time ever with the capture of the Pope: "Emperor Heinrich came to Rome, captured Paschalis through betrayal and forced him to take an oath".

Research history

The historians of the 19th century searched for the reasons for the delayed emergence of the German nation-state in the Middle Ages. The kings and emperors of the Middle Ages identified them as early representatives of the strong monarchical power that is also longed for today. In the historical picture that prevailed in the 19th and well into the 20th century, the empire was considered extremely powerful and dominant in Europe in its beginnings under the Ottonians , Salians and Staufers . The emperors lost this position in the course of the Middle Ages and that led to the small states of the Old Empire. Only with the establishment of the nation state in 1871 could the former power be regained. According to this view, the rule of kings and emperors began to crumble as early as the 11th century. The German princes with their particular interests and the papacy with its striving for primacy were considered the "gravedigger" of imperial power.

In this master story , the time of Henry V was seen as an important period in the deplorable loss of monarchical power. Research characterized Heinrich as malicious and insidious. Two key events were decisive for this judgment: Heinrich's outrage against his father from 1104 to 1106, which led to the deposition of the emperor, and the arrest of the Pope in 1111. The deposition of Henry IV was interpreted by researchers as a tragedy for the Salierhaus and the attributed to the prince's cold-blooded lust for power. At the very moment when Henry IV was able to stabilize his royal rule against the selfish princes, his son Henry V let himself be seduced by young nobles into revolt and thereby decisively weakened the kingship. Karl Hampe even described the cunning disempowerment of his father as “the most diabolical act in all of German history”. In the 1980s Carlo Servatius Heinrichs emphasized "unscrupulous brutality, hidden under the guise of ecclesiastical sentiments and behind the mask of a winning appearance".

Since the 1980s, research on the Middle Ages has gained numerous new insights into the 12th century. Since then, royal rule has been understood as a coexistence of great people and rulers. Based on the Swabian dukes as applicants for the throne, Hagen Keller showed how the idea of ​​prince responsibility has become more prominent since the investiture controversy. Stefan Weinfurter described the Salier period as a process of increasing princely participation in royal rule. Bernd Schneidmüller classified the relationship between the great and the ruler in the Middle Ages under the concept of “ consensual rule ”.

The royal rule of Henry V was little explored throughout the 20th century. His documents are not yet available in a critical edition; however, the texts and regesta that were developed as part of the edition project are already digitally available. In 1992, the first Salier exhibition in Speyer largely left out Heinrich and the end of the Salic era. Heinrich has only recently received increased attention. The special exhibition in the “Salier Year 2011” took up the memory of his coronation as emperor in 1111 and his privileges for the citizens of Speyer in the same year. In 2013, the results of a symposium on Heinrich V were published in an anthology edited by Gerhard Lubich . However, a comprehensive overview of the time of Henry V remains a desideratum in medieval studies.

swell

• Frutolf's and Ekkehard's chronicles and the anonymous imperial chronicle (= selected sources on German history in the Middle Ages, Freiherr vom Stein commemorative edition. Volume 15). Latin and German, edited and translated by Franz-Josef Schmale and Irene Schmale-Ott . Scientific Book Society, Darmstadt 1972, ISBN 3-534-01429-4 .
• Otto von Freising , Walther Lammers (ed.): Chronicle or The History of the Two States (= Selected Sources on German History of the Middle Ages Freiherr vom Stein Memorial Edition. Volume 16). Latin and German. Scientific Book Society, Darmstadt 1960.

literature

General representations

• Egon Boshof : The Salians . 5th updated edition. Kohlhammer, Stuttgart 2008, ISBN 3-17-020183-2 .
• Johannes Laudage: The Salians . Beck, Munich 2006, ISBN 3-406-53597-6 .
• Bernd Schneidmüller , Stefan Weinfurter (Eds.): Salian Empire and New Europe: The Time of Heinrich IV and Heinrich V Scientific Book Society, Darmstadt 2007, ISBN 978-3-534-20871-5 .
• Stefan Weinfurter : The Century of the Salians 1024–1125: Emperor or Pope? Thorbecke, Ostfildern 2004, ISBN 3-7995-0140-1 .
• Stefan Weinfurter: rule and empire of the Salians. Thorbecke, Sigmaringen 1992, ISBN 3-7995-4131-4 .

Monographs and Articles

• Gerd Althoff : Heinrich V. (1106-1125) . In: Bernd Schneidmüller, Stefan Weinfurter (Hrsg.): The German rulers of the Middle Ages. Historical portraits from Heinrich I to Maximilian I (919–1519). Beck, Munich 2003, ISBN 3-406-50958-4 , pp. 181-200.
• Jürgen Dendorfer : Heinrich V. Kings and Great at the end of the Salier period. In: Tilman Struve (Ed.): The Salians, the Reich and the Lower Rhine. Böhlau, Vienna 2008, ISBN 978-3-412-20201-9 , pp. 115-170. ( online )
• Gerhard Lubich (Ed.): Heinrich V. in his time. Rule in a European empire of the High Middle Ages (= research on the history of the emperors and the popes in the Middle Ages. Volume 34). Böhlau, Cologne. ao 2013, ISBN 3-412-21010-2 . ( online ).
• Gerold Meyer von Knonau : Yearbooks of the German Empire under Heinrich IV. And Heinrich V. 7 volumes, Duncker & Humblot, Berlin 1964, reprint from 1890 to 1909. (Indispensable monumental work from the yearbooks of German history, volumes VI to VII deal with with the life of Henry V)
• Bernd Schneidmüller: Regni aut ecclesie turbator. Emperor Heinrich V in contemporary French historiography. In: Franz Staab (ed.): Foreign relations under the Salian emperors. Intellectual debate and politics. Palatinate Society for the Advancement of Science, Speyer 1994, pp. 195–222. ( online )
• Adolf Waas : Heinrich V. figure and fate of the last Salic emperor. Munich 1967. (outdated state of research and missing in the beginning)
• Stefan Weinfurter: Reform idea and royalty in the late Salian empire. Considerations for a reassessment of Emperor Heinrich V. In: Stefan Weinfurter: Lived order - thought order. Thorbecke, Ostfildern 2005, ISBN 3-7995-7082-9 , pp. 289–333. (basic essay)
• Stefan Weinfurter: Salic understanding of rule in transition. Heinrich V and his privilege for the citizens of Speyer. In: Early Medieval Studies . Vol. 36 (2002), pp. 317-335.

Lexicon article

• Theodor Schieffer:  Heinrich V .. In: New German Biography (NDB). Volume 8, Duncker & Humblot, Berlin 1969, ISBN 3-428-00189-3 , pp. 320-323 ( digitized version ).

Web links

Commons : Heinrich V. (HRR)  - album with pictures, videos and audio files

• Publications on Henry V in the Opac of the Regesta Imperii
• Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Diplomata regum et imperatorum Germaniae, Vol. 7: The documents of Henry V and Queen Mathilde. Edited by Matthias Thiel with the assistance of Alfred Gawlik ( digital preliminary edition )
• Herwig Katzer: May 23, 1125 - anniversary of the death of Emperor Heinrich V. WDR ZeitZeichen on May 23, 2020 (podcast)

Remarks

1. ↑ Richard Gaettens plead for the year 1086: The year of birth of Heinrich V 1081 or 1086? In: Zeitschrift für Rechtsgeschichte Germ. Abt. Vol. 79 (1962), pp. 52-71; Eduard Hlawitschka: On the date of birth of Emperor Heinrich V. In: Historisches Jahrbuch Bd. 110 (1990), pp. 471-475 (who, however, rejects August 11th as his birthday). Against this, Neumeister spoke out in favor of 1081. Peter Neumeister: Dates and Interpretations. When was Emperor Heinrich V born? In: Olaf B. Rader (Ed.): Turbata per aequora mundi. Thanks to Eckhard Müller-Mertens. Hannover 2001, pp. 89-97.
2. ^ Stefan Weinfurter: Canossa. The disenchantment of the world. 2nd edition, Munich 2006, p. 196.
3. ↑ On Konrad see Elke Goez: The heir to the throne as rival: King Konrad, Emperor Heinrich IV. Elder son. In: Historisches Jahrbuch Vol. 116 (1996), pp. 1-49.
4. ^ Vita Heinrici IV. Imperatoris , cap. 7th
5. ^ Gerd Althoff: Heinrich V. (1106-1125). In: Bernd Schneidmüller, Stefan Weinfurter (Hrsg.): The German rulers of the Middle Ages. Historical portraits from Heinrich I to Maximilian I (919–1519). Munich 2003, pp. 181–200, here: p. 182. Against: Daniel Brauch: Heinrich V. and his father in the years 1098–1103. In: Gerhard Lubich (Ed.): Heinrich V. in his time. Rule in a European empire from the High Middle Ages. Vienna et al. 2013, pp. 69–80, here: p. 80.
6. ^ Daniel Brauch: Heinrich V and his father in the years 1098–1103. In: Gerhard Lubich (Ed.): Heinrich V. in his time. Rule in a European empire from the High Middle Ages. Vienna et al. 2013, pp. 69–80, here: p. 80.
7. ^ Daniel Brauch: Heinrich V and his father in the years 1098–1103. In: Gerhard Lubich (Ed.): Heinrich V. in his time. Rule in a European empire from the High Middle Ages. Vienna et al. 2013, pp. 69–80, here: p. 77.
8. ^ Stefan Weinfurter: Reform idea and royalty in the late Salian empire. Considerations for a reassessment of Emperor Heinrich V. In: Stefan Weinfurter (Hrsg.): Reform idea and reform policy in the Late Sali-Early Staufer Empire. Mainz 1992, pp. 1–45, here: p. 17.
9. ^ Vita Heinrici IV. Imperatoris , cap. 9.
10. ^ Stefan Weinfurter: Reform idea and royalty in the late Salian empire. Considerations for a reassessment of Emperor Heinrich V. In: Stefan Weinfurter (Hrsg.): Reform idea and reform policy in the Late Salian-Early Staufer Empire. Mainz 1992, pp. 1–45, here: p. 21.
11. ^ Stefan Weinfurter: Reform idea and royalty in the late Salian empire. Considerations for a reassessment of Emperor Heinrich V. In: Stefan Weinfurter (Hrsg.): Reform idea and reform policy in the Late Sali-Early Staufer Empire. Mainz 1992, pp. 1–45, here: p. 28.
12. ↑ Gerd Althoff: Heinrich IV. Darmstadt 2006, pp. 228-253; Monika Suchan: royal rule in dispute. Conflict settlement in the reign of Henry IV between violence, conversation and writing. Stuttgart 1997, pp. 166-172.
13. ↑ Gerold Meyer von Knonau offers an overview of the sources: Yearbooks of the German Empire under Heinrich IV. And Heinrich V. Vol. 5, Berlin 1964, pp. 195ff.
14. ^ Steffen Patzold: Kingship in threatened order: Heinrich IV. And Heinrich V. 1105/06. In: Gerhard Lubich (Ed.): Heinrich V. in his time. Rule in a European empire from the High Middle Ages. Vienna et al. 2013. pp. 43–68, here: p. 67.
15. ^ Jürgen Dendorfer: Heinrich V. Kings and Great at the end of the Salier period. In: Tilman Struve (Ed.): The Salians, the Reich and the Lower Rhine. Vienna 2008, pp. 115–170, here: p. 123 ( online ).
16. ↑ Gerd Althoff: Heinrich IV. Darmstadt 2006, p. 237f.
17. ^ Egon Boshof: The Salians. 5th, updated edition, Stuttgart 2008, p. 262.
18. ^ Vita Heinrici IV. Imperatoris , cap. 10.
19. ↑ Stefan Weinfurter: The end of Heinrich IV. And the new legitimation of kingship. In: Gerd Althoff (Ed.): Heinrich IV. Ostfildern 2009, pp. 331–353, here: pp. 335f.
20. ↑ Annales Hildesheimenses , ed. by Georg Waitz (MGH SS rer. Germ. 8) Hannover 1878, p. 86.
21. ↑ On the transfer of power from Heinrich IV to Heinrich V and the description of the process in contemporary sources, see Volkhard Huth: Reichsinsignien und Herrschaftsentzug. A comparative sketch of Heinrich IV. And Heinrich (VII.) In the mirror of the events of 1105/06 and 1235. In: Frühmittelalterliche Studien , Vol. 26 (1992), pp. 287-330.
22. ↑ Jutta Schlick: König, Fürsten und Reich (1056-1159). Understanding of power in transition. Stuttgart 2001, p. 60 ( digitized version ).
23. ↑ Annales Hildesheimenses ad annum 1106.
24. ↑ Wilfried Hartmann: The Investiture Controversy. 3rd revised and expanded edition, Munich 2007, p. 34.
25. ↑ Jutta Schlick: König, Fürsten und Reich (1056-1159). Understanding of power in transition. Stuttgart 2001, p. 57 ( digitized version ); Stefan Weinfurter: Salic understanding of rule in transition. Heinrich V and his privilege for the citizens of Speyer. In: Frühmittelalterliche Studien , Vol. 36 (2002), pp. 317-335, here: pp. 329, 334.
26. ^ Caspar Ehlers: A place of remembrance in the 12th century: Speyer. In: Caspar Ehlers (Hrsg.): Deutsche Königspfalzen Vol. 6: Spiritual central places between liturgy, architecture, praise of God and rulers. Limburg and Speyer , Göttingen 2005, pp. 119–140, here: p. 127.
27. ^ Vita Heinrici IV. Imperatoris , cap. 13th
28. ↑ Jürgen Dendorfer: Heinrich V. Kings and Great at the end of the Salier period. In: Tilman Struve (Ed.): The Salians, the Reich and the Lower Rhine . Vienna 2008, pp. 115–170, here: pp. 126f. (with the sources) ( online ).
29. ↑ Jutta Schlick: König, Fürsten und Reich (1056-1159). Understanding of power in transition. Stuttgart 2001, p. 62 ( digitized version ).
30. ^ Stefan Weinfurter: Reform idea and royalty in the late Salian empire. Considerations for a reassessment of Emperor Heinrich V. In: Stefan Weinfurter (Hrsg.): Reform idea and reform policy in the Late Sali-Early Staufer Empire. Mainz 1992, pp. 1–45, here: p. 32.
31. ↑ Jutta Schlick: König, Fürsten und Reich (1056-1159). Understanding of power in transition. Stuttgart 2001, p. 52 ( digitized version ).
32. ^ Jürgen Dendorfer: Fidi milites? The Hohenstaufen and Emperor Heinrich V. In: Hubertus Seibert, Jürgen Dendorfer (Ed.): Counts, dukes, kings. The rise of the early Hohenstaufen and the empire. Ostfildern 2005, pp. 213-265, here: pp. 231f. ( online ).
33. ^ Jürgen Dendorfer: Heinrich V. Kings and Great at the end of the Salier period. In: Tilman Struve (Ed.): The Salians, the Reich and the Lower Rhine. Vienna 2008, pp. 115–170, here: p. 127 ( online ).
34. ↑ Jürgen Dendorfer: Kings and princes in the late Salier period. In: Tilman Struve (Ed.): The Salier. Power in change. Essays Munich 2011, pp. 111–117, here: p. 113 ( online ); Jürgen Dendorfer: Noble group formation and royal rule. The Counts of Sulzbach and their network of relationships in the 12th century. Munich 2004, pp. 325-330, 401.
35. ↑ Jutta Schlick: König, Fürsten und Reich (1056-1159). Understanding of power in transition. Stuttgart 2001, p. 62 ( digitized version ).
36. ^ Jürgen Dendorfer: Noble group formation and royal rule. The Counts of Sulzbach and their network of relationships in the 12th century. Munich 2004, pp. 346-349.
37. ↑ Claudia Zey: The Romzugsplan Henry V 1122/23. New considerations for the conclusion of the Worms Concordat. In: German Archives for Research into the Middle Ages , Vol. 56 (2000), pp. 447–504, here: p. 477, note 105.
38. ↑ Elke Goez: Between Reich membership and independence: Heinrich V and Italy. A workshop report In: Gerhard Lubich (Ed.): Heinrich V. in his time. Rule in a European empire from the High Middle Ages. Cologne. et al. 2013, pp. 215–232, here: p. 218.
39. ↑ Claudia Zey: In the center of the dispute. Milan and the northern Italian municipalities between regnum and sacerdotium. In: Jörg Jarnut, Matthias Wemhoff (ed.): From upheaval to renewal? The 11th and early 12th centuries. Research positions. Munich 2006, 595–611, here p. 609.
40. ↑ Jutta Schlick: König, Fürsten und Reich (1056-1159). Understanding of power in transition. Stuttgart 2001, p. 63 ( digitized version ).
41. ^ Egon Boshof: The Salians. 5th, updated edition, Stuttgart 2008, p. 106.
42. ↑ The survey in Toul does not allow a clear statement. Cf. Jürgen Dendorfer: Heinrich V. Kings and Great at the end of the Salier period. In: Tilman Struve (Ed.): The Salians, the Reich and the Lower Rhine. Vienna 2008, pp. 115–170, here: pp. 134–136 ( online ).
43. ^ Jürgen Dendorfer: Heinrich V. Kings and Great at the end of the Salier period. In: Tilman Struve (Ed.): The Salians, the Reich and the Lower Rhine. Vienna 2008, pp. 111–170, here: p. 137 ( online ).
44. ↑ Jürgen Dendorfer: Heinrich V. Kings and Great at the end of the Salier period. In: Tilman Struve (Ed.): The Salians, the Reich and the Lower Rhine. Vienna 2008, pp. 115–170, here: pp. 137f .; 156 ( online ).
45. ^ Jürgen Dendorfer: Heinrich V. Kings and Great at the end of the Salier period. In: Tilman Struve (Ed.): The Salians, the Reich and the Lower Rhine. Vienna 2008, pp. 115–170, here: p. 137.
46. ↑ See the detailed description of the first train to Italy in Gerold Meyer von Knonau: Yearbooks of the German Empire under Heinrich IV. And Heinrich V. Vol. 6, Berlin 1964, pp. 129–182.
47. ↑ Stefan Weinfurter: The Century of the Salians 1024–1125. Ostfildern 2006, p. 175.
48. ↑ Elke Goez: Between Reich membership and independence: Heinrich V and Italy. A workshop report In: Gerhard Lubich (Ed.): Heinrich V. in his time. Rule in a European empire from the High Middle Ages. Cologne. inter alia 2013, pp. 215–232, here: p. 221.
49. ↑ Stanley Chodorow: Paschal II, Henry V and the crisis of 1111 , in: James Ross Sweeney, Stanley Chodorow (Ed.): Popes, Teachers and Canon Law in the Middle Ages , Ithaca, London 1989, pp. 3–25, here: p. 15.
50. ↑ Donizo of Canossa: Vita Mathildis, II, 1162nd
51. ^ Paolo Golinelli: Matilde di Canossa , treccani.it.
52. ↑ The figures and the quote from Otto von Freising, Chronica VII, 14.
53. ^ Jürgen Dendorfer: Kings and princes in the late Salier period. In: The Salians. Power in change. Essays. Munich 2011, pp. 111–117, here: p. 112.
54. ↑ Hagen Keller: Use of writing and symbolism in public communication. Aspects of social and cultural change from the 5th to the 13th century. In: Frühmittelalterliche Studien , Vol. 37 (2003), pp. 1–24, here: p. 18.
55. ^ Egon Boshof: The Salians. Stuttgart 2008, p. 274.
56. ^ Agenore Bassi: Storia di Lodi. Lodi 1977, p. 26.
57. ^ MGH Constitutiones et acta publica imperatorum et regum . Edited by Ludwig Weiland. Vol. 1. Hannover 1893, No. 83-86.
58. ^ MGH Constitutiones et acta publica imperatorum et regum . Edited by Ludwig Weiland. Vol. 1. Hannover 1893, No. 90.
59. ↑ Jutta Schlick: König, Fürsten und Reich (1056-1159). Understanding of power in transition. Stuttgart 2001, p. 65 ( digitized version ).
60. ↑ Stefan Weinfurter: The Century of the Salians 1024–1125. Ostfildern 2004, p. 176.
61. ^ Stefan Weinfurter: Reform idea and royalty in the late Salian empire. Considerations for a reassessment of Emperor Heinrich V. In: Stefan Weinfurter (Hrsg.): Reform idea and reform policy in the Late Sali-Early Staufer Empire. Mainz 1992, pp. 1–45, here: p. 34.
62. ↑ Gerd Althoff: The power of rituals. Symbolism and rule in the Middle Ages. Darmstadt 2003, p. 142ff.
63. ↑ Stefan Weinfurter: The Century of the Salians 1024–1125. Ostfildern 2004, p. 177.
64. ↑ Wilfried Hartmann: The Investiture Controversy. 3rd revised and expanded edition, Munich 2007, p. 38.
65. ^ Stefan Weinfurter: Reform idea and royalty in the late Salian empire. Considerations for a reassessment of Emperor Heinrich V. In: Stefan Weinfurter (Hrsg.): Reform idea and reform policy in the Late Sali-Early Staufer Empire. Mainz 1992, pp. 1-45, here: p. 38; Stefan Weinfurter: Papacy, Empire and Imperial Authority. From Rome 1111 to Venice 1177. In: Ernst-Dieter Hehl, Ingrid Heike Ringel, Hubertus Seibert (ed.): The papacy in the world of the 12th century. Stuttgart 2002, pp. 77-99, here: p. 86; Stefan Weinfurter: turning points in the history of the empire in the 11th and 12th centuries. In: Stefan Weinfurter / Frank Martin Siefarth (ed.): Power and notions of order in the high Middle Ages. Neuried near Munich 1998, pp. 19–43.
66. ^ Stefan Weinfurter: Reform idea and royalty in the late Salian empire. Considerations for a reassessment of Emperor Heinrich V. In: Stefan Weinfurter (Hrsg.): Reform idea and reform policy in the Late Sali-Early Staufer Empire. Mainz 1992, pp. 1-45.
67. ^ Elke Goez: Mathilde von Canossa. Darmstadt 2012, p. 180; Elke Goez: Between belonging to the Reich and independence: Heinrich V and Italy. A workshop report. In: Gerhard Lubich (Ed.): Heinrich V. in his time. Rule in a European empire from the High Middle Ages. Cologne. et al. 2013, pp. 215–232, here: p. 228; Werner Goez: About the Mathildic donations to the Roman Church. In: Frühmittelalterliche Studien , Vol. 31 (1997), pp. 158-196, here: pp. 194-196.
68. ^ Kurt Andermann: The Speyr privileges of 1111 and the beginnings of personal freedom rights in German cities of the high Middle Ages. In: Historische Zeitschrift , Vol. 295 (2012), pp. 593–624, here: p. 601.
69. ^ Kurt Andermann: The Speyr privileges of 1111 and the beginnings of personal freedom rights in German cities of the high Middle Ages. In: Historische Zeitschrift , Vol. 295 (2012), pp. 593–624, here: p. 623.
70. ^ Kurt Andermann: The Speyr privileges of 1111 and the beginnings of personal freedom rights in German cities of the high Middle Ages. In: Historische Zeitschrift , Vol. 295 (2012), pp. 593–624, here: p. 608.
71. ↑ Stefan Weinfurter: Salic understanding of rule in change. Heinrich V and his privilege for the citizens of Speyer. In: Frühmittelalterliche Studien , Vol. 36 (2002), pp. 317-335, here: p. 319.
72. ↑ Zbigniew Dalewski: funeral of the ruler. Ritual and dispute over the succession to the throne in Poland in the early Middle Ages. In: Frühmittelalterliche Studien , Vol. 43 (2009), pp. 327–347, here: pp. 333f.
73. ^ Kurt Andermann: The Speyr privileges of 1111 and the beginnings of personal freedom rights in German cities of the high Middle Ages. In: Historische Zeitschrift , Vol. 295 (2012), pp. 593–624, here: p. 613.
74. ↑ Stefan Weinfurter: The Century of the Salians 1024–1125. Ostfildern 2004, p. 181.
75. ↑ Gerd Althoff: From Conflict to Crisis: Practices of Leadership and Settlement of Conflicts in the Late Sali Period. In: Bernd Schneidmüller / Stefan Weinfurter (ed.): Salic Empire and New Europe. The time of Heinrich IV and Heinrich V Darmstadt 2007, pp. 42–44.
76. ^ Jürgen Dendorfer: Heinrich V. Kings and Great at the end of the Salier period. In: Tilman Struve (Ed.): The Salians, the Reich and the Lower Rhine. Vienna 2008, pp. 115–170, here: p. 146 ( online ).
77. ↑ Christian Hillen: To the Friesian procession of Heinrich V from 1114. In: Historisches Jahrbuch, Vol. 120 (2000), pp. 284–290.
78. ^ Jürgen Dendorfer: Heinrich V. Kings and Great at the end of the Salier period. In: Tilman Struve (Ed.): The Salians, the Reich and the Lower Rhine. Vienna 2008, pp. 115–170, here: p. 151 ( online ). Chronica regia Coloniensis ad a. 1114.
79. ↑ Jürgen Dendorfer: Heinrich V. Kings and Great at the end of the Salier period. In: Tilman Struve (Ed.): The Salians, the Reich and the Lower Rhine. Vienna 2008, pp. 115–170, here: pp. 152ff. ( online ).
80. ^ Jürgen Dendorfer: Heinrich V. Kings and Great at the end of the Salier period. In: Tilman Struve (Ed.): The Salians, the Reich and the Lower Rhine. Vienna 2008, pp. 115–170, here: p. 155 ( online ).
81. ↑ Jürgen Dendorfer: Heinrich V. Kings and Great at the end of the Salier period. In: Tilman Struve (Ed.): The Salians, the Reich and the Lower Rhine. Vienna 2008, pp. 115–170, here: pp. 140f. ( online ). Ekkehard von Aura, Chronica ad a. 1115.
82. ^ Jürgen Dendorfer: Fidi milites? The Hohenstaufen and Emperor Heinrich V. In: Hubertus Seibert / Jürgen Dendorfer (Ed.): Counts, dukes, kings. The rise of the early Hohenstaufen and the empire. Ostfildern 2005, pp. 213-265, here: pp. 236f. ( online ).
83. ↑ Jutta Schlick: König, Fürsten und Reich (1056-1159). Understanding of power in transition. Stuttgart 2001, p. 72 ( digitized version ).
84. ↑ Hubertus Seibert: Office, authority, diocesan expansion: The bishops as heads of order in the empire. In: The Salians. Power in change. Essays, Munich 2011, pp. 85–93, here: p. 92.
85. ^ Jürgen Dendorfer: Noble group formation and royal rule. The Counts of Sulzbach and their network of relationships in the 12th century. Munich 2004, p. 344f.
86. ^ Jürgen Dendorfer: Noble group formation and royal rule. The Counts of Sulzbach and their network of relationships in the 12th century. Munich 2004, p. 400.
87. ^ Jürgen Dendorfer: Noble group formation and royal rule. The Counts of Sulzbach and their network of relationships in the 12th century. Munich 2004, pp. 401-403.
88. ^ Claudia Zey: Mathilde of England. In: Amalie Fößel (Ed.): The Empresses of the Middle Ages. Regensburg 2011, pp. 161–180, here: 163. Cf. also Dieter Berg : England and the continent. Studies on the foreign policy of the Anglo-Norman kings in the 11th and 12th centuries. Bochum 1987, p. 239f.
89. ^ Franz-Reiner Erkens: Fecit nuptias regio, ut decuit apparatu. Wedding celebrations as acts of monarchical representation in Salic times. In: Detlef Altenburg / Jörg Jarnut / Hans-Hugo Steinhoff (eds.): Festivals and celebrations in the Middle Ages. Sigmaringen 1991, pp. 401-421, here: pp. 412ff.
90. ↑ Gerd Althoff: From Conflict to Crisis: Practices of Leadership and Settlement of Conflicts in the Late Sali Period. In: Bernd Schneidmüller / Stefan Weinfurter (ed.): Salic Empire and New Europe. The time of Heinrich IV. And Heinrich V Darmstadt 2007, pp. 27–45, here: p. 42.
91. ↑ Annales Patherbrunnenses ad a. 1114.
92. ↑ Gerd Althoff: The power of rituals. Symbolism and rule in the Middle Ages. Darmstadt 2003, pp. 161f. Otto von Freising, Chronica VII, 15.
93. ^ Claudia Zey: Mathilde of England. In: Amalie Fößel (Ed.): The Empresses of the Middle Ages. Regensburg 2011, pp. 161–180, here: 165.
94. ↑ Jochen Johrendt: Rome between Emperor and Pope - the universal powers and the Eternal City. In: Gerhard Lubich (Ed.): Heinrich V. in his time. Rule in a European empire from the High Middle Ages. Cologne. inter alia 2013, pp. 169–190, here: p. 178.
95. ↑ Claudia Zey: Wives and Daughters of the Salic Rulers. On the change in Salic marriage policy during the crisis. In: Tilman Struve (Ed.): The Salians, the Reich and the Lower Rhine. Cologne 2008, pp. 47–98, here: p. 90.
96. ↑ Elke Goez: Between Reich membership and independence: Heinrich V and Italy. A workshop report. In: Gerhard Lubich (Ed.): Heinrich V. in his time. Rule in a European empire from the High Middle Ages. Cologne. et al. 2013, pp. 215–232, here: p. 224.
97. ↑ Elke Goez: Between Reich membership and independence: Heinrich V and Italy. A workshop report. In: Gerhard Lubich (Ed.): Heinrich V. in his time. Rule in a European empire from the High Middle Ages. Cologne. et al. 2013, pp. 215–232, here: p. 225.
98. ↑ Claudia Zey: The Romzugsplan Henry V 1122/23. New considerations for the conclusion of the Worms Concordat. In: German Archives for Research into the Middle Ages, Vol. 56 (2000) pp. 447–504, here: p. 482, note 121; Jürgen Petersohn: Empire and Rome in the late Salian and Staufer times. Rome ideas and politics from Heinrich V to Friedrich II. Hanover 2010, p. 33.
99. ^ For a summary of Gregor, see Christiane Laudage: Kampf um den Stuhl Petri. The history of the anti-popes. Freiburg im Breisgau et al. 2012, p. 96ff.
100. ^ Claudia Zey: Mathilde of England. In: Amalie Fößel (Ed.): The Empresses of the Middle Ages. Regensburg 2011, pp. 161–180, here: 167.
101. ^ Jürgen Dendorfer: Fidi milites? The Hohenstaufen and Emperor Heinrich V. In: Hubertus Seibert / Jürgen Dendorfer (Ed.): Counts, dukes, kings. The rise of the early Hohenstaufen and the empire. Ostfildern 2005, pp. 213-265, here: pp. 239-242 ( online ).
102. ^ Jürgen Dendorfer: Fidi milites? The Hohenstaufen and Emperor Heinrich V. In: Hubertus Seibert / Jürgen Dendorfer (Ed.): Counts, dukes, kings. The rise of the early Hohenstaufen and the empire. Ostfildern 2005, pp. 213-265, here: pp. 242f. ( online ); Jürgen Dendorfer: Heinrich V. Kings and Great at the end of the Salier period. In: Tilman Struve (Ed.): The Salians, the Reich and the Lower Rhine. Vienna 2008, pp. 115–170, here: p. 161 ( online ).
103. ↑ Klaus Schreiner: 'Nudis pedibus'. Barefoot as a religious and political ritual. In: Gerd Althoff (Ed.): Forms and functions of public communication in the Middle Ages. Stuttgart 2001, pp. 53-124, here: p. 108; Gerd Althoff: The power of rituals. Symbolism and rule in the Middle Ages. Darmstadt 2003, p. 118.
104. ↑ Gerd Althoff: Staging obliges. To understand ritual acts at Pope-Emperor encounters in the 12th century. In: Frühmittelalterliche Studien , Vol. 35 (2001), pp. 61–84, here: p. 67.
105. ^ Jürgen Dendorfer: Fidi milites? The Hohenstaufen and Emperor Heinrich V. In: Hubertus Seibert / Jürgen Dendorfer (Ed.): Counts, dukes, kings. The rise of the early Hohenstaufen and the empire. Ostfildern 2005, pp. 213–265, here: p. 215 ( online ); Hagen Keller: Swabian dukes as applicants for the throne: Hermann II (1002), Rudolf von Rheinfelden (1077), Friedrich von Staufen (1125). On the development of the imperial idea and the responsibility of princes, understanding of voting and voting procedures in the 11th and 12th centuries. In: Zeitschrift für die Geschichte des Oberrheins , Vol. 131 (1983), pp. 123–162, here: p. 151.
106. ↑ Bernd Schneidmüller: Between God and the Faithful. Four sketches on the foundations of the medieval monarchy. In: Frühmittelalterliche Studien , Vol. 36 (2002), pp. 193-224, here: p. 219.
107. ^ Stefan Weinfurter: Papacy, Empire and Imperial Authority. From Rome 1111 to Venice 1177. In: Ernst-Dieter Hehl, Ingrid Heike Ringel, Hubertus Seibert (ed.): The papacy in the world of the 12th century. Stuttgart 2002, pp. 77-99, here: p. 87.
108. ↑ Monika Suchan: Princely opposition to royalty in the 11th and 12th centuries as a designer of medieval statehood. In: Frühmittelalterliche Studien , Vol. 37 (2003) pp. 141–165, here: p. 156.
109. ↑ Wilfried Hartmann: The Investiture Controversy. 3rd revised and expanded edition, Munich 2007, p. 41.
110. ↑ Odilo Engels: The imperial burial place in the Speyer Cathedral and the Hohenstaufen. In: Joachim Dahlhaus, Armin Kohnle (ed.): Papal history and regional history. Festschrift for Hermann Jakobs on his 65th birthday. Cologne 1995, pp. 227-254, here: p. 251.
111. ↑ Hubertus Seibert: Libertas and Imperial Abbey. On the monastic policy of the Salian rulers. In: Stefan Weinfurter with the collaboration of Frank Martin Siefarth (Ed.): The Salier and the Reich Vol. 2: The Reich Church in the Salier period. Sigmaringen 1991, pp. 503-569, here: p. 566.
112. ^ Jürgen Dendorfer: Fidi milites? The Hohenstaufen and Emperor Heinrich V. In: Hubertus Seibert / Jürgen Dendorfer (Ed.): Counts, dukes, kings. The rise of the early Hohenstaufen and the empire. Ostfildern 2005, pp. 213-265, here: pp. 263-265 ( online ).
113. ↑ Stefan Weinfurter: The Century of the Salians 1024–1125. Ostfildern 2004, p. 177.
114. ^ MGH Constitutiones et acta publica imperatorum et regum . Edited by Ludwig Weiland. Vol. 1. Hannover 1893, No. 112. Monika Suchan: Princely opposition to royalty in the 11th and 12th centuries as a designer of medieval statehood. In: Frühmittelalterliche Studien , Vol. 37 (2003), pp. 141–165, here: p. 141. The source: Encyclia principium de eligendo rege , in: MGH Constitutiones et acta publica imperatorum et regum . Edited by Ludwig Weiland. Vol. 1. Hannover 1893, No. 112.
115. ↑ Bernd Schneidmüller: Regni aut ecclesie turbator. Emperor Heinrich V in contemporary French historiography. In: Franz Staab (ed.): Foreign relations under the Salian emperors. Intellectual debate and politics. Speyer 1994, pp. 195-222, here. P. 206; Rolf Große: Scire et posse. Louis VI. from France. In: Gerhard Lubich (Ed.): Heinrich V. in his time. Rule in a European empire from the High Middle Ages. Cologne 2013, pp. 233-251, here: pp. 247ff.
116. ^ Suger von Saint-Denis, Vita Ludovici Grossi , cap. 28.
117. ↑ Rolf Große: Scire et posse. Louis VI. from France. In: Gerhard Lubich (Ed.): Heinrich V. in his time. Rule in a European empire from the High Middle Ages. Cologne 2013, pp. 233–251, here: p. 248.
118. ↑ Bernd Schneidmüller: 1111 - The Empire of Henry V as a European event. In: The Salians. Power in change. Essays. Munich 2011, pp. 36–45, here: p. 42.
119. ↑ Quoted from Bernd Schneidmüller: Regni aut ecclesie turbator. Emperor Heinrich V in contemporary French historiography. In: Franz Staab (ed.): Foreign relations under the Salian emperors. Intellectual debate and politics. Speyer 1994, pp. 195-222, here. P. 208.
120. ↑ Bernd Schneidmüller: Regni aut ecclesie turbator. Emperor Heinrich V in contemporary French historiography. In: Franz Staab (ed.): Foreign relations under the Salian emperors. Intellectual debate and politics. Speyer 1994, pp. 195-222, here. P. 197.
121. ↑ Bernd Schneidmüller: Regni aut ecclesie turbator. Emperor Heinrich V in contemporary French historiography. In: Franz Staab (ed.): Foreign relations under the Salian emperors. Intellectual debate and politics. Speyer 1994, pp. 195-222, here. P. 206; Bernd Schneidmüller: 1111 - The empire of Henry V as a European event. In: The Salians. Power in change. Essays. Munich 2011, pp. 36–45, here: p. 43.
122. ↑ Gerd Althoff: The Middle Ages picture of the Germans before and after 1945. A sketch. In: Paul-Joachim Heinig (Ed.): Empire, regions and Europe in the Middle Ages and modern times. Festschrift for Peter Moraw. Berlin 2000, pp. 731-749.
123. ↑ Formative for this point of view was: Karl Hampe: German imperial history in the time of the Salier and Staufer. 9th edition edited by Friedrich Baethgen, Leipzig 1945. Jürgen Dendorfer offers a summary of the older view: Heinrich V. Könige und Große at the end of the Salier period. In: Tilman Struve (Ed.): The Salians, the Reich and the Lower Rhine. Vienna 2008, pp. 115–170, here: pp. 118f. ( online ).
124. ^ Stefan Weinfurter: Reform idea and royalty in the late Salian empire. Considerations for a reassessment of Emperor Heinrich V. In: Stefan Weinfurter (Hrsg.): Reform idea and reform policy in the Late Salian-Early Staufer Empire. Mainz 1992, pp. 1–45, here: p. 2.
125. ↑ With further evidence for the older view Steffen Patzold: Kingship in Threatened Order: Heinrich IV. And Heinrich V. 1105/06. In: Gerhard Lubich (Ed.): Heinrich V. in his time. Rule in a European empire from the High Middle Ages. Vienna et al. 2013. pp. 43–68, here: pp. 43f.
126. ^ Karl Hampe: German imperial history in the time of the Salier and Staufer. 3rd edition, Leipzig 1916, p. 74.
127. ^ Carlo Servatius: Heinrich V. (1106-1125). In: Helmut Beumann (Ed.): Imperial figures of the Middle Ages. Munich 1984, pp. 135–154, here: p. 140.
128. ^ Hagen Keller: Swabian dukes as applicants for the throne: Hermann II. (1002), Rudolf von Rheinfelden (1077), Friedrich von Staufen (1125). On the development of the imperial idea and the responsibility of princes, understanding of voting and voting procedures in the 11th and 12th centuries. In: Zeitschrift für die Geschichte des Oberrheins , Vol. 131 (1983), pp. 123-162.
129. ↑ Stefan Weinfurter: Rule and empire of the Salians. Basics of a time of upheaval. 3rd edition, Sigmaringen 1992.
130. ↑ Bernd Schneidmüller: Consensual rule. An essay on forms and concepts of political order in the Middle Ages. In: Paul-Joachim Heinig et al. (Ed.): Empire, regions and Europe in the Middle Ages and modern times. Festschrift for Peter Moraw. Berlin 2000, pp. 53-87.
131. ↑ See the documents of Henry V and Queen Mathilde. Edited by Matthias Thiel with the assistance of Alfred Gawlik ( MGH DD reg. Et imp. Germ., Volume 7), digital preliminary edition 2010 on the MGH website.
132. ↑ Gerhard Lubich (Ed.): Heinrich V. in his time. Rule in a European empire from the High Middle Ages. Cologne 2013. See the reviews by Bernd Schneidmüller in: H-Soz-Kult , September 11, 2013, ( online ); Uta-Renate Blumenthal in: Francia-Recensio 2013/4 ( online ; Hubertus Seibert in: sehepunkte 15 (2015), No. 2 [February 15, 2015] ( online ); Rudolf Schieffer in: German Archive for Research into the Middle Ages 69 ( 2013), pp. 756–758 ( online )
133. ^ Jürgen Dendorfer: Fidi milites? The Hohenstaufen and Emperor Heinrich V. In: Hubertus Seibert / Jürgen Dendorfer (Ed.): Counts, dukes, kings. The rise of the early Hohenstaufen and the empire. Stuttgart 2005, pp. 213-265, here: p. 218, note 22 ( online ).
134. ↑ Johannes Laudage: The Salier. Munich 2006, p. 121.

predecessor	Office	successor
Henry IV	Roman-German King from 1111 Emperor 1106–1125	Lothar III.

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