Conrad III. (HRR)

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King Conrad III. Miniature from the Cologne royal chronicle (13th century), Brussels, Royal Library , Ms. 467, fol. 64v.

Conrad III. (* 1093 or 1094; † February 15, 1152 in Bamberg ) from the noble family of the Staufer was 1116/20 Duke in Franconia , 1127–1135 anti -king of Lothar III. and 1138–1152 king in the Roman-German Empire .

In the 12th century the idea emerged that the princes were jointly responsible for the empire. This intensified the participation of the princes in the imperial regiment and in the royal elections. Unlike in the monarchies of France, England and Sicily, ideas about inheritance law lost importance in the Roman-German Empire. After the death of Henry V , the last Salian ruler, in May 1125, the ambitions of the two Hohenstaufen brothers, Friedrich and Konrad, to succeed the king failed . Frederick's choice of king failed because he derived a claim to inheritance from his descent from the Salians and thus disregarded the princes' right to vote. Instead of him was the Saxon Duke Lotharelected. Konrad was raised to the rank of antagonist in 1127, but was also unsuccessful. The election of Lothar and his dispute with the Hohenstaufen brothers over the Salian inheritance triggered a war in the empire. After Lothar's death, Konrad was able to prevail against the power-conscious Duke of Bavaria and Saxony, Heinrich the Proud , in the 1138 election . Konrad's reorganization of the duchies of Saxony and Bavaria , which ignored the Guelphs' inheritance claims , failed. During his entire reign, the Guelphs Heinrich the Proud, Heinrich the Lion and Welf VI set in Bavaria and Saxony . their resistance to Konrad continued.

As king, Konrad tried to bind the rulers of the empire to himself through a marriage policy. From 1147 to 1149 he embarked on a crusade that was a complete failure. As the first of the Roman-German kings since 962, Konrad did not achieve the dignity of emperor. His conflicts with the Welfen Welf VI. and Heinrich the Lion were long regarded as the expression of a Staufer-Guelph antagonism that dominated imperial politics in the 12th century. Only recently has this assessment been put into perspective.

Life

origin

The “Red Book” of Lorch Monastery was badly damaged by the war in 1943 and was extensively restored in the 1980s. On the illustrated page of the necrology, Konrad's father Friedrich I of Swabia, the founder of the monastery, is named under No. 39. Stuttgart, Baden-Württemberg State Archives, Main State Archives Stuttgart, H 14, No. 175, Bl. 136.

Konrad came from the noble family known as the "Staufer"; however, this term was only introduced by historians in the late 15th century. The origin of the family is unclear. All that is known about Konrad's grandfather Friedrich von Büren is that he married a woman named Hildegard around 1050 . Recently the thesis was put forward that the Schlettstädter property of the Staufer had not been brought into the marriage by Hildegard, but had already belonged to Friedrich. The Staufer were not a Swabian, but an Alsatian family, which did not move into the East Swabian Rems Valley until around 1100 with Duke Friedrich I.

In any case, the family succeeded in making good use of local constellations. Several factors played an important role in this. By taking possession of monastery bailiffs, which were often administered by ministerials , the ministeriality there could be integrated into the Hohenstaufen rulership complex. In this way, the family gained strong, materially secure support from the local nobility. Through diocese politics - the dioceses of Würzburg , Worms and Speyer were affected - connections to the municipalities, the clergy and the nobility could be cultivated. After all, a series of marriages were beneficial for the rise of the noble family, through which ties of kinship to highly respected and influential families arose or were consolidated.

Much more important for the self-image and ambitions of the family than the ancestors on the father's side was their prestigious relationship on the mother's side with the Salians . Konrad's mother Agnes was a daughter of Emperor Henry IV , the penultimate Salier. Contemporary authors perceived Konrad as a relative or descendant of the Salians, and his regional origin was rarely mentioned. Even Konrad himself later referred to the Salian kings as his ancestors as king in his documents.

The conflicts between Henry IV and the South German dukes Rudolf of Swabia , the Zähringer Berthold of Carinthia and Welf IV of Bavaria favored the rise of the Hohenstaufen. As a reaction to the election of the Swabian Duke Rudolf as the opposing king, Heinrich IV elevated Count Friedrich , a son of Friedrich von Büren, to the new Duke of Swabia on Easter 1079 . It is not known whether Friedrich exercised his county rights in Alsace, Swabia or Franconia. The emperor married him to his daughter Agnes. Friedrich died in 1105. He left two sons, Konrad, born in 1093, and his brother Friedrich II, who was three years older than him. After the death of her husband, Agnes concluded with the Austrian Margrave Leopold III. a new marriage. Soon after the death of his father, Friedrich II took over his offices and dignities. From 1106 he held the title of duke.

Trustee of Heinrich V and opponent of Lothar III.

Emperor Heinrich IV was overthrown in 1105 by his son Heinrich V. In January 1116 he made Friedrich II and his brother Conrad trustees in the northern part of the empire for the time of his stay in Italy. Konrad was made Duke in Eastern Franconia and rivaled Bishop Erlung von Würzburg, who had fallen away from the Emperor. Konrad's brother was supposed to represent the Salian interests towards the Archbishop Adalbert of Mainz . Frederick II was one of the most important greats at the Salian court from 1111 to 1118 . Konrad, on the other hand, was considerably more distant towards his royal uncle; his presence at the royal court can only be proven three times.

After his return, Heinrich V reconciled with Bishop Erlung. The property of the Würzburg church was again placed under the legal sovereignty of the bishop. This meant that Konrad's official duchy lost its livelihood. He only had a titular duchy left. From then on, Konrad and Friedrich were no longer part of the court's closest circle. The two Staufer brothers joined the opposition to the princes because they were emphatically in favor of peace in the empire and wanted to work for an agreement between the emperor and the pope in the investiture dispute . Despite these differences, there was no break. The childless Heinrich made Friedrich his sole heir for his private property. After the emperor's death, the election of a king was scheduled for the end of August 1125 in Mainz. Because of his close relationship with the late ruler, Frederick II seemed to have the best prospects for the successor, but his connection with the Salian house then turned out to be a disadvantage. The Hohenstaufen did not want to accept the unlimited right to vote (libera electio) of the princes and thwarted his chances with his overly certain victory and as haughty appearance (ambicone cecatus) . Instead of him, the Saxon Duke Lothar von Supplingenburg was elected. Decisive for Lothar's choice were his symbolic demonstration of humility and the change of front of Duke Henry the Black , who decided against his Staufer son-in-law. The reasons for this are unclear. Lothar possibly won him over by promising him to marry his only daughter Gertrud with Heinrich's son Heinrich the Proud . From this connection Heinrich the Lion emerged. The following decade was marked by Lothar's conflict with the Hohenstaufen brothers over the inheritance of Henry V claimed by Friedrich II .; What was disputed was which of these should be considered an imperial property and which should belong to the new king. In Regensburg, a court of the princes decided that the property had to pass into the control of the king. Since Friedrich nevertheless refused to surrender the property, a long war broke out that affected several parts of the empire.

Pilgrimage and anti-royalty

Conrad was not involved in the disputes before and after the election, as he had set out on a pilgrimage to the Holy Land in 1124 . Such pilgrimages were not only undertaken out of concern for the salvation of the soul , but also gave pilgrims a considerable reputation. He returned no later than the summer of 1127. In December 1127 Konrad was raised to king by Bavarian, Frankish and Swabian supporters of the Hohenstaufen at the Reichsburg Nuremberg. They decided in favor of Konrad because, unlike his brother Friedrich, he was not Lothar III. had paid homage and therefore could not be accused of breaking the oath. The response to the king's uprising was negative, however. Conrad's anti-kingship was branded as a usurpation by chroniclers who were close to the time. The archbishops of Magdeburg, Mainz and Salzburg excommunicated Konrad as a rebel. Conrad moved to Italy, where he was crowned King of Italy on June 29, 1128 in Monza by Archbishop Anselm of Milan . The schism of 1130 did not bring him any advantages, because both rivals for the papacy, Anaclet II and Innocent II , sought an understanding with Lothar. Konrad finally had to retreat to Parma, where he "lingered so poorly and with so few entourage that his reputation barely extended from one place to another."

Conrad did not return from Italy until the second half of 1132. In the northern part of the empire, too, his counter-kingship was unsuccessful. Lothar III. was able to capture Speyer in 1129 and Nuremberg in 1130 and, after his return from Italy as emperor, defeated the two Hohenstaufen in Ulm, the capital of the Duchy of Swabia, together with Heinrich the Proud. This ended the battle of the Staufer brothers for kingship. Friedrich submitted on a court day on March 17 and 18, 1135 in Bamberg, Konrad on September 29 of the same year in Mühlhausen. With the public self-humiliation, which was performed barefoot and in penitent clothing, the conflict was resolved and the ruler's honor restored. Lothar again accepted the two Hohenstaufen dynasty and left them ducal. In this way the emperor was able to demonstrate the Christian virtue of rulership of mercy.

Participation in Lothar III's Italian march. and marriage

Obituary for the late Emperor Lothar III. The second column deals with the transition to the reign of Conrad III. in the year 1138. Annalista Saxo , Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Ms. lat. 11851, fol. 237r.

Despite the official reconciliation, Friedrich avoided the royal court. Conrad, on the other hand, undertook to take part in Lothar's Italian train, which was planned for August 1136. During the Italian campaign he appeared in the ranking of the witnesses in the documents behind Heinrich the Proud. As the standard bearer of the imperial army in Italy, he took on important tasks. Konrad's commitment to the emperor increased his reputation among the princes involved and probably contributed to his later appearing as a suitable candidate for royal dignity. The connections he made on the Italian train became important for his later election as king. Even before the king's elevation, the marriage with Gertrud von Sulzbach came about in 1135/36 . From this marriage, Heinrich (VI.) And Friedrich had two sons. There is no evidence of a first marriage between Konrad and Gertrud von Komburg , suspected by Hansmartin Decker-Hauff .

King Election 1138

The imperial crown was perhaps in the time of Conrad III. manufactured. The crown bears the inscription Chonradus dei gratia Romanorum imperator augustus (Conrad by God's grace, exalted Roman emperor). Today it is in Vienna.

During the reign of his father-in-law, Henry the Proud had achieved a dominant position. After all, he had the duchies of Bavaria and Saxony, the margraviate of Tuszien and extensive ownership in Swabia, Bavaria, Saxony and Italy. According to Otto von Freising , he is said to have boasted of his rule "from sea to sea, from Denmark to Sicily". Since Lothar had no sons, he handed over the imperial insignia to his Guelph son-in-law before his death . After the emperor's death on December 4, 1137 in Breitenwang , Heinrich was considered a candidate capable of being a king, but is said to have made himself hateful "because of his pride in almost everyone who took part in the procession to Italy with Emperor Lothar". Heinrich's exaggerated awareness of rank apparently prevented him from seeking the princes' loyalty. In addition, he met competing claims of Albrecht the Bear in the Duchy of Saxony .

Not only a part of the secular princes stood against Heinrich, but also ecclesiastical forces. In the years 1137/38 several bishops died. The dioceses of Freising , Basel , Merseburg , Brandenburg and Osnabrück and the archbishoprics of Cologne and Mainz were vacant in 1137/38. Given the large number of reoccupations, the position of the king's candidate was also important for the episcopate and the papacy. The continuation of the Worms Concordat was more likely to be guaranteed by Konrad than by Heinrich the Proud. The episcopal reproach was made that Heinrich "had suffocated the Holy Roman Church with his power".

The general electoral assembly was called to Mainz at Pentecost 1138. On March 7, 1138, however, in Koblenz, under the direction of the Archbishop of Trier Albero, with the participation of a few princes and two papal legates, Conrad was raised to king. Unlike in previous royal elections, Trier was the election officer instead of the Archbishop of Mainz. The electoral body consisted exclusively of supporters of Konrad. Since there was no written constitution with provisions on the validity of an election, the only thing that mattered in such a situation was whether the person elected could assert himself politically and militarily. After the election, Konrad moved to Aachen , where he was anointed and crowned by the cardinal legate Dietwin on March 13 , not, as usual, by the Archbishop of Cologne. Perhaps during this time the imperial crown, which is now kept in Vienna, was made as a monarchical symbol of dignity.

On May 22nd, Konrad was recognized by numerous princes on Whitsun Day in Bamberg . In his first two years of rule, the court's binding force was particularly strong due to the king's ride ; a striking number of greats visited the royal court.

Conflict with Heinrich the Proud and Welf VI.

Duke Leopold of Bavaria , King Konrad III. and Hadmar I. von Kuenring . Excerpt from fol. 8v of the " bear skin ".

At the end of June 1138, Konrad received the homage from the Bavarian greats in Regensburg . Heinrich handed Konrad the imperial insignia, but without paying homage to him. The new king wanted to create room for maneuver and for this purpose force Heinrich the proud to forego "some of what he received from Emperor Lothar and still had". Heinrich, on the other hand, only wanted to pay homage to the king if he confirmed his fief and property. The negotiations at the court conference in Augsburg failed. Konrad fled secretly that night, fearing that the duke and his army might force him to recognize his position. In July 1138 Heinrich was stripped of the Saxon duchy by a judgment of the assembled princes on a court day in Würzburg. At Christmas he also lost the Bavarian duchy on a farm day in Goslar. In Saxony, where Konrad had little support, the duchy was given to the Ascanian Albrecht the Bears , and in the spring of 1139 Leopold IV from Babenberg received the duchy of Bavaria. With these occupations in Bavaria and Saxony, Konrad not only fought his rival Heinrich, but also gained loyal followers. Leopold was Konrad's half-brother, whose mother Agnes was married to Leopold's father of the same name as a second marriage. However, due to regional resistance, he remained largely bound in Bavaria and suffered a defeat at Valley in August 1140 against Welf VI, who claimed Bavaria for himself . After the two duchies were withdrawn, a military conflict between King Konrad and Heinrich the Proud was inevitable. In Saxony Heinrich was able to assert himself against Albrecht the Bear. In August 1139 the armies were ready to fight at Creuzburg in Thuringia on the Werra, but through the mediation of Archbishop Albero von Trier and the Bohemian Duke Soběslav a battle, the outcome of which was incalculable, was prevented. A final peace agreement has not yet been reached, but a compromise (compositio) between the conflicting parties. Due to the complexity of the issues at issue, time was allowed for negotiations until the court day in Worms on February 2, 1140. A compromise would have required Heinrich Konrad's kingship to be recognized and then re-enfeoffed. For the newly appointed by the king Dukes Albrecht the Bear in Saxony and Leopold of Bavaria should have found a solution that saved them an unacceptable loss of face and honor (honor) into account. However, Henry the Proud died unexpectedly on October 20, 1139.

After his death, his son Heinrich the Lion claimed the Duchy of Saxony and his brother Welf VI. demanded the Duchy of Bavaria. The interests of the still underage child Heinrich were represented by the Empress widow Richenza and Gertrud , the widow of Heinrich the Proud. In December 1140 Konrad went against Welf VI. and besieged Weinsberg Castle near Heilbronn . After the capitulation of the castle, Konrad is said to have allowed women to save everything they could wear from destruction, in a demonstration of royal leniency, which played an important role in the medieval ideal of kings. They decided to carry their men off on their shoulders. In October 1141 Leopold of Bavaria died unexpectedly. In Saxony, too, Albrecht the Bear was unable to prevail over Heinrich the Lion. The search for a compromise between the conflicting parties dragged on until 1141/42. A compensation could be found on the mediation of the princes in May 1142 at the court conference in Frankfurt am Main . Albrecht the Bear renounced the Duchy of Saxony, which Henry the Lion was awarded. A marriage was agreed between Gertrud and Heinrich Babenberg , who was later given the nickname Jasomirgott . Heinrich Jasomirgott took over the Duchy of Bavaria and became one of the most important supporters of Konrad. This should end the dispute between the widow of Heinrich the Proud and King Konrad. However, Gertrud died on April 18, 1143, and Welf VI. did not accept the compensation. He claimed the duchy as his brother's inheritance and opened the feud against the king. Henry the Lion renewed his own claims on Bavaria in 1147. In the dispute over the Duchy of Bavaria, Duke Friedrich von Schwaben , who later became Emperor Friedrich Barbarossa, supported his uncle Welf VI. and not his uncle Konrad. The process shows that the theory of earlier historians of a Staufer-Guelph opposition does not do justice to the reality of the time. The conflict remained unsolved under Konrad.

Measures to consolidate rule

To consolidate his kingship, Konrad concluded alliances that were reinforced with marriages. He married relatives with members of other ruling dynasties or with greats of the empire and gave offices to members of those families to which kinship ties had been established in this way. The Queen's Sulzbach family , as well as the King's Babenberg and Staufer relatives, were included in the marriage projects and given important functions in the empire. In 1138 Konrad appointed Gottfried II. A new duke in Lower Lorraine and gave him Liutgard von Sulzbach, a sister of his wife, as a wife. In 1139 he arranged the engagement of his two- or three-year-old son Heinrich to the Hungarian king's daughter Sophia. However, the marriage did not materialize as relations with the Hungarian royal court deteriorated in the mid-1140s. In 1140 the Bohemian Duke Wladislaus II received his duchy only because he married Gertrud, a sister of the king from Babenberg. Konrad's sister-in-law Bertha von Sulzbach was married to the Byzantine Emperor Manuel I in January 1146 as part of an alliance policy directed against the Norman Empire in southern Italy . As empress she took the name Irene, which means "peace" in Greek. This was also intended to express the wish for a peaceful coexistence between the two empires, which pursued conflicting interests in Italy. Konrad's nephew Friedrich von Schwaben was also included in Konrad's dynastic policy. Around 1146 he was married to the northern Bavarian margrave daughter Adela von Vohburg .

The Babenbergs became the pillars of Konrad's kingship. Leopold IV became Duke of Bavaria in 1139, his brother Heinrich Jasomirgott received a key position in the empire in 1140 with the Palatinate near Rhine . In 1143 Konrad made Heinrich Duke of Bavaria, and in 1146 he married the Byzantine princess Theodora Komnena , a niece of Emperor Manuel. The two Babenbergers Otto and Konrad were provided with spiritual offices. Otto was raised to Bishop of Freising in 1138 and Konrad was positioned as Bishop of Passau in 1148 in the core of the Babenberg area.

The possession and control of castles played an essential role in the position and exercise of power of the early Hohenstaufen in the empire. In 1142 Konrad exchanged the building site on the castle hill of Rothenburg ob der Tauber from Neumünster Abbey and had the castle of the same name built in the same year . According to Karl Borchardt , Rothenburg Castle was also associated with the foundation of a town under Konrad. With the castle and town, Konrad planned a high-ranking center of power. Konrad's kingship developed a strong bond, but with regionally different intensity. Franconia and Swabia in particular were regions close to the kings, in which the kingship could effectively be brought to bear. The Rhine and Eastern Franconia were the core regions of the royal documentary activity. Because of the fighting of the king against Henry the Lion, Saxony remained aloof from the king; Konrad did not succeed in integrating this region throughout his reign. Konrad most frequently visited Würzburg (eleven times), Regensburg and Nuremberg (nine times each) and Bamberg, Speyer and Frankfurt (six times each). Nine people can be identified as confidants of Konrad: the royal chancellor and later Archbishop Arnold II of Cologne , the bishops Embricho of Würzburg , Burchard II of Worms , Otto von Freising and Anselm von Havelberg , the abbot Wibald von Stablo and the Duke Friedrich II of Swabia, Albrecht the Bear and Heinrich Jasomirgott of Bavaria. After the stabilization of the kingship, Konrad's brother Friedrich became the prince most frequently mentioned in the diplomas. The ministry also increasingly involved Konrad. The most important example is Arnold von Selenhofen , who came from a Mainz ministerial family. In March 1138 Konrad gave him the court orchestra and in 1151 the office of Chancellor . Ministerials had already gained importance as pillars of royal rule since the late Salier period, and this development intensified during the Staufer period.

Relationship to the Church

Certificate of Konrad III. for the Ranshofen Abbey , issued June / September 1142. Munich, Bavarian Main State Archives, Kaiserselekt 46

In 1122, the decades-long conflict between the emperor and the pope, in which the papal side started with the slogan “freedom of the church” ( libertas ecclesiae ) , was settled by the Worms Concordat. As king, Konrad always maintained good relations with the popes. Unlike Lothar, he did not try to regain the lost royal rights over the imperial church. On the replacement of numerous dioceses immediately after his assumption of power, he exerted influence through the electoral bodies, the cathedral chapters , in which he had placed loyal followers and potential bishop candidates. In this way he was able to adhere to the provisions of the Concordat and at the same time promote cooperation with the most important spiritual centers in the empire.

Konrad's reign was characterized by close cooperation between royalty and imperial church. The king regarded the two powers kingship ( regnum ) and church ( sacerdotium ) as equal. His actions towards the church were determined by the principles of concordia ("unity") and consensus ("consensus").

So he ensured royal protection of the churches against all kinds of oppression. Of the 186 traditional documents for ecclesiastical recipients, almost every fourth contained a confirmation or even the first-time granting of the protection of the king. In addition, the king promoted churches by transferring imperial property. High clergy took on important political tasks in Italy, in negotiations with the popes and in maintaining relations with Byzantium.

Fundamental changes in church rule were carried out by Konrad in the bailiwick . Church bailiffs were responsible for protection and jurisdiction in the church institutions they supervised, but had given numerous tasks to sub- bailiffs . After many under-bailiffs had appropriated the property and rights of the churches they governed, the king issued a ban on sub-bailiffs for the entire empire in 1150.

Second crusade

On the wax seal from 1138 is Konrad III. depicted as an enthroned ruler.

In the war between the Crusader states and the Muslims, the Atabeg Zengi of Mosul took the county of Edessa in December 1144 . After this setback, the crusaders sent a request for help to Pope Eugene III. This then called on December 1, 1145 for a crusade to the Holy Land. The Cistercian Bernhard von Clairvaux was commissioned with the crusade sermon . On March 31, 1146, Louis VII of France took the cross. Konrad, on the other hand, rejected a first advertisement by Bernhard for the crusade at the end of November / beginning of December 1146 on a court day in Frankfurt for several reasons: In the northern part of the empire the conflicts with Welf VI lasted. and Henry the Lion, Conrad had not yet been able to develop any activities in Italy and the Pope urged the king to come to Rome. A crusade could also have impaired the relationship with Byzantium, which had been positive since the marriage of Konrad's sister-in-law Bertha von Sulzbach to Emperor Manuel. Ultimately, however, Konrad could not remain aside as the future emperor and highest ranking ruler of Christianity. On Christmas Court Day 1146 in Speyer, after a sermon by Bernhard, he undertook to participate in the crusade. The godliness of his plan seemed to be confirmed by miraculous healings by Bernhard before the assembled crusaders. The king wanted to use the crusade to distinguish himself as the protector of all Latin Christianity. The “honor of our kingdom” (honor regni nostri) should be increased with the train to the Holy Land . In the empire, however, the willingness to participate in the crusade varied widely. The West was under the direct impression of the crusade sermons emanating from France. Welf VI. had already taken the cross two days before Konrad. Henry the Lion, Albrecht the Bear and other Saxon greats, however, preferred to march against the pagans in their own neighborhood (→ Wendenkreuzzug ).

For the duration of the crusade, Konrad had to ensure peace in the empire. In mid-February the Babenberg opponents Welf VI., Otto von Freising and Duke Heinrich Jasomirgott of Bavaria, took the cross in Regensburg. At the court conference in Frankfurt on March 1147, measures to prepare and carry out the crusade were decided. Konrad's ten-year-old son Heinrich (VI.) Was made co-king in mid-March 1147. In Frankfurt a state peace was issued for the duration of the crusade . During the time of Konrad's absence, Archbishop Heinrich von Mainz took over the reign in the empire. Heinrich the Lion took advantage of the preparations for the crusade and reclaimed the Duchy of Bavaria under inheritance law in Frankfurt. It was possible to postpone dealing with his claims until the return of the king.

In May 1147 the German crusade army set out from Regensburg towards Hungary. It comprised 20,000 men. The army moved through Bulgaria into the Byzantine Empire. There, supply problems and conflicts with the Byzantine army detachments made it difficult to continue the journey; the army had to fight exhaustion, hunger and epidemics. In October 1147 it suffered a crushing defeat at Dorylaum against the Seljuks . The king himself fell ill with malaria tertiana . From January to the beginning of March 1148 he stayed at the imperial court in Constantinople , where he was cared for by Byzantine doctors. On June 24, 1148 he took with Louis VII of France and King Baldwin III. from Jerusalem took part in a great council in Acre . The train against Damascus agreed there was a complete failure in July 1148. The actual goal of the crusade, the reconquest of Edessa, could not be achieved.

On the way back, Konrad met again with the Byzantine emperor Manuel I Komnenos in Constantinople. The encounter was made more difficult by the two emperors, as both the Byzantine and Western emperors claimed the title of imperator Romanorum . Since 1142, Konrad used the title Romanorum imperator augustus in his letters to the Byzantine rulers , although he was not yet crowned emperor. The recipients were also denied the title Basileus ton Rhomaion ("Emperor of the Romans") and their territory was only referred to as regnum ("Empire") or imperium Grecorum ("Empire of the Greeks").

When greeting a low-ranking ruler, the basileus claimed that he should bend down in front of him and kiss his knees. Since Konrad intended to achieve the dignity of emperor, he did not accept this ceremony and the higher rank expressed by Manuel. Around sixty years later, Arnold von Lübeck reported that Manuel and Konrad rode to each other when they were greeted and kissed while sitting in the saddle. This is how equality was symbolically expressed. Whether the encounter actually took place is, however, disputed in research. Such greetings were certainly not uncommon. Konrad and Manuel decided to campaign against the Norman King Roger II in southern Italy. Both empires had similar interests and viewed the Norman king as a usurper, but there was also a rivalry: Both rulers claimed southern Italy for themselves.

After returning from the crusade, Konrad claimed that his army had not been defeated by infidels, but by hunger, against which no weapon could help. In the courtly public, the company's results were rated according to the categories of honor and shame, fame and shame. After the great losses, the chroniclers complained that “nothing had been achieved in the Holy Land for the grandeur of the imperial and German name”. After the failed crusade, the royal court apparently lost its attractiveness: the number of important princes declined in the witness lists of the ruler's diplomas. Modern research regards this as a sign that the acceptance of Konrad's kingship was waning.

Plans for the imperial coronation, death and succession

View of the Niederaltaich monastery church
Sarcophagus of King Conrad III. in the crypt of Bamberg Cathedral .

With the rise of the communal movement in Rome in the 12th century, the idea arose that the Roman imperial dignity should not be conferred by the Pope - the Roman bishop - but by the city Romans. By trying to renew the ancient Roman Senate (renovatio senatus) , the commune gained self-confidence. Since 1144 she tried to replace the secular power of the popes in the city with her own rule. In 1149 the Roman Senate sent three letters to Konrad in which he was invited to receive the emperor's dignity from the Senate and the people. However, Konrad did not get involved.

Pope Eugene III. was expelled from Rome and had to reside outside the city since June 1150. He needed Konrad's help to restore his rule in the city. So he asked him to go to Rome. In September 1151, at the Würzburger Hoftag, the king decided to move to Italy the following autumn to purchase the imperial crown. He wanted to secure the succession for his family before the long absence. His first son, Heinrich, who had already been elected king, had died in the late summer of 1150, and this initially dashed the hope of achieving the succession of a king's son during the ruler's lifetime for the first time since Henry IV. Now the youngest son Friedrich was to be made co-king. The election was agreed for the end of February, the coronation in Aachen was scheduled for March 9th. On February 15, 1152, however, Konrad died at the age of almost sixty from malaria tertiana , from which he had suffered since his crusade.

After Otto von Freising , his confidants wanted to bury him next to his father in Lorch Abbey, as he wished . The monks of the Franconian Cistercian monastery in Ebrach, however, claimed that Konrad wanted to find his final resting place with them. His wife Gertrud was buried in Ebrach in 1146. The Bamberg clergy prevailed; she buried Konrad three days after his death in Bamberg Cathedral . His grave was initially located near the grave of Heinrich II , the founder of the Bamberg diocese who was canonized in 1146, but his memory in Bamberg remained behind the memorial of the holy diocese founder. Both graves were then still in the middle of the cathedral. In 1656 Konrad's bones were buried behind the altar of St. Mauritius and in 1667 in a box under the main altar of the west choir. In 1845, King Ludwig I of Bavaria arranged for the Hohenstaufen to be reburied in a neo-Romanesque sarcophagus, which is located in the crypt of the Eastern Church.

Three weeks after Konrad's death, on March 4, 1152, it was not his minor son, but his nephew of the same name, Duke Friedrich von Schwaben, who was elected in Frankfurt - the first case of this kind in a royal election. Otto von Freising delivers the picture of a smooth transition of rule from the first to the second Hohenstaufen king. In fact, there must have been intensive negotiations, concessions and agreements between Friedrich, later known as Barbarossa, and numerous greats before the Frankfurt election. Friedrich succeeded with Heinrich the lion and Welf VI. to get the highest ranking opponents of Konrad on his side by promising them. Three days after his coronation, he donated the Reichsabtei Niederaltaich to the Bamberg Church to mark Konrad's "eternal memory" .

Impact history

Konrad in the judgment of contemporaries

Conrad was regarded by contemporaries as a pious Christian and glorious ruler. In the empire, bishops and monasteries often dated their documents after the ruling years of the “very pious” or “very famous and extremely illustrious King Konrad”.

Bishop Otto von Freising made his judgment on Konrad's time in his chronicle, which was his main work and is considered the climax of medieval world chronicle. He interpreted the events of these years as a sign of the impending end of the world. Konrad's last years thus appear to be a “disaster story”. This assessment is, however, a consequence of the intention to present a medieval world chronicle and also an expression of the author's personal perspective. Otto owed Konrad the elevation to Freising Bishop, but did not belong to the immediate circle of Konrad's royal successor Barbarossa. He had completed his chronicle in 1146 and dedicated a copy to Barbarossa. With his historiographical work he hoped to win the support of the new king for his church. With Konrad's successor Barbarossa a time of peace and harmony had begun, after a “time of crying” a “time of laughter” had dawned.

The Cologne royal chronicle honored Konrad on the year of his death as a brave and militarily capable man, but saw his rule characterized by unfavorable weather conditions, poverty, persistent famine and wars. The empire had been struck by a certain misfortune.

Historical images and research perspectives

In the time of so-called small states in Germany in the 19th century, the German kings and emperors of the Middle Ages were seen as early representatives of a strong central monarchy that is also longed for in the present. Their historical task as rulers was to strengthen the central power. In addition, the disputes about the relationship between state and church in the 19th century influenced the image of history. For the majority of national liberal historians, the medieval princes, who were perceived as representatives of egotistical particular interests, and the papacy fighting against the kings were regarded as the "gravedigger" of imperial power. The historical judgment was largely determined by the question of whether individual kings prevailed against the two powers rivaling kingship and thus contributed to the strengthening of central power and the greatness of the nation.

According to this criterion, Konrad was predominantly counted among the weaker kings in 19th century medieval studies . Compared to the other Hohenstaufen rulers Friedrich Barbarossa, Heinrich VI. and Friedrich II , Konrad fell back significantly. Most historians based their source analysis on Otto von Freising's chronicle, which shows Konrad's time as an epoch of general decline. The numerous contemporary news about Konrad's piety served the older research as evidence that he was too close to the church, a "priest king". Elected with the significant participation of a papal legate, he was surrounded by selfish bishops and princes and, in hopeless battles with the Guelphs, weakened the resources and reputation of the kingship. Instead of going on the crusade, Konrad should have taken care of strengthening the central monarchical power.

Older research was of the opinion that Henry the Proud would have been a kingship in 1138: The Duke of Bavaria and Saxony as well as Margrave of Tuszien could have pushed back the nobility and church with his extensive ownership and fiefdom behind him. The conflict between Heinrich the Proud and Conrad III. was classified in the 19th century as a dispute between Staufers and Welfen over duchies and royal rule in the general framework of the history of the empire from 1125 to 1225. At best, Konrad was a pioneer for his brilliant and energetic successor, Friedrich Barbarossa.

In the first scientific account of the history of the empire under Konrad, Philipp Jaffé wrote that he had left a shattered empire behind. Wilhelm Bernhardi (1883) even saw Konrad in the “Yearbooks of German History” as “trapped in the nets of the Roman Church”. In 1926 Johannes Haller published a depiction of the “old German imperial era”. He saw Lothar and Konrad "on the lead of the church". Konrad was "a real priest king". For Karl Hampe, with the recommendation of his nephew Friedrich Barbarossa as his successor, Konrad accomplished “the only great deed for which Germany is grateful (...) on his deathbed”.

The view of history only changed after 1945. Medieval studies overcame the king-centered perspective in political and constitutional history. Kings and emperors were no longer viewed as the sole guarantors of the medieval order. In the following decades, research on the Middle Ages gained new insights into the functioning of medieval statehood and royal rule, personal ties, symbolic communication and consensual rule . In 1996 Werner Hechberger was able to prove that the Staufer-Welf contrast, which was considered to be the fundamental political constellation for Konrad's reign and for the further 12th century, is not a contemporary political coordinate, but a modern research construct. Rather, recent research emphasizes the interaction between princes and rulers as a characteristic feature of medieval rule.

In recent research Konrad has again attracted more attention. New knowledge could be gained about his choice of king, about his alliance with Byzantium, about his conflict with the Guelphs and about his succession. In 2011 a Göppingen Staufer conference was dedicated to him. To what extent these new insights affect the overall picture of Konrad III. lighten, but remains to be seen. Gerd Althoff (2003) sticks to the negative assessment of the king and regards it as "almost impossible to find arguments for a fundamentally different assessment". Hansmartin Schwarzmaier (2009) spoke of a "hapless king".

A comprehensive account of Konrad's kingship and the foundations of his rule has not been published since Bernhardi's work in 1883. It is a desideratum of medieval studies.

Artistic reception

Bernhard von Clairvaux hands the cross banner to the kneeling King Konrad (fresco from the north transept of the Speyer Cathedral).

When it comes to reception in art, outside of the national interest, “the search for exciting, psychologically rich, even sensational moments” determined the choice of topic. Konrad found his way into painting through the story of the " women of Weinsberg ". On the basis of the narrative handed down by the Cologne royal chronicle, the subjects “faithfulness to women” and “king's word” could be artistically designed. The Flemish artist family Francken was particularly concerned with this . In addition, the process of was in January Cornelisz. van 't Woudt (1602), Nicolas Guibal (1760/67), Alexander Bruckmann (1836) and Johann Gottfried Schadow artistically staged.

A certain veneration in Catholic circles in the 19th century was related to the fact that Konrad was the first German ruler to lead a crusader army. Above all, the situation in which Bernhard von Clairvaux was able to inspire the initially reluctant king with a rousing speech for the crusade was reflected in history painting. The moment of the handover of the flag by Bernhard to Konrad is recorded in a fresco by Johann von Schraudolph in Speyer Cathedral, which he executed on behalf of the Bavarian King Ludwig I and completed in August 1849.

swell

literature

Lexicon article

Representations

Web links

Commons : Konrad III.  - Album with pictures, videos and audio files

Remarks

  1. ^ Daniel Ziemann: The Staufer - An Alsatian noble family? In: Hubertus Seibert , Jürgen Dendorfer (Ed.): Counts, dukes, kings. The rise of the Hohenstaufen and the empire (1079–1152). Ostfildern 2005, pp. 99-133. Rejecting: Eduard Hlawitschka: The Staufer: not a Swabian, but an Alsatian noble family? In: Journal for Württemberg State History. Volume 66, 2007, pp. 63-79.
  2. ^ Gerhard Lubich: Territory, monastery and diocese politics in a society in transition. On the political components of the establishment of rule by the Hohenstaufen before 1138. In: Hubertus Seibert, Jürgen Dendorfer (Ed.): Counts, dukes, kings. The rise of the Hohenstaufen and the empire (1079–1152). Ostfildern 2005, pp. 179–212.
  3. ↑ Tobias Weller: On the way to the "Staufer House". On the descent, relationship and connubium of the early Hohenstaufen. In: Hubertus Seibert, Jürgen Dendorfer (Ed.): Counts, dukes, kings. The rise of the Hohenstaufen and the empire (1079–1152). Ostfildern 2005, pp. 41–63.
  4. ^ Hubertus Seibert : The early Staufer - research balance sheet and open questions. In: Hubertus Seibert, Jürgen Dendorfer (Ed.): Counts, dukes, kings. The rise of the Hohenstaufen and the empire (1079–1152). Ostfildern 2005, pp. 1–39, here p. 8.
  5. ↑ Werner Hechberger: Konrad III .: Royal politics and Staufer family interests. In: Hubertus Seibert, Jürgen Dendorfer (Ed.): Counts, dukes, kings. The rise of the early Hohenstaufen and the empire (1079–1152). Ostfildern 2005, pp. 323-340, here p. 331 ( online ).
  6. ^ Hubertus Seibert: The early Staufer - research balance sheet and open questions. In: Hubertus Seibert, Jürgen Dendorfer (Ed.): Counts, dukes, kings. The rise of the Hohenstaufen and the empire (1079–1152). Ostfildern 2005, pp. 1–39, here p. 6.
  7. ^ Knut Görich: Friedrich Barbarossa: A biography. Munich 2011, p. 46.
  8. ↑ Fundamental to the history of Konrad under Heinich V., especially with regard to the East Franconian context: Gerhard Lubich: On the way to "golden freedom". Dominion and space in the Francia orientalis from the Carolingian to the Staufer times. Husum 1996, pp. 138-204.
  9. ^ Hubertus Seibert: The early Staufer - research balance sheet and open questions. In: Hubertus Seibert, Jürgen Dendorfer (Ed.): Counts, dukes, kings. The rise of the Hohenstaufen and the empire (1079–1152). Ostfildern 2005, pp. 1–39, here p. 16.
  10. ^ Gerhard Lubich: On the way to "golden freedom". Dominion and space in the Francia orientalis from the Carolingian to the Staufer times. Husum 1996, pp. 179-189.
  11. ^ Jürgen Dendorfer: Fidi milites? The Hohenstaufen and Emperor Heinrich V. In: Hubertus Seibert, Jürgen Dendorfer (Ed.): Counts, dukes, kings. The rise of the early Hohenstaufen and the empire (1079–1152). Ostfildern 2005, pp. 213–265, here p. 248.
  12. ^ Jürgen Dendorfer: Fidi milites? The Hohenstaufen and Emperor Heinrich V. In: Hubertus Seibert, Jürgen Dendorfer (Ed.): Counts, dukes, kings. The rise of the early Hohenstaufen and the empire (1079–1152). Ostfildern 2005, pp. 213–265, here pp. 239–250.
  13. ^ Hubertus Seibert: The early Staufer - research balance sheet and open questions. In: Hubertus Seibert, Jürgen Dendorfer (Ed.): Counts, dukes, kings. The rise of the Hohenstaufen and the empire (1079–1152). Ostfildern 2005, pp. 1–39, here p. 17.
  14. ↑ Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the lion. Biography. Munich 2008, p. 36.
  15. ^ Knut Görich: Friedrich Barbarossa: A biography. Munich 2011, p. 69.
  16. ↑ Knut Görich: The Staufer. Ruler and empire. Munich 2006, p. 26.
  17. ↑ Annales Patherbrunnenses aa 1128 and 1138: invasor regni , usurpator regii nominis . See Hubertus Seibert: The early Staufer - research balance sheet and open questions. In: Hubertus Seibert, Jürgen Dendorfer (Ed.): Counts, dukes, kings. The rise of the Hohenstaufen and the empire (1079–1152). Ostfildern 2005, pp. 1–39, here p. 18; Wolfgang Giese: The counter-kingship of Staufer Konrad 1127–1135. In: Journal of Legal History. Germ. Abt. 95, 1978, pp. 203-220, here p. 214 ( online )
  18. ^ Wolfgang Giese: The counter-kingship of Staufer Konrad 1127–1135 . In: Journal of Legal History. Germ. Abt. 95, 1978, pp. 203-220, here p. 206 ( online )
  19. ↑ Codex Udalrici, in: Monumenta Bambergensia, edited by Philipp Jaffé, Berlin 1869, No. 238, p. 416. Quoted from: Jan Keupp: Interaction as an investment. Reflections on the social capital of King Conrad III. In: Hubertus Seibert, Jürgen Dendorfer (Ed.): Counts, dukes, kings. The rise of the early Hohenstaufen and the empire 1079–1125. Ostfildern 2005, pp. 300–321, here p. 301.
  20. ^ Jan Paul Niederkorn: Konrad III. as an anti-king in Italy . In: German Archive for Research into the Middle Ages . Volume 49, 1993, pp. 589-600, here p. 596.
  21. ↑ Knut Görich: The Staufer. Ruler and empire. Munich 2006, p. 27.
  22. ^ Knut Görich: Friedrich Barbarossa: A biography. Munich 2011, p. 55.
  23. ^ Gerhard Lubich: Observations on the election of Konrad III. and their environment. In: Historical yearbook. 117/2, 1997, pp. 311-339, here p. 320.
  24. ^ Hubertus Seibert: The early Staufer - research balance sheet and open questions. In: Hubertus Seibert, Jürgen Dendorfer (Ed.): Counts, dukes, kings. The rise of the Hohenstaufen and the empire (1079–1152). Ostfildern 2005, pp. 1–39, here p. 19; Gerhard Lubich: Observations on the election of Konrad III. and their environment. In: Historical yearbook. 117/2, 1997, pp. 311-339, here p. 323.
  25. ^ Jürgen Dendorfer: Noble group formation and royal rule. The Counts of Sulzbach and their network of relationships in the 12th century. Munich 2004, p. 93.
  26. ↑ Hansmartin Decker-Hauff: The Staufer House. In: The time of the Staufer, history-art-culture. Exhibition catalog, volume 3, essays, Stuttgart 1977, pp. 339–374.
  27. ^ Klaus Graf : Staufer traditions from Lorch Abbey. In: Sönke Lorenz , Ulrich Schmidt (Ed.): From Swabia to Jerusalem. Facets of Hohenstaufen history. Sigmaringen 1995, pp. 209-240 ( online ); Tobias Weller : On the way to the “Hohenstaufen house”. On the descent, relationship and connubium of the early Hohenstaufen. In: Hubertus Seibert, Jürgen Dendorfer (Ed.): Counts, dukes, kings. The rise of the Hohenstaufen and the empire (1079–1152). Ostfildern 2005, pp. 41–63, here pp. 56–63 ( online ).
  28. ^ Otto von Freising, Chronica VII, 23.
  29. ↑ Otto von Freising and Rahewin, Gesta Friderici, ed. Georg Waitz and Bernhard von Simson [Ottonis et Rahewini Gesta Friderici I. imperatoris] (MGH SS rer. Germ), Hannover 1912, reprint 1978, I, 23, p. 36 ( Digitized ).
  30. ↑ Bernd Schneidmüller: The Welfs. Reign and memory (819–1252). Stuttgart 2000, p. 174.
  31. ^ Gerhard Lubich: Observations on the election of Konrad III. and their environment. In: Historical yearbook. 117/2, 1997, pp. 311-339, here p. 325.
  32. ↑ Quoted from: Jan Keupp: Interaction as an investment. Reflections on the social capital of King Conrad III. In: Hubertus Seibert, Jürgen Dendorfer (Ed.): Counts, dukes, kings. The rise of the early Hohenstaufen and the empire 1079–1125. Ostfildern 2005, pp. 300–321, here p. 309f.
  33. ↑ Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the lion. Biography. Munich 2008, p. 42.
  34. ↑ Knut Görich: The Staufer. Ruler and empire. Munich 2006, p. 29; Roland Pauler: Was King Konrad III. Election irregular? In: German Archive for Research into the Middle Ages. Volume 52, 1996, pp. 135-159, here p. 154.
  35. ^ Sebastian Scholz: The Vienna Imperial Crown. A crown from the time of Conrad III? In: Hubertus Seibert, Jürgen Dendorfer (Ed.): Counts, dukes, kings. The rise of the early Hohenstaufen and the empire 1079–1125. Ostfildern 2005, pp. 341-362; John B. Freed: Frederick Barbarossa. The Prince and the Myth. New Haven et al. 2016, p. 58f.
  36. ↑ Wolfram Ziegler: Court and award of certificates under King Konrad III. (1138-1152). In: Konrad III. (1138-1152). Ruler and empire. Göppingen 2011, pp. 46–65, here p. 56.
  37. ↑ Bernd Schneidmüller: The Welfs. Reign and memory (819–1252). Stuttgart 2000, p. 176.
  38. ↑ Historia Welforum 24.
  39. ↑ Bernd Schneidmüller: The Welfs. Reign and memory (819–1252). Stuttgart 2000, p. 177.
  40. ↑ Knut Görich: Safeguarding the honor. A principle in the political action of King Konrad III. In: Hubertus Seibert, Jürgen Dendorfer (ed.): Counts, dukes, kings. The rise of the early Hohenstaufen and the empire (1079–1152). Ostfildern 2005, pp. 267–298, here pp. 290–294 ( digitized version )
  41. ↑ Knut Görich: The Staufer. Ruler and empire. Munich 2006, p. 25.
  42. ↑ Chronica regia Coloniensis ad a. 1140.
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  44. ^ Knut Görich: Friedrich Barbarossa: A biography. Munich 2011, p. 66 f.
  45. ↑ Jürgen Dendorfer: "From the family of King Konrad" / "De genere regis Cůnradi". The family of King Conrad III. and the early Hohenstaufen. In: Konrad III. (1138-1152). Ruler and empire. Göppingen 2011, pp. 25–45, here p. 36 ( online )
  46. ↑ Jürgen Dendorfer: "From the family of King Konrads" / "De genere regis Cůnradi" The family of King Konrad III. and the early Hohenstaufen. In: Konrad III. (1138-1152). Ruler and empire. Göppingen 2011, pp. 25–45, here p. 37 ( online ); Werner Hechberger: Staufer and Welfen 1125–1190. On the use of theories in history. Cologne et al. 1996, p. 228.
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  48. ^ Karl Borchardt: Castle and town of Rothenburg under the Staufers. In: Horst F. Rupp, Karl Borchardt (Hrsg.): Rothenburg ob der Tauber. History of the city and its surroundings. Darmstadt 2016, pp. 65–81, here: pp. 69 f.
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  103. ^ Egon Boshof: Staufer and Welfs in the reign of Konrad III. The first Welf trials and the opposition Welfs VI. In: Archives for cultural history. Volume 70, 1988, pp. 313-341; Gerd Althoff: Conflict behavior and legal awareness. The Guelphs in the 12th century. In: Early Medieval Studies. Volume 26, 1992, pp. 331-352.
  104. ↑ With further references to recent research: Knut Görich: Wahrung des honor. A principle in the political action of King Konrad III. In: Hubertus Seibert, Jürgen Dendorfer (ed.): Counts, dukes, kings. The rise of the early Hohenstaufen and the empire (1079–1152). Ostfildern 2005, pp. 267–298, here p. 270 ( digitized version ).
  105. ↑ Gerd Althoff: Konrad III. (1138-1152). With Heinrich (1147–1150) In: Bernd Schneidmüller, Stefan Weinfurter (Ed.): The German rulers of the Middle Ages. Historical portraits from Heinrich I to Maximilian I (919–1519). Munich 2003, pp. 217-231, here p. 231.
  106. ↑ Hansmartin Schwarzmaier: The world of the Staufer. Way stations of a Swabian royal dynasty (= library of Swabian history. Volume 1). Leinfelden-Echterdingen 2009, p. 77.
  107. ^ Hubertus Seibert: The early Staufer - research balance sheet and open questions. In: Hubertus Seibert, Jürgen Dendorfer (Ed.): Counts, dukes, kings. The rise of the Hohenstaufen and the empire (1079–1152). Ostfildern 2005, pp. 1–39, here p. 20.
  108. ↑ The quote: Kurt Lochs: The Staufers in the fine arts. In: The time of the Staufer, history-art-culture. Exhibition catalog, volume 3, essays, Stuttgart 1977, pp. 291–309, here p. 299.
  109. ^ Kurt holes: The Staufer in the fine arts. In: The time of the Staufer, history-art-culture. Exhibition catalog, volume 3, essays, Stuttgart 1977, pp. 291–309, here p. 295.
  110. ^ Christiane Sutter: The crusader reception in German painting of the 19th century. Münster 2012, pp. 115–198; Knut Görich: Staufer, Zähringer and the departure of Konrad III. to the crusade. In: Konrad III. (1138-1152). Ruler and empire. Göppingen 2011, pp. 66–78, here pp. 77–78.
predecessor Office successor
Lothar III. Roman-German king
1127–1135 (opposing king), 1138–1152 		Friedrich I.
This article was added to the list of excellent articles on January 8, 2013 in this version .
personal data
SURNAME Conrad III.
ALTERNATIVE NAMES King Conrad III.
BRIEF DESCRIPTION Roman-German King, King of Italy and King of Burgundy
DATE OF BIRTH 1093 or 1094
DATE OF DEATH February 15, 1152
Place of death Bamberg