Wende Crusade

from Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

The Wendenkreuzzug of 1147 describes the crusade of Saxon, Danish and Polish princes against the Elbe Slavs ( Wends ) in the area between the Elbe, Trave and Oder, mainly in today's Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania and neighboring areas. It is a part of the Second Crusade . The motives of the crusaders were varied. In addition to the ideal and religious reasons, the secular motives of the princes were of decisive importance. With their participation, they primarily wanted to prevent their competitors from enforcing their own claims to power in the Germania Slavica , be it by levying tributes or by land development .

The sources state that the crusade lasted three months. The information on troop strength is not very credible. 100,000 German, as many Danish and 20,000 Polish crusaders are said to have moved to the Wendenland. They wore a cross on a circle on their clothes. Among the German crusaders were: Heinrich the Lion , Albrecht the Bear with his sons, Duke Konrad von Zähringen , Count Palatine Hermann von Stahleck , Count Palatine Friedrich of Saxony , Margrave Konrad von Meißen , Hartwig von Stade , Count Otto von Ammensleben and Count Adolf von Holstein . The Moravian princes Otto Svatopluk and Vratislav are also named as participants. From the spiritual side, the participants are Archbishop Adalbero of Bremen and Hamburg, Archbishop Friedrich I of Magdeburg , Bishop Wigger of Brandenburg , Bishop Rudolf I of Halberstadt , Bishop Anselm of Havelberg , Bishop Reinhard of Merseburg , Bishop Werner of Münster , Bishop Dietmar II . von Verden , Bishop Heinrich von Olmütz and Abbot Wibald von Corvey known.

prehistory

The border area between the Christian and the pagan areas was marked by the contrast between the densification of rule on the German side and the decline of rule on the Slavic side. For the German princes, stability in the border area was particularly important. That is why they supported large-scale rulers in the western Slavic region such as the Nakonidenreich under Heinrich von Alt-Lübeck . Missioning the area was not in the foreground at this time.

German-Wendish relations

Around 1127 the Naconid ruler Heinrich von Lübeck was overthrown. This led to renewed instability and threats to the border and, as a result, to a change in the Slav policy of neighboring rulers. The final turn in the politics of the German princes was initiated by the Abodriten invasion of the Segeberg region in 1137. Nevertheless, alliances still existed between the most important immediate neighbors: the Obotriten prince Niklot and Count Adolf II. (Schauenburg and Holstein) as well as the Heveller prince Pribislaw-Heinrich and Albrecht the Bear .

The turnaround in German-Wendish relations was driven by several factors. On the one hand, the propaganda and the successes of the First Crusade increased the self-confidence and the feeling of superiority of the Church and Christianity over non-Christian communities. This increased self-confidence was in contrast to the uncertain conditions in the border area. On the other hand, the border region was able to recover through a period of peace, so that there was an increase in population, as was observed in the entire western and central European area in the second half of the 11th century. There was an increased need for new areas of settlement and rule. In some cases, colonists from other regions, such as the Netherlands , were deliberately settled for the economic development of the area. On the Slavic side, Christianity was increasingly equated with bondage and foreign rule. This meant that proselytizing attempts could not work.

First conception of a Wendekreuzzug 1107/08

As early as 1107/08, an idea based on the First Crusade and independent of Rome for a Wendenkreuzzug arose . However, it had no further direct effects. In this appeal, the idea of ​​the crusade, including the idea of ​​land grabbing, was mentioned for the first time in relation to the pagan Elbe Slavs .

The main focus of the appeal of 1107/08 is the description of the hardship of the Christian population and the Church, caused by the pagans and their attacks. The demand issued by Bernhard von Clairvaux was: conversion or submission for the liberation of the Church and Christians. The focus of interest is the liberation of formerly Christian land. The crusade is portrayed as a defensive war of the Christian land. "For this is our Jerusalem, which was initially free and was humiliated to a maid by the cruelty of the Gentiles!" (Urk. B. d. Erzstiftes Magdeburg I 193, p. 250 f., Quoted from: Lotter 1977, 60. " Surgite, principes… et sicut Galli ad liberationem Hierusalem vos preparate! Hierusalem nostra ab initio libera gentilium crudelitate facta est ancilla…. ")

Part of the call is also a double promise of wages, that is, the promise of spiritual and worldly gain. The element of material wages stands out clearly: “If the crusaders so wished, they could acquire the best land to settle. The pagans are bad, but their country is richly blessed with meat, honey and flour. " (Urk. B. d. Erzstiftes Magdeburg I 193, p. 251, quoted from: Lotter 1977, 60." ... Gentiles isti pessimi sunt , sed terra eorum optima carne, melle, farina… Quapropter o Saxones, Franci, Lotaringi, FlandIGEe famosissimi et domitores mundi, hic poteritis et animas vestras salvificare et, si ita placet, optimam terram ad inhabitandum acquirere ... ")

The first concept for a crusade against the Wends was written in the name of Adalgot von Magdeburg and is known under the title Epistola pro auxilio adversus paganos (slavos), which translates as “call for a crusade against the pagan Slavs”, often too referred to as the call to the Wenden Crusade 1108. The only known copy of the source is in the Darmstadt University and State Library under the signature Hs.794. The copy originally comes from the Grafschaft monastery .

The call 1108

It is believed that the appeal was written by a Flemish clergyman around 1108. According to the source, behind the call are several clerical and secular princes from Saxony who address princes from Flanders, Lorraine and the Rhineland. Appeals are made to Christianize the pagan Slavs and to regain the areas occupied by the Slavs east of the Elbe. Mainly the atrocities committed by the Slavs because of their pagan religion are reported; the focus is on the bloody cult around the Slavic god Pripegal.

author

A Flemish clergyman who was in the service of the Archbishop of Magdeburg is assumed to be the author . This thesis is supported by the special emphasis on the Flemings in the source. Count Robert of Flanders is z. B. as the only one entitled "venerable", all other people receive no comparable attributes. Another indication of a Flemish author is the mention of three Flemish clergymen: Bertulf, Lambert and Tankred were not known enough to be named in the source by a non-Flemish author.

Dating

When dating to 1108, historians use official records and death dates as a basis. If one compares the surveys and deaths of the named persons in the source, one finds:

It follows that the source must have been written in the period from 1107 to 1109.

The source also mentions May 16 as the date for the collection in Merseburg; according to the source, the king should also be present there. It is verifiably known that King Heinrich V was present in Merseburg on May 30, 1108, which suggests that the year 1108 was the date of the constitution.

Research controversy

The source Epistola pro auxilio adversus paganos has sparked a research controversy among historians. It is debated whether this is a real call to a crusade , whether the text was just a private exercise in style by a monk or whether it is a fake.

The very good temporal correspondence of the persons named as author and addressee in the source as well as the verifiable presence of Heinrich V on May 30th in Merseburg, i.e. close to the date mentioned in the source, May 16th, speak for a real appeal . The unusual ranking of the addressees speaks in favor of a private exercise in style; the Archbishop of Cologne is only found in fifth place, although as the highest-ranking church prince, he should normally be named first. Another point is that the call was not followed by any consequences, at least there is no source evidence for a campaign against the turning point in 1108. A forgery was assumed in the 18th century because of the unusual order of addressees already explained above and the naming of the unknown Wendish / Slavic god Pripegal. The unusual order of addressees has meanwhile been traced back to a geographical line that runs from Saxony as the area of ​​origin of the source to Flanders . Nothing is known about a god named Pripegal, but the sources of the Slavic religion are generally very poor. Pripegal could be a regional subsidiary god or a regional name for one of the main deities.

The way to the Wendenkreuzzug

Reichstag in Frankfurt

The period in which the idea of ​​a Wendekreuzzug arose must be set between the Reichstag in Speyer at the end of December 1146 and in Frankfurt in mid-March 1147. At the Reichstag in Speyer, Konrad III. known his participation in the Second Crusade . The Reichstag in Frankfurt served primarily to regulate the affairs of the ruler in the empire before the start of the Second Crusade. The Wendekreuzzug was also negotiated at this Reichstag. The Saxon princes refused to participate in a crusade to Palestine , citing the threat to their borders from neighboring pagan Slavs. It is not clear from the sources who suggested pulling against the U-turn instead and is therefore controversial. The idea was approved by secular and ecclesiastical participants in the Reichstag, particularly Bernhard von Clairvaux. Both secular and spiritual princes of Saxony who had no alliances with the Slavic princes must have been interested in such an undertaking. You can be seen as the initiators. In this way they were able to fulfill their duty as Christians without having to start the arduous journey to the Orient and also to establish new rulers in the Wendenland. In addition, a Wendekreuzzug was in the interests of power politics for the Saxon princes. Above all, the most powerful princes of Saxony, Albrecht the Bear and Henry the Lion , must have played a major role.

The calls for the Wenden Crusade

The idea of ​​the Wendenkreuzzug was made known in the empire through the appeal of Bernhard von Clairvaux. Bernhard von Clairvaux played a central role in the prehistory of the Wendekreuzzug. The idea itself came from the secular princes at the Reichstag. The conception and the religious justification were however formulated by Bernhard. So he wrote his appeal in March 1147. On April 13, 1147, the papal bull Divini dispensatione was followed by Pope Eugene III's call, which was hardly different in content . , in which he equated the Wenden Crusade with the Orient Crusade and the Reconquista . Eugene III. promised the participants in the Wendenkreuzzug the inheritance of the penalties for sin and threatened those who broke their crusade vows for worldly gain with excommunication .

The two appeals, that of Bernhard and that of Eugene III, differed in their objectives. Requested Eugene III. only the conversion of the Wends, demanded Bernhard natio deleatur - the annihilation of the nation. This was often expressed in a pointed way to the well-known slogan “death or baptism”. Whether Bernhard really meant this is doubtful. On the one hand, natio deleatur does not have to include the killing of individuals, but can also mean the destruction of structures of rule. On the other hand, Bernhard was one of the leading thinkers in the Catholic Church of his time. The forcible conversion under the motto "death or baptism" would have been contrary to the official church teaching. Canon law , which was becoming more prevalent at this time, is of the opinion that conversion must be a free will. Furthermore, “death or baptism” can hardly be reconciled with Bernhard's views that he expressed in other writings with regard to the treatment of Jews, heretics and pagans. The calls by Bernhard and Eugen III. about the Wendenkreuzzug differ in one point from the previous crusade appeals: for the first time, the goal is not the country that is to become Christian again, but also the conversion of the Gentiles.

Preparation and planning of the Wenden Crusade

Bernhard von Clairvaux announced in his call for the Wendenkreuzzug the collection date June 29, 1147 and Magdeburg as the collection point . Pope Eugene III. In his letter of April 11, 1147, designated only one legate , Anselm von Havelberg, for the crusade . These points suggest that only a single Crusader army was planned up to this point. In fact, there were two army groups, one under Henry the Lion and one under Albrecht the Bear , which advanced into the Slavic land at various points. The Reichstag in Nuremberg on April 23, 1147 served to prepare for the Wendenkreuzzug , when Heinrich the Lion announced his decision to lead a crusade army into the Abodritean area . In order to further prepare for the Wendenkreuzzug, a meeting of Saxon aristocrats was called in early June 1147 in Germersleben, west of Magdeburg.

Only some of the crusaders gathered at the assembly point in Magdeburg mentioned by Bernhard at the end of June and set off from there. This crusader association, to which Albrecht the Bear belonged, set out in the second half of July and moved to the Heveller and Liutizen area . At the same time a second unit of troops operating in the area of ​​the Abodrites, to which Henry the Lion belonged, marched. The place of assembly of this northern unit is unknown. Due to the location of Magdeburg, the city is unlikely to be the starting point for this military campaign. Apparently the original plan of the crusade, which most likely only provided for an advance into the area of ​​the Liutizen and Pomeranen , was deviated from. Not only the starting point Magdeburg speaks for this, but also the imbalance between the two knight armies. The crusader army with Albrecht the Bear was much larger than the army group of Henry the Lion. The defense measures on the Slavic side in the area of ​​operations of the northern army platoon also indicate a later plan. Niklot , a ruler of the Abodrites , began his defensive measures only after the Reichstag in Nuremberg or later and pushed them forward in great haste. This supports the thesis that a crusade against his dominion was not planned from the start. The crusade calls and the company's planning could not have escaped him. It seems as if he initially saw no danger to his rule. Helmold von Bosau reports that the division of the crusaders only took place after Niklot's troops attacked the Saxon settlement areas at the end of June. However, a division of the army in response to this attack is in contrast to Helmold's reports of Niklot's defense preparations. It is obvious that the division of the crusade army was decided earlier: “The third crusader army dedicated itself to the turnaround against our border neighbors, the Obotrites and Lutices, in order to avenge the death and destruction that they had brought on the Christians, especially the Danes. “ (Helmold von Bosau I, 62).

The role of Henry the Lion and Albrecht the Bear

The initiative for the crusade against the Wends probably came from the secular princes. The Saxon princes who were present at the Reichstag in Frankfurt claimed all but one area in the Slavic area. The first call for the Wendekreuzzug of 1107/08 showed that there was an interest in such a company among the leading secular and spiritual Saxons . The two most powerful princes of Saxony, Heinrich the Lion and Albrecht the Bear , played a prominent role . An active policy in the Wendenland was of great interest to both princes. Henry the Lion and Albrecht the Bear declared claims to power over the Slavic area. Heinrich claimed sovereignty over the area north of the Elbe and the Elde and Albrecht the area south of it. During the crusade, both rulers took part in the army units that operated in the areas they claimed. Since the Wendenkreuzzug coincided with the direct interests of Heinrich and Albrecht, these two princes can be considered as initiators of the company. Both must have had a greater interest in a Wendekreuzzug than in participating in the Orient campaign. In view of the problematic relationships between his family of Guelphs and the ruling house of the Hohenstaufen dynasty, Heinrich the Lion in particular would have been very accommodating in a Wendekreuzzug in order not to deal with King Konrad III. to have to move to the Orient. The original planning of the Wendenkreuzzug , however, speaks for a greater influence Albrecht in the conception of the company. As already stated above, only one unit of troops was planned, which was to penetrate the sphere of interest of Albert the Bear and not that of Henry the Lion. The second troop formation in Heinrich's sphere of interest was not planned until later. The imbalance in the size of the two troops would also speak for Henry the Lion to plan his own company at a later date. Albrecht and Heinrich were the biggest winners of the Wendenkreuzzug.

The reaction of the turn

The turning could not have been unaware of the preparations for such a large-scale war effort as a crusade and the calls to participate in such. About the reactions in the Wendenland is known mainly from the side of the Abodrites under the leadership of Niklot .

Niklot, in whose territory Heinrich the Lion later operated, initiated several precautions: fortification work - among other things, he had the Dobin fortress expanded into a place of refuge -, military armaments and embassy traffic. A friendship treaty existed between him and the Saxon Count Adolf von Holstein . The reason for this was Count Adolf's settlement undertakings in the Wendish area, which were dependent on Niklot's tolerance. So Niklot asked the Count to speak. The goal could have been an intervention by the count with Henry the Lion. Count Adolf declined, however, out of loyalty to the German princes. Niklot then accused him of being unfaithful and terminated the covenant. However, he promised his former ally that he would warn him of possible attacks on his settlements. Niklot's defense measures, which began after the Reichstag in Nuremberg or later, were pushed ahead with great haste.

At the end of June 1147 Niklot carried out a surprise attack against the colonists in the South Elbe, in which he was able to steal property and take prisoners. The prelude was the attack of the Obotritischen war fleet on the trading place Lübeck on the morning of June 26th 1147. In order to keep his promise to Count Adolf, he informed him one day before the attack on Lübeck. Niklot's troops attacked both the unprepared settlement and the castle. According to Helmold von Bosau , over 300 men are said to have died. While the settlement was devastated, the castle was held by the occupation during the two days of siege. At the same time riders invaded the area and devastated the Saxon settlements. Like the capture of Lübeck Castle, the capture of the Süseler Feste failed . The Obotritian horsemen did not retreat until a few days later when the news reached them that Count Adolf was raising troops.

Count Adolf needed several days to set up his army. Accordingly, there were no crusader troops there at this time. This would suggest that the second unit of troops with Henry the Lion gathered more south. The justification of the crusade, i.e. the protection of the Christian land, was strengthened by Niklot's campaign. According to Helmold von Bosau, the news that the Slavs had started the war first spread quickly across the country and ensured that the cross army set out more quickly.

Course of the Wenden Crusade

The crusader army with Albrecht the bear

The crusader army, which operated in the northern Liutizen and Pomeranen region , included Albrecht the Bear as high dignitaries, Konrad von Meißen , the Archbishop of Magdeburg, Anselm von Havelberg and Wibald von Corvey . The troop unit moved via Havelberg and Malchow , where a pagan sanctuary was destroyed, to the Demmin fortress , which was besieged. From there the crusader army, which was probably only a part of the crusaders, moved against Szczecin , which was also besieged. According to the annalist Vinzenz von Prag , the German knights suffered heavy losses during the fighting . The besieged, who had already been evangelized a few generations ago, appealed to their Christianity and appealed to the imperial bishops who were in the army. In the subsequent negotiations, they were able to agree on a peace, the terms of which are unknown. At a meeting between the Pomeran princes Ratibor I and the Saxon princes in the summer of 1148, a creed and a pledge to stand up for the Christian faith was made. It can be assumed that Ratibor only repeated this confession. He must have done it in the autumn of 1147, otherwise it would not have been possible to end the crusade.

The crusader army with Henry the Lion

Only the events in front of Dobin Castle are known of the Northern Crusade . Heinrich the Lion moved with his army group, which included the Archbishop of Bremen , to Dobin and besieged this castle wall . Heinrich the Lion probably had the leading role in this troop formation despite his youth, he was about 18 years old, because on the one hand the area of ​​operation was in his sphere of influence and on the other hand the other princes had hardly any interests in this area.

During the siege of Dobin, in addition to the German crusaders, Danish troops also appeared. According to Helmold von Bosau , the warfare of these should have been so inadequate that those trapped dared a sortie, which led to losses in the crusader army. Since the crusade goals had to be achieved through the vow, it can be assumed that the negotiations led to an agreement similar to Demmin's , i.e. a baptism or at least a symbolic baptism of the besieged and the promise of the release of the prisoners.

The Slavic side

The Slav side was inferior to the two crusade armies. In this way they avoided open battles and withdrew to the refuges , forests and swamps. The capture of the fortresses was imminent. It is said from Szczecin that the besieged sought a diplomatic solution. Crosses were attached to the castle and an embassy, ​​including the bishop, was sent to the crusader army. There they appealed to the bishops in the army on the work of conversion of Otto von Bamberg . They argued that they were already Christians and that proselytizing was more appropriate than a crusade to strengthen the faith. Then there were peace negotiations.

It is known from the Northern Crusade that the Ranen tried to come to the aid of their Obotritic neighbors by attacking and wearing out the Danish fleet, which was anchored off Rügen at that time and was only inadequately guarded. Then the Danes are said to have returned home. According to the state of affairs, the Polish crusade participants must have turned against the parts of (pre-) Pomerania not yet controlled by them, which does not rule out further desires in the south-west.

Conflicts within the crusade army

In contemporary reports there are repeated reports of conflicts and rifts within the two crusade armies. Princes and knights faced the majority of the simple crusaders. But there was also disagreement within the group of princes and knights. The central question was the behavior towards the Slavs. The followers of the Saxon dukes Heinrich and Albrecht were accused of not pursuing the crusade seriously enough and, moreover, of deliberately weakening the company by loosening sieges and holding back the army from conquest. Another accusation was that the knights had saved the Slavs from being definitively defeated several times during skirmishes and let them escape.

Helmold von Bosau gives an indication of the motive for the actions of the princes and knights . In his Slav chronicle he reports that the followers gained the opinion that the fortress under siege should not be taken. In his chronicle he lets them speak: “Isn't the land that we devastate, our land and the people we fight our own people? So why have we become our own enemies and destroyers of our income? Do these losses not affect our own masters? " (Helmold, I, 65, p. 122, lines 26ff. Quoted from: Helmut Beumann 1963, 143." Nun terra, quam devastamus, terra nostra est, et populus, quem expugnamus , populus noster est? Quare igitur invenimur hostes nostrimet et dissipatores vectigalium nostrorum? Nun iactura haec redundat in dominos nostros? ")

It cannot be assumed that Heinrich and Albrecht's followers acted on their own initiative or even against the orders of their princes when they hindered their success. It is much more obvious that they tried to enforce the interests of their princes. The statement clearly shows the claim to power of the two Saxon princes over the respective area. The princes expected a victory and intended to incorporate the country into their own territory. Consequently, one was deserted not in their interest. The bulk of the crusaders could not count on any personal benefit or even property in the event of a victory. So their motive for participating was the bequest of sins and the conversion of the Gentiles. Among them are the followers of the slogan "baptism or death".

Ultimate defeat was not sought, as can be seen from contemporary reports, in spite of the possibility. After a complete submission of the Slavs, the question of the division of the area would have been inevitable. How central this question was is also shown in the Helmolds von Bosau report. He criticizes the fact that the crusaders were already discussing future ownership of areas that they had not yet conquered. Many of the participants had made claims to the areas as a reward for their work and thus as part of a double wage promise. Thus, complete submission could not have been in the interests of Albrecht and Heinrich.

Results

The sources repeatedly report that the Wende Crusade was unsuccessful. However, this assessment must be viewed with caution. The sources were written by spiritual authors and rather reflect their disappointment with the outcome of the company. Helmold von Bosau reports that the Wends were baptized but did not take it seriously. He also criticizes the fact that the Saxon princes did not pursue the pagan mission seriously enough because of their rulership interests. In order to assess the success of the company, however, it is crucial which criteria are used. So it is crucial which appeal - that of Bernhard von Clairvaux or that of Pope Eugene III. - is used as a basis for assessment. It is just as important whether spiritual-religious goals or secular-political goals are in the foreground. What is certain is that the crusade brought results, even if they were not to the extent that the church had wanted.

One of the political results is that the crusade was a massive show of power by the Saxon princes, above all Albrecht the Bear and Henry the Lion . This is also evident in the later tribute payments made by Slavic rulers. Tribute payments to Heinrich from 1151 are documented, which may go back to the events of 1147. No tribute payments have been proven by Albrecht. However, it is likely that at the residence of the Pomeranians -Fürsten Ratibor I. 1148 in Havelberg like agreed. Both Saxon princes were able to maintain their claim to power in their respective areas and enforce it over time. The cornerstone for this development was the Wendekreuzzug. A direct German establishment of rule can be observed in the former Liutizenland , in which the Slavic rule structures had dissolved. This was linked to the settlement of German farmers. The demand of Bernhard's natio deleatur was thus realized in this area. The Wendenkreuzzug of 1147 marked the beginning of the offensive policy of the Saxon princes, above all Henry the Lion, in the Slavic area.

The church-political results included the restoration of dioceses, such as the dioceses of Havelberg , Brandenburg , Oldenburg and Mecklenburg, and the establishment of new dioceses. Churches and monasteries were also founded as mission bases. The baptism of the Slavs, even if they were only sham baptisms, formed a canonical prerequisite for the possibly violent enforcement of Christianity and proselytizing. The missionary work and conversion that took place several generations ago could only insufficiently provide this basis. The legal basis for the forced conversion of the Slavs could be derived from the promised baptisms. In the course of this, pagan shrines were destroyed. The Slavs were forced to bury their dead in cemeteries and attend masses on feast days.

swell

The sources on the Wenden Crusade are very poor and do not allow precise statements on many points. The main source, the first book of the Slavonic Chronicle by Helmold von Bosau, was only written fifteen to twenty years after the events. The earliest record, two years after the Wendenkreuzzug, comes from Wibald von Stablo and Corvey.

literature

  • Helmut Beumann (Hrsg.): Heidenmission and crusade thought in the German Ostpolitik of the Middle Ages (= ways of research. Vol. 7). Scientific Book Society, Darmstadt 1963.
  • Helmut Beumann : Crusade Thought and Ostpolitik in the High Middle Ages. In: Historical yearbook. Vol. 72, 1953, pp. 112-132.
  • Wolfgang Brüske: Investigations into the history of the Lutizenbund. German-Wendish relations of the 10th – 12th centuries Century (= Central German Research Vol. 3). Böhlau, Münster et al. 1955.
  • Marek Derwich: Saxony and Poland in the 12th century. In: Jochen Luckhardt, Franz Niehoff (Hrsg.): Heinrich the lion and his time. Rule and representation of the Guelphs 1125–1235. Volume 2: Essays. Hirmer, Munich 1995, ISBN 3-7774-6610-7 , pp. 136–143 (exhibition catalog, Braunschweig, Herzog-Anton-Ulrich-Museum, August 6 - November 12, 1995).
  • Hans-Otto Gaethke: Duke Heinrich the Lion and the Slavs northeast of the lower Elbe (= Kiel work pieces. Series A: Contributions to Schleswig-Holstein and Scandinavian history. Vol. 24). Lang, Frankfurt am Main et al. 1999, ISBN 3-631-34652-2 (also: Kiel, Univ., Diss., 1998).
  • Jan-Christoph Herrmann: The Wendenkreuzzug of 1147 (= European university publications. Series 3: History and its auxiliary sciences. Vol. 1085). Lang, Frankfurt am Main et al. 2011, ISBN 978-3-631-60926-2 (also: Hagen, Fernuniv., Diss., 2010). ( Review )
  • Norman Housley: Contesting the Crusades. Blackwell, Malden MA et al. 2006, ISBN 1-405-11189-5 ( Contesting the Past ).
  • Hans-Dietrich Kahl : Slavs and Germans in the Brandenburg history of the twelfth century (= Central German research. Vol. 30). Böhlau, Cologne 1964.
  • Hans-Dietrich Kahl: How did the "Wendenkreuzzug" come about in 1147? In: Klaus-Detlev Grothusen, Klaus Zernack (Ed.): Europa Slavica - Europa Orientalis. Festschrift for Herbert Ludat on his 70th birthday (= Eastern European Studies of the Universities of the State of Hesse. Series 1: Gießen Treatises on Agricultural and Economic Research in Eastern Europe. Vol. 100). Duncker & Humblot in commission, Berlin 1980, ISBN 3-428-04601-3 , pp. 286-296.
  • Hermann Kamp : The Wendenkreuzzug. In: Hermann Kamp, Martin Kroker (Hrsg.): Schwertmission. Violence and Christianization in the Middle Ages. Schöningh, Paderborn 2013, ISBN 978-3-506-77297-8 , pp. 115-138.
  • Friedrich Lotter: The conception of the Wendenkreuzzug. History of ideas, church law and historical-political prerequisites for the missionary work of Elbe and Baltic Sea Slavs around the middle of the 12th century (= Constance Working Group for Medieval History. Lectures and research. Special vol. 23). Thorbecke, Sigmaringen 1977, ISBN 3-7995-6683-X .
  • Lutz Partenheimer : The emergence of the Mark Brandenburg. With a Latin-German source attachment. 1st (and 2nd) edition. Böhlau, Cologne et al. 2007, ISBN 978-3-412-17106-3 (sources on the Wendenkreuzzug pp. 128–135).
  • Jürgen Petersohn : Friedrich Barbarossa, Heinrich the Lion and the church organization in Transalbingia. In: Johannes Fried , Otto Gerhard Oexle (Hrsg.): Heinrich der Löwe. Rule and Representation (= Constance Working Group for Medieval History. Lectures and Research. Vol. 57). Thorbecke, Ostfildern 2003, ISBN 3-7995-6657-0 , pp. 239-279 ( digitized version )
  • Eberhard Schmidt: The Mark Brandenburg under the Ascanians (1134-1320) (= Central German research. Vol. 71). Böhlau, Cologne et al. 1973, ISBN 3-412-83273-1 .

Web links

Commons : Wendenkreuzzug  - Collection of pictures, videos and audio files

Remarks

  1. RI IV, 1.1 n.10