Johannes Haller

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Johannes Haller as Professor of Giessen in 1904

Johannes Haller (born October 16, 1865 in Keinis , Estonia Governorate , Russian Empire , † December 24, 1947 in Tübingen ) was a German historian who primarily researched the late Middle Ages . As a full professor of Middle History he taught at the universities of Marburg (1904), Gießen (1904–1913) and Tübingen (1913–1932).

With the beginning of the First World War, he changed from an aristocratic and national-social electing liberal to a conservative German national. His involvement in war journalism increased his popularity and brought him into contact with political and military leaders. Haller was considered an expert on Russia and was a representative of a "victory peace". He firmly rejected the Weimar Republic . For a short time from 1932 he placed his hopes in National Socialism . His relationship with the Nazi regime from 1933 onwards was marked by a strong ambivalence. He welcomed the military successes until 1940, but rejected Nazi science and church policy.

Haller was regarded as a specialist in medieval papal and church history. With his extensive edition of sources on the Council of Basel , he made a valuable contribution to research into the history of the Council. Through his general representations such as the epochs of German history or a thousand years of Franco-German relations as well as works on contemporary history ( Die Ära Bülow , From the life of Prince Philipp zu Eulenburg-Hertefeld ), he was one of the most widely read and best-known historians of his time. His work had a decisive influence on the image of the Middle Ages in research and society until the 1970s. With the multi-volume representation Das Papstum. He presented idea and reality in a monumental work of old age. At the same time, his difficult character and his propensity for polemics made him an outsider in historical studies.

Life

Origin and youth

Johannes Haller was born in 1865 in Keinis on the island of Dagö , which belongs to Estonia . The Estonia Governorate was a Russian province at the time. Haller was the son of the Lutheran pastor Anton Haller (1833-1905), who as a Lutheran clergyman was first pastor in Keinis, from 1875 in Reval and there from 1886 to 1889 city ​​superintendent . Anton Haller was married to Amalie Sacken (1838–1899) for the second time. According to Haller's memoirs, the Baltic States were a “class-based, aristocratic-liberal” society. His origins from the Protestant-aristocratic world of the Baltic Germans contributed to his being skeptical of parliamentarism and democracy throughout his life.

The marriage between Anton and Amalie had seven children, including Johannes Haller. He spent the first ten years on the island, on which life, according to his portrayal, was determined by “loneliness and seclusion” and at the same time made it necessary for Estonians and Germans to get along. From 1876 to 1883 Haller attended the Dorpater Cathedral School. His health had been impaired since his youth; apparently he was suffering from rheumatoid arthritis. The precarious state of health and his father's will led him to refrain from a career as a musician. His father got Haller to study history.

Years of study in Dorpat (1883–1888)

Johannes Haller as a Dorpater student in March 1884

From 1883 to 1888 Haller studied history at the German-speaking University of Dorpat . After completing his studies, he wanted to settle down as a senior teacher in the Baltic States. In a letter from September 1883 to his half-sister Helene, he complained about not being able to make acquaintances among the students. In his opinion, the student body consisted only of "zeros" and "corporals". A little later Haller himself became a member of the Baltic Corporation Estonia Dorpat and was able to make friends for the first time. In view of the new contacts, his father accused him of neglecting his academic duties.

His two most important teachers were the modernist Alexander Brückner and the medievalist Richard Hausmann . The "Candidatenschrift", a work that had to make in addition to the scientific tests, wrote Haller at Brückner on the circumstances and intrigues that after the death of Peter I to the throne of Catherine I of Russia led. The work was published in the Russian Review in 1890 .

Emigration to the German Empire (autumn 1890)

Haller's studies coincided with the time when the influence of Baltic Germans declined in the course of " Russification ". Haller felt that he was culturally superior not only to Estonians and Latvians, but also to Russians. The Baltic Germans were particularly hard hit by the Russification measures. For Haller it was a “moral impossibility” to have to teach in Russian. His experience in the Baltic states led him to believe that the Germans belonged to the leading cultural peoples in the world. After two years as a private tutor, Haller left his Baltic homeland in the autumn of 1890 with the help of a travel grant from Estonia and emigrated to the German Empire. According to Hans-Erich Volkmann , at this time he was characterized by a “deeply rooted German national and specific Greater German conviction”. Apart from a few short visits, Haller never returned to his homeland.

Years of study in Berlin and Heidelberg (1890-1892)

In the fall of 1890 Haller continued his history studies at the Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität Berlin . He felt extremely uncomfortable in Germany. According to Hans-Erich Volkmann, he “visibly suffered from the unfinished Greater German Reich idea that remained his scientific and political leitmotif throughout his life”. Haller was not very enthusiastic about Berlin. There he had difficulties establishing social contacts. In a letter to his half-sister Helene, he attributed this to the “buttoned-up” not only of the Berliners, but also of the Baltic Germans living in Berlin. Even the meetings of the Baltic German emigrants, where he met the theologian Adolf Harnack , he stopped after a short time. Political life in Berlin did not appeal to him either. Haller attended the founding meeting of the General German Association , which he perceived as a meaningless event composed of “music, beer, speeches and the President of the Reichstag being whispered”. For Haller it was even more disconcerting that by the end of 1890 no one in Berlin was mourning long-time Chancellor Otto von Bismarck, who was replaced that year . According to Haller's account, Bismarck was admired in the Baltic States as a "statesmanlike genius".

For Haller, Berlin was a "hideous nest". His admiration for Bismarck did not lead him to an admiration for Prussia, rather Prussia was for him a “barbarian state without a past” and “basically just a polished Russia”. Haller only spent one semester in Berlin. He liked the south of Germany a lot better. He went to Heidelberg for two semesters. Research stays for his dissertation took him to Wolfenbüttel, Göttingen, Augsburg and Munich. In December 1891 he received his doctorate in Heidelberg with Bernhard Erdmannsdörffer with the work Die deutsche Publizistik in the years 1668–1674 . The work with the subtitle "A Contribution to the History of the Predatory Wars of Louis XIV. " Was published in 1892. The dissertation played no major role in Haller's further academic career. He dealt neither with the pamphlet literature nor with the epoch of the early modern period . But the work shows his early interest in Franco-German relations.

Activity in Rome (1892-1897)

At the beginning of March 1892, Haller went to Rome on the advice of his doctoral supervisor, since he could possibly find permanent employment at the Prussian Historical Institute . In Rome, Haller wanted to work primarily through the Council of Basel . In the first months he devoted himself to council research . In November 1892 he was employed as an unskilled worker at the Royal Prussian Historical Institute in Rome. In the following years he mainly worked on the Repertory Germanicum . In 1896, however, the editing business had discouraged him so much that he considered stopping his work both in Rome and at the Council edition and switching to journalism. Haller reacted to the planned termination of the project with the publication of the first volume by resigning on April 1, 1897. The Basel archivist Rudolf Wackernagel then offered him the opportunity to work on the Basel document book and the prospect of a habilitation at the University of Basel for three years .

Years in Basel (1897–1901)

At the University of Basel in the summer of 1897 he received his habilitation through the Council of Basel . However, it is unclear which work was recognized as a post-doctoral achievement. In Basel Haller worked as a lecturer. The historian Eduard Fueter was one of his students there. Haller also met Fueter's sister Elisabeth there, who later became his wife. She came from a respected middle-class family and was the cousin of the historian Matthias Gelzer .

Haller worked on the Basel Document Book for the Historical and Antiquarian Society of Basel . Volume 7, edited by him, was published in 1899 and covers the period from 1301 to 1522. He also worked on the edition of the Council's sources. In the years 1897 and 1900 two further source volumes of the Concilium Basiliense appeared . Haller also worked as a journalist in view of his financially strained situation. He wrote regularly for the Protestant-conservative Allgemeine Schweizer Zeitung . His biographer Benjamin Hasselhorn identified a “liberal basic preference” in Haller's articles from this period . They deal with the expulsion of Danish servants from Northern Schleswig , ordered by the Prussian government , the Boer War and Russian-German relations. Haller spoke here for the only time publicly about anti-Semitism . In his report on the second International Zionist Congress, published in September 1898, he called anti-Semitism a "poisonous plant". Haller distinguished between older versions of anti-Semitism and modern anti-Semitism. In his private letters, however, according to Benjamin Hasselhorn, he agreed with contemporary anti-Jewish prejudices. In a letter from November 1901 to his friend Ferdinand Wagner, he confessed that he was a “strict anti-Semite” in medicine, because: “Everything is business for the Jew, including the illness of one's neighbor, which does not exclude the possibility that many Christians do the same ". In his memoirs, however, he claimed to have "never been an anti-Semite".

Haller was deeply impressed by the meeting with Julius von Eckardt , who was Consul General in Basel from 1897 to 1900. His acquaintance with the church historian Franz Overbeck was also formative for him . With him he discussed theological and church history topics. Nevertheless, Haller was not satisfied with his life situation in Basel. At the end of his three years working for the Historical and Antiquarian Society in Basel, he had neither the prospect of continuing his work nor of a university position. The work as a journalist could not secure him sufficient income. His courses were hardly attended. His financial situation remained strained due to the lack of hearing aid. His good relationship with Wackernagel ended in April 1900 when he reproached him in a letter to Elisabeth Wackernagel-Burckhardt and assessed his decision in favor of Basel as a personal step backwards. In 1900, Haller turned down an offer for a two-year contract with the newspaper because he feared that acceptance of the offer would also mean the end of his academic career. Instead, he wrote to Max Lenz in January 1900 and asked if he could get a research assignment from the Prussian Academy of Sciences for the processing of papal camera files from the 14th and 15th centuries . Since there was no connection to Prussia, this project could not be realized. After all, Haller got a job as a librarian at the Prussian Historical Institute in Rome in April 1901.

Second stay in Rome (1901–1902)

Haller discovered his passion for Italy in Basel. In July 1901 he wrote to his friend Ferdinand Wagner that he felt more at home in Rome than anywhere else in the world. At the end of June 1902 an intensive correspondence began between Paul Fridolin Kehr and Haller. Haller supported Kehr's efforts to become head of the institute in Rome: In a memorandum written in September 1902 about the Royal Prussian Institute, he expressed reservations about its current director, Aloys Schulte, and recommended Kehr as his successor. In 1902, Haller wanted to win over Haller for a historic outpost in Paris and entrust him with the "Gallia Pontificia". The before Innocent III. issued early and high medieval papal documents. In October 1903 Kehr became the new director of the Historical Institute in Rome. However, differences arose between him and Haller because he refused to fulfill Haller's request for a position that was not bound by instructions. This almost broke the relationship. After 1903, the contact between the two scholars decreased significantly.

Marburg years (1902–1904)

In August 1902, Friedrich Althoff , the influential head of the higher education department in the Prussian Ministry of Culture, secured an extraordinary professorship in Marburg against the will of the faculty. As a result of this setting of the course, the plans to establish a branch in Paris finally failed. The explorations for this are now included in the history of the establishment of the German Historical Institute in Paris . Haller was satisfied with his life situation after the first year in Marburg. He had finally found a suitable field of activity. In March 1904 his extraordinary position was converted into a full professorship, his lectures were well attended, but there were differences with his colleagues in Marburg. With Goswin von der Ropp and Conrad Varrentrapp , who had their focus on middle and modern history, Haller competed in teaching, although his actual area of ​​responsibility was the auxiliary sciences .

In August 1904 he married Elisabeth Fueter. A few months later he accepted a position at the University of Gießen , which he had received in October 1904 , because there he was able to teach the entire spectrum of medieval history.

Giessen years (1904–1913)

In the winter semester of 1904/05 in Gießen, he took over as a full professor of medieval history, succeeding the late Konstantin Höhlbaum . At his new place of work, Haller concentrated above all on his further training as a scholar. At the University of Giessen he earned lasting merits by expanding the library of the historical seminar and purchasing the Monumenta Germaniae Historica , a fundamental collection of medieval sources. During this time he undertook only a few political activities. He was involved as a spokesman for Giessen in the “Committee for the Support of the Needy Germans in Russia”. In a lecture in January 1906, Haller campaigned for German support for the “German colony” on the Baltic Sea. He was the keynote speaker on July 29, 1905 for the laying of the foundation stone of the Bismarck Tower of the Giessen student body.

Karl Hampe in Heidelberg in 1913

The four children (1906, 1908, 1909 and 1911) from her marriage to Elisabeth Fueter were born in Giessen. Haller's father died in December 1905. At the same time, his correspondence with his most important correspondent ended. Haller had described and justified his own life decisions in letters to his father. The development of his family and the death of his father increased the professional isolation. There are hardly any letters to specialist colleagues from this period. Haller exchanged a few letters with Karl Hampe . Different assessments of the fall of Henry the Lion , however, led to the breaking off of their correspondence. After Haller's reinterpretation, the emotions of the actors played an essential role in Heinrich's disempowerment, while Hampe said that at least with Friedrich Barbarossa , it was not “impulses of passion” but “statesmanlike considerations” that were decisive. Hampe rejected Haller's “one-sided, escalation of things that was absolutely personal and extremely unfavorable for the emperor”.

Tübingen years (1913–1932)

In the summer semester of 1913, Haller moved to the Tübingen Chair for Medieval History as the successor to Walter Goetz . He stayed there until his retirement in 1932. Participation in the First World War was out of the question for the 49-year-old Haller for health reasons. His underage sons did not take part in the war either. Immediately after the German Reich declared war on Russia, Haller submitted his willingness to volunteer in war journalism to the Württemberg Prime Minister. In this area he developed an extensive activity through lectures and publications.

Until the spring of 1918 Haller was an advocate of the Siegfried Line. For the academic year 1918/19 he was elected rector of the university. In this capacity he gave the speech “On the death and resurrection of the German nation” to the students returning from the war. He greeted the returnees with the words: "Home stabbed you from behind". The Tübingen historian Dieter Langewiesche sees this speech as a teaching example for the world of ideas of a group of professors who did not relate to the fall of the monarchy in Germany.

Haller represented the stab-in- the-back legend , which states that the army, undefeated in the field, was brought down by "treason" at home. At the end of March 1919 he was still afraid of losing his chair and being arrested. The "so-called. Government ”of Friedrich Ebert and Philipp Scheidemann he accused of setting up a“ system of lies ”. He sympathized with the German National People's Party (DNVP) and appeared as a guest at their party congress in Munich. Active participation in the party did not materialize, however. Since the war years and after 1918 he rejected parliamentarism and democracy as “Western” ideas. He often used his lectures to speak out against the republic. According to the memories of his students, such as Theodor Eschenburg and Kurt Georg Kiesinger , evaluated by Heribert Müller , Haller practically demonstrated the republic in his lectures. The aggressive and apodictic style of his lectures made him a "Tübinger Treitschke " for Heribert Müller . Haller felt nothing but “disgust” for democracy. He held on to his contempt for Weimar democracy into old age. For Georg G. Iggers , Haller, along with Erich Marcks , Dietrich Schäfer and Adalbert Wahl, was one of the best-known representatives of the ultra-nationalist, expansionist, anti-democratic trend in the Weimar Republic.

During the first years of the Weimar Republic, the medievalist Haller dealt with contemporary history. His books Die Ära Bülow (1922) and From the life of Prince Philipp zu Eulenburg-Hertefeld (1923 and 1924) appeared within a short time . Haller still held lectures on recent and recent history in the 1920s. His lectures in Tübingen were considered an "experience". For Theodor Eschenburg , a student in Tübingen from 1924, Haller was “the most outstanding lecturer” that one could hear in Tübingen. According to an autobiographical note by Walter Schlesinger , it was Haller's lectures that prompted him to choose the profession of historian. Haller was popular as an academic teacher in Tübingen with the Baltic Germans, several of whom he obtained his doctorate in the 1920s. Reinhard Wittram , Hellmuth Weiss , Wilhelm Lenz , Albert Bauer , Heinrich Bosse and Gert Kroeger were among them . Even Helmut Speer and Georg von Rauch were temporarily to Haller's listeners.

Since Haller's Epochs of German History , published in 1923, had a circulation of at least 237,000 copies, he was doing well financially. At the philosophical faculty in Tübingen he was one of the top earners.

As a university professor in Tübingen, Haller was particularly involved in the Württemberg education policy. He perceived an educational decline as a result of the school reforms carried out before the First World War. He refused to equate humanistic grammar school , secondary school and upper secondary school. In his opinion, only the humanistic grammar school could provide the necessary knowledge and skills for studying the humanities. In May 1925, he published in the Swabian Mercury belonging Swabian chronicle an article entitled "Warning signs in secondary education". The article attracted a lot of attention and received many approvals, but also contradictions. Haller criticized the fact that politics, with its "amateurish reformism", had passed school reforms that had led to a continuous deterioration in the level of students. Haller feared that the universities would no longer be able to fulfill their tasks if these reforms were not stopped soon. The Ministry of Culture responded with an official statement. In the period that followed, Haller tried above all to ensure that the university had a say in school policy decisions. He managed to prevent the school reforms from being fully implemented. The conflict between Haller and the Württemberg school authorities dragged on until he withdrew from the debate in 1926.

On the occasion of the 450th anniversary of the University of Tübingen, Haller published the description The Beginnings of the University of Tübingen 1477–1537 in 1927 . From 1929 on, he vehemently advocated the appointment of the ancient historian Richard Laqueur . In the dispute over the occupation of the chair of ancient history, he stood in opposition to a group around Adalbert Wahl , which rejected the appointment because of Laqueur's Jewish origins. As a result of this process, Haller fell out with parts of his faculty.

In the period 1929–1931, Haller obtained several letters to the Württemberg Ministry of Education, referring to his poor health, to be exempted from seminars and, in some cases, from lectures. Haller had gallstones , rheumatoid arthritis, heart problems and catarrh . He therefore had to undergo a strict health program and go to the cure regularly. The difficult relationship with his colleagues also led him to ask for his retirement, which took place in 1932. The Tübingen law faculty awarded him an honorary doctorate.

In January 1933 Friedrich Baethgen was appointed as Haller's successor, but Christian Mergenthaler , the National Socialist Minister of Education of the State of Württemberg appointed on March 15, 1933, canceled the appointment against the will of the faculty, since Baethgen had “no sufficient guarantee for the management of the office in the National Socialist spirit ”; Heinrich Dannenbauer, on the other hand, is seen in party circles as an "absolutely reliable National Socialist". The faculty and university continued to seek Baethgen's appointment in vain, and the ministry appointed Dannenbauer on July 1, 1933. In August 1933, Baethgen blamed Haller above all for the failure of the appointment: “Only Haller, who fell apart with the whole university, once again showed his character from the worst and intrigued against me, after he had explicitly spoken to third parties in the winter had declared that he was very pleased that I was going to be his successor. ”After his retirement, Haller moved to Stuttgart. Heinrich Dannenbauer, Reinhard Wittram and Fritz Ernst were among his most famous students .

Relationship to the Nazi regime

Journalism and letters

The biographical information available on Haller's relationship to National Socialism does not give a clear picture ; his attitude is interpreted differently. According to Benjamin Hasselhorn, Haller was “a right-wing conservative with a clear affinity for young conservative ideas” in the 1920s and 1930s . According to Stefan Weiß, Haller can be characterized as a Bismarckian, who at times fell into the misconception that Hitler would turn out to be the new Bismarck. Heribert Müller made Haller “disgusted admiration” for National Socialism. After Hans-Erich Volkmann Haller was one of the supporters of National Socialism.

Haller belonged neither to the NSDAP nor to any other National Socialist organization. In the spring of 1932 he agreed to work with the Kampfbund for German Culture and its future magazine Volk und Kultur . In April 1932 he voted for the NSDAP in the state elections in Württemberg. Haller and 41 professors signed an appeal by the Kampfbund for German Culture to build a new German intellectual life saved from the threat of cultural Bolshevism . The appeal was published in the Völkischer Beobachter on April 30, 1932 . On July 29, 1932 Haller signed a "Declaration of German University Teachers", which appeared in the Völkischer Beobachter. 51 university professors admitted that they expected "the recovery of our entire public life and the salvation of German nationality [...]" from the National Socialist leadership in the state. In addition to Haller, only two other historians signed Helmut Göring and Günther Franz . So shortly before the Reichstag elections on July 31, 1932 , this was tantamount to calling for an election in favor of the NSDAP.

In the second half of 1932, however, Haller distanced himself from the NSDAP. On September 17, 1932, he decided against further collaboration with the Kampfbund für deutsche Kultur. He justified this with the fact that the party had opted for the "proletarian direction". Haller did not sign a “Declaration of German University Professors” preformulated by the National Socialist German Student Union in the autumn of 1932, as he had “made a mistake in assessing the people who led the National Socialist movement”. According to Heribert Müller, the terror of the National Socialists with 300 dead and 1200 injured and the insight that they could not be integrated into the network of conservative power carriers were decisive for this decision. Hans-Erich Volkmann said that for Haller the basic racist component of the National Socialist worldview was less important than the proletarianization he feared. Haller did not sign the call for professors on the day before the Reichstag election of November 6, 1932 either. On January 29, 1933, one day before Adolf Hitler's " seizure of power ", he expressed his concerns in a letter. In his view at the time, “a National Socialist government would be a very daring experiment that would cost us dearly”.

Haller met the Württemberg regional bishop Theophil Wurm through the former Tübingen pastor . Haller was impressed by Wurm's commitment to the “ Confessing Church ” and his fight against the “ Faith Movement of German Christians ” supported by the regime . On November 28, 1935, Haller issued his own statement on the church struggle, which, according to Benjamin Hasselhorn, was sent to at least friends. He warned the National Socialist government against "encroaching on ecclesiastical territory". It is a mistake that “forcibly enforced denominational unity” strengthens the state.

Despite his skepticism towards National Socialism, Haller long held on to the idea that Hitler could become a “new Bismarck”. After the election success of the NSDAP in March 1933 he published an article in the Stuttgarter Süddeutsche Zeitung under the title “On April 1, 1933” . There he combined a euphoric necrology for Bismarck with a relentless reckoning with his successors in imperial Germany. Haller accused the politicians of the Weimar Republic of betraying the Bismarck idea of ​​the empire and the national cause. At the same time he expressed the hope that Hitler would become Bismarck's "heir, his continuer, yes, God will, the finisher of his work". Haller hoped for a return to Bismarck's endeavors to "win the German nation the place among the powers that it deserves, to provide it with the security it needs in order to be able to live and work in peace." May 1933 to his eldest son Hans Jakob Haller he admired Hitler as a great statesman. In another new edition of the epochs from 1939 Haller paid detailed tribute to National Socialism. In the last chapter he judged that the National Socialist government had achieved its essential political goals, the "suppression of communism, elimination of unemployment and restoration of Germany's honor and freedom". According to Hans-Erich Volkmann, this last epoch chapter from 1939 was "a kowtow against Adolf Hitler in terms of content and scope ".

According to Hans-Erich Volkmann, the “smashing of the Polish state” was at the top of the list of Haller's petition for revision. For Haller, the defeat of Poland was not only a satisfaction for the humiliation he had suffered, but also a continuation of Bismarck's foreign policy. Germany's military success over France in World War II sparked enthusiasm in Haller. In January 1940 he attributed the success primarily to “Hitler's ingenious strategy”. Haller then also planned a new edition of his epochs in German history . In 1940, on his 75th birthday, he received the Goethe Medal, the Charlotten War Order and a commemorative publication. Haller was considered an important scholar at that time. Otto Riethmüller declared him "a first-rate political educator".

Haller's letters show a poor level of information and reveal numerous misjudgments of the military situation. In July 1941, in a private letter, he was very confident of victory: “We can no longer be defeated.” Despite the first military setbacks at the end of 1941, he insisted on writing to Hitler as a military strategist. On February 21, 1943, a few weeks after the defeat of the 6th Army in the Battle of Stalingrad , however, he expressed himself pessimistically about a positive outcome of the war for Germany. After the defeat of Stalingrad, he held back from making public statements. In a letter to his eldest son, Hans Jakob Haller, Haller described the attempted assassination of July 20, 1944 against Adolf Hitler as “incomprehensible folly and therefore a crime against the nation”. Haller feared a political shift in the regime to the left.

Despite his ambivalent relationship to their ideology, the National Socialists did not want to do without him. In the Nazi bibliography of 1939 this is expressed as follows: "But we are obliged, even if he does not want to evaluate his results for our knowledge." The design of the new editions of his epochs gave the National Socialists little reason to assume that Haller was an opponent of Hitler. In April 1942 he was invited to Paris as a speaker on the occasion of the celebrations of the 1200th birthday of Charlemagne. He declined the lecture with reference to his age and precarious health situation. In 1943 the Propaganda Ministry tried to win Haller over to broadcast reports on German history. At the same time, a court of honor proceeded against Otto Haendle, the editor of the Stuttgarter Tagblatt , because Haller was critical of Wolfgang Liebeneiner's 1942 film The Discharge . Haller also found Liebeneiner's “ Bismarck ”, a National Socialist propaganda film , unsuccessful.

Research and science

After Benjamin Hasselhorn, Haller emigrated from within , no longer devoting himself to political questions, but only to scientific tasks. Haller concentrated on the long-planned history of the papacy. The first volume of this presentation appeared in 1934. In the foreword he denied any interest in the present and future. Its representation should only serve the knowledge.

Benjamin Hasselhorn and Heribert Müller see Haller's influence as a decisive impetus for the efforts of his academic student Heinrich Dannenbauer to defend science against Nazi appropriation. In the summer of 1934, Haller advised Dannenbauer to “ stop doing allotria ” and, as a university professor, to distance himself from politics. He should focus entirely on the strict rules of scientific work and keep his Tübingen inaugural lecture as scientific as possible. Dannenbauer highlighted the importance of Roman antiquity and Christianity for the Western Middle Ages in his inaugural lecture on Germanic antiquity and German history, given on November 15, 1934, and in a public lecture in Stuttgart in 1935. At the same time he turned against the heroization of the Germanic race. Dannenbauer avowed himself to a science without preconditions. The publication of Dannenbauer's inaugural lecture triggered a press campaign directed against him.

Haller turned against the National Socialist understanding of science several times. In a lecture held in Münster in November 1934 and printed in 1935, he spoke out in favor of the “historicist” understanding of science. He positioned himself against the reorganization of German historical studies, represented by Walter Frank , as a “fighting science” that should stand on the side of politics. The leading Nazi ideologue Alfred Rosenberg stylized Charlemagne as a "Saxon butcher" and his Saxon opponent Widukind as the "ancestor" of National Socialism. Haller tried to upgrade Karl's achievements and emphasized the peaceful course of Widukind's conversion. Ultimately, Adolf Hitler spoke out against a negative assessment of Charlemagne. In contrast to Hermann Aubin, Haller did not tie in with an ethnically based folk history in the 1920s and 1930s. It was based on the German “nation” and its power-state characteristics. Karl Alexander von Müller asked Haller in December 1936 for an expert opinion on the intended appointment of Cleophas Pleyer as associate professor. Pleyer was one of Haller's former students and was a Sudeten German National Socialist. Haller refused, justifying this by stating that his "judgment is not in accordance with the requirements according to which decisions are made in such cases in the relevant authority".

Benjamin Hasselhorn sees Haller's rejection of völkisch concepts of science as evidence of the thesis advocated by Karl Ferdinand Werner in 1967 that German historians are resilient to National Socialist conformity. In contrast, recent research has come to more differentiated assessments. As early as the 1990s, Peter Schöttler identified a large number of German historians who cheered the Nazi regime in their writings. Jürgen Elvert (2002) came to the conclusion that around 40 percent of historians decided to cooperate openly, roughly the same number had come to terms with the Nazi system and only a minority had adopted a “critical stance towards the Nazi system”.

Last years of life

Johannes Haller's grave in the Tübingen city cemetery

In February 1944 Haller's house was partially damaged. Because of the bombing, he fled from Stuttgart to friends in Alsace. In autumn 1944 the family returned to Tübingen. There, on April 19, 1945, Haller saw the invasion of French soldiers and the end of the war. Between April and August 1945 he had to endure the billeting of French soldiers in his house twice. In July 1945, Haller told American information officers that the “seizure of power” of 1933 was necessary “to be protected from the communist mass uprising”.

In view of the problems in teaching due to the consequences of the war, Haller offered to help out with an introductory event in the “Study of Sources of Medieval History” at the University of Tübingen. The proposal was welcomed by the Faculty of Philosophy, but rejected by the State Secretariat. Benjamin Hasselhorn suspects that this decision has political concerns against Haller, who was considered politically burdened primarily because of his epochs in German history . The use of the epochs was expressly forbidden in December 1945 in a decree for the special courses for obtaining the university entrance qualification. But as early as 1950 the representation appeared in a "cleaned" version. The reference to the “coming day” and the praise of the Fiihrer were omitted. The text was based essentially on the first edition from 1923.

In the last two years of his life, Haller dealt with religious and historical-philosophical topics. In his memoirs he referred “to the close connection between the events from 1933 to 1945 and those from 1918 to 1933”. He described the time of the Weimar Republic as "powerless" and "dishonorable", Germany was "emotionally shattered" and "economically ruined". He separated “guilt in the historical sense” from “moral guilt” and was convinced that “the only real guilt falls on those who could have prevented what happened, primarily on those who fell between 1918 and 1918 They were replaced in the government of the Reich in 1933 and, due to their inability, led to the fact that a foreign adventurer, that was Adolf Hitler, [...] could be welcomed as a god sent savior ”. He also counted himself “among those who put their last hope in him”. For Haller, however, this was a “leap into the dark”. Looking back, he only described Hitler as an “Austrian who didn't even know Germany”. The German people had been deceived and seduced by Hitler. He described the development of Germany as “fate”, “tragedy” and “refused grace”. After 1945 he compared the story to a natural disaster. The conceptual proximity of the term “catastrophe” to the passive, to being at the mercy and to storms, earthquakes or floods was also used by other historians such as Friedrich Meinecke and Hans Freyer . In addition to his memoirs, Haller wrote a study on Dante , but it did not appear until 1954. At the age of 82 he died on Christmas Eve 1947 in Tübingen.

Act

Haller presented more than 100 publications in the more than five decades of his work. The works are thematically diversified and range from the entry of the Germanic peoples into history through the emergence of the Papal States to the Bülow era . Haller's thematic range became clear in his early years. He dealt with questions about the prehistory of the Worms Concordat as well as Catherine I's accession to the throne .

Church and papal history

Haller is considered to be the founding father of critical research for the Basel Council (1431–1449). As the sole editor of the four-volume edition of the Council's sources, he created lasting foundations for research into the history of the Council in the late Middle Ages. Johannes Helmrath praised his source editions as a pioneering achievement. Haller established a connection between the Basel Council and the Reformation . His view that the German route leads from “Basel to Wittenberg and Worms” has not caught on. His account of the papacy and church reform , published in 1903, lasted until the turn of the 14th and 15th centuries and, according to his own admission, emerged “from studies on the Council of Basel”. A second volume planned by Haller never came about.

From the 1930s on, Haller mainly worked in the field of papal history. In 1934, 1942, 1939 and 1945 he published the four-volume presentation Das Papsttum. Idea and reality . The focus was on the high Middle Ages. Horst Fuhrmann counted Haller's work, along with those of Franz Xaver Seppelt and Erich Caspar, to the great individual achievements of German papal historiography in recent decades. It is considered a stylistic masterpiece among the papal historians. With the first volume, published in 1934, Haller, in contrast to Seppelt, did not want to write a history of the popes, but rather to show the papacy as a supra-personal phenomenon. He advocated the thesis that the idea of ​​the papacy arose as a "product of the religious attitude of the Teutons towards St. Peter and his earthly representative" and that it was specially developed by the Anglo-Saxons . This view has not established itself in the professional world. In comparison to Haller's depiction by Friedrich Kempf and Walter Ullmann, Caspar's work was certified to be more profound and more reflective. In his habilitation, Sebastian Scholz recognized Haller's multi-volume papal story as a “brilliantly written” account, but its conception was “less complex” than Caspar's work.

Activity as a war journalist

During the First World War, a wide variety of war journalism developed, in which around half of all medieval professorships in Germany took part. As a rule, however, professors did not have more reliable information or a better ability to assess the war situation than less educated people.

After a short time Haller was one of the most productive war journalists in the Reich. He alone wrote a third of all relevant articles by the Tübingen professors. In his first demonstrable statement of August 1914, he defended Italian neutrality. The neutral stance is advantageous for Germany, since Italy's partisanship would create new fronts for the Central Powers , where one currently has free trade and supply routes. In September 1914, Haller wrote the concept for the appeal The Universities of the German Empire to the universities abroad , which was supported by 22 German universities. The text deals with the rejection of accusations from abroad, which are referred to as a "campaign of systematic lies and slander [...] against the German people and the Reich". The German universities turned to the foreign universities and asked them to protect the German people and army abroad against the accusation of "barbaric cruelty and senseless destructiveness".

During the discussion about the objectives of the war, there was a break with Friedrich Meinecke . From 1905 to 1914, the two had friendly correspondence, which ended with the outbreak of the war. Haller and Meinecke differed in their political views as well as in their methodical way of working. Haller advocated a peace with annexations, Meinecke one without gaining territory. Haller came out against a mutual agreement. He organized a collection of signatures when in 1917 the Reichstag factions of the Center , the Social Democrats and the Progressive People's Party campaigned for a mutual agreement . Around 900 university professors took part in the signature campaign. Meinecke responded to the declaration by German university professors against the peace resolution of the Reichstag, initiated by Haller, with a counter-declaration directed against the "opponents of a mutual agreement". After the war, Meinecke became a "republican of reason" and Haller categorically rejected the Weimar Republic. As a protest, Haller no longer published in the historical journal published by Meinecke between 1914 and 1939 . On the occasion of the publication of Meinecke's memoirs in 1942, Haller described him as his "mortal enemy: an ice-cold, haughty and ultimately doggedly hateful person". Haller long held fast to the conviction that at least a relative victory was possible for the German Empire. He participated in projects to strengthen the will to persevere in the German people. In 1917 Haller joined the Fatherland Party founded by Alfred von Tirpitz and Wolfgang Kapp . However, he later claimed that he had not believed in a positive outcome for Germany since autumn 1915.

From 1916, Haller's focus in war journalism shifted to the war in the East. In his lectures and articles, he was concerned with counteracting German-Russian friendship and emphasizing the importance of the Baltic question. According to Haller, Russia's foreign policy interests were bound to create conflicts with Germany. The advertisement for a German-Russian friendship can only be explained “by ignorance, lack of judgment, lack of inner independence”. His opponent in war journalism was Otto Hoetzsch , who advocated an understanding with Russia, which he described as the most important prerequisite for a victory against the Western powers. Haller countered Hoetzsch's image of Russia with his idea of ​​the Tatar-Asiatic nature of the Russian people. According to Haller, Russian-Asian expansionism threatened to spill over to Europe. Anyone who ignores this danger should be fought as a "Russian danger in the German house". Haller accused Hoetzsch in 1917 of assuming the role of a "Russian Crown Attorney".

On the Baltic question, Haller referred to the importance of the Baltic region. The Baltic Sea, over whose rule Germany and Russia fought, was of strategic importance. It will be decided there whether Germany will remain a “world people” or not. Haller warned against making a peace agreement with Russia too early, as this would lose influence on the Baltic States. Haller's fame brought him into contact with political and military leaders. In the discussion about the official German position on the Baltic question, he was asked as an expert on Russia and the Baltic States. Before the peace negotiations in Brest-Litovsk , a meeting took place on December 18, 1917 in Bad Kreuznach about Germany's position with regard to the Baltic States. Paul von Hindenburg and Haller took the view that the Baltic States had to be brought under German rule. In December 1917, Haller unsuccessfully solicited Hindenburg's support for the separation of Estonia and Livonia from Russia. In a memorandum from the spring of 1917, which had 20,000 signatures, Haller unsuccessfully asked Chancellor Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg to incorporate the Baltic provinces into the German Empire.

At the same time, his work in medieval studies came to a standstill. While Haller emerged in 1912 through a meticulous source study on the Marbach Annals , his next specialist essay on Innocent III appeared. and the empire of Henry VI. not until 1920. With his work in war journalism, he also hoped for a larger audience, which he did not have with his specialist history studies. His involvement in war journalism in no way harmed his reputation as a scientist. In February 1916 he received from the King of Württemberg Wilhelm II. The Wilhelm Kreuz . In November 1917 he was awarded an honorary doctorate by the theological faculty of the University of Giessen . In June 1917 he was offered the chair of medieval history at the University of Strasbourg , which he apparently turned down solely for financial reasons. A possible cession of Alsace-Lorraine to France in view of the war situation did not influence his decision. Paul Fridolin Kehr called in him in April 1917 as a specialist advisor for the impending establishment of the Kaiser Wilhelm Institute for History . Haller's increased reputation in war journalism was probably also decisive for his election as dean of the Philosophical Faculty of the University of Tübingen in 1916/17 and 1917/18 as well as for his election as rector for the academic year 1917/18.

Haller's war journalistic commitment is assessed differently in research. According to Dieter Langewiesche he was one of the "incorrigible annexationists", for Christian Jansen he was one of the "leading annexationists", Hans Peter Bleuel counted him among the leaders of the annexationists on Germany's eastern and western borders. For Benjamin Hasselhorn, however, he was one of the moderates in the camp of the Victory Peace Party. He advocated an amicable settlement in the west and only advocated larger territorial expansions in the east.

Contemporary historical research

Prince Philipp zu Eulenburg and Hertefeld, 1906

During the first years of the Weimar Republic Haller devoted himself to contemporary historical research. Through Jakob von Uexküll , who had been known to him since his student days, contact with Philipp zu Eulenburg-Hertefeld came about in the summer of 1915 . In September 1918 Haller agreed to publish Eulenburg's correspondence after his death. Until Eulenburg's death in 1921, Haller maintained intensive correspondence with the former confidante of Kaiser Wilhelm II . Eulenburg had withdrawn from politics after a public scandal about his homosexuality . With both of his publications, Haller attempted to rehabilitate Eulenburg. Haller turned against the allegations raised in the context of the scandal trial and against the view that Eulenburg had exercised a bad political influence on the Kaiser.

His most extensive contemporary historical work was the work Die Ära Bülow , published in 1922 . In this study, he calculated the policies of the former Chancellor Bernhard von Bülow . Haller accused Bülow of a misguided foreign policy which, when he left, was tantamount to a disguised “bankruptcy”, which after 1909 “became more and more obvious […] until, in July 1914, it could no longer be concealed. The outbreak of the First World War was nothing else than the confession that our policy had reached the end of its wisdom ”. Haller also spoke of "encirclement" by the Entente and saw "the German-Russian war as a world-historical necessity". As early as 1917, Haller made his dislike of Bülow clear in the Süddeutsche Monatshefte and named a German part of the responsibility for the First World War.

Coining of the Middle Ages image of the Germans

In the 19th century, its own "suffering from a lack of statehood" caused the high medieval empire to be glorified as a unified national German state in bourgeois history. After the fall of the monarchy in 1918 and the Treaty of Versailles, which was perceived as humiliating, the history of medieval German kingship moved even more into the focus of general interest. The preoccupation with it was supposed to preserve the identity of the empire and correct undesirable developments which were blamed on the republic. In his works, The Epochs of German History and The Old German Empire, Haller tied in with the prevailing historical images from the 19th and early 20th centuries. According to these, the empire of the Ottonians , Salians and Staufers was extremely powerful in Europe. With his own verbal power and suggestive power of argument, Haller contributed significantly to the further dissemination of this historical image. He praised the German Empire in the Middle Ages as the heyday of the history of the German people. He saw the empire under the Ottonians and early Salians as the strongest power factor in Europe. In this context, the medieval emperors were rated either as heroes or as failures in a history of progress and modernization. Haller interpreted the investiture dispute as the first turning point . After the death of Henry III. had "the empire, which was just on the heights and saw the proudest future open before it", had to wage "a fight for its existence". The other rulers would only have hung on the "lead rope of the church". So the first Staufer Konrad III. a "through and through dependent nature and wholeheartedly devoted to the Church out of inner need". It was only when Friedrich Barbarossa came to power that the German Empire could once again become the dominant power in Europe. The empire reached its climax under Henry VI. Since the double election of 1198, it has increasingly lost touch with the other European powers. Haller identified the great ones as the main culprit for the fall of power in the empire in the Middle Ages . In 1923, when the first edition of its epochs appeared, Germany was, in Haller's judgment, as deep as never before. In the preface Haller expressed his hope “that a better future must emerge from the misery of the present, and that a new generation with new strength will also give German history its meaning. This is how I understand the motto that I add to the title: The day will come! ”In March 1939, another edition of the epochs of German history appeared . Haller concluded this depiction with the words: “What was faith and hope has become reality, the day has come!” For Karl Ferdinand Werner , Haller's depiction with his heroic, power-political perspective was a “primer on power”.

Works on French history

Heribert Müller has shown how Haller's early mediaeval work reflects the supposed political and military threat posed by France. According to Müller, Haller's political thinking was determined by two-front pressure on the Reich. In the epochs of German history , the struggle of the German empire "on two fronts" became a leitmotif of the presentation: in the west with France the at least admired " hereditary enemy " and with Poland the deeply despised "hereditary enemy of the Germans in the east". Haller developed a culture carrier theory . He propagated German Ostarbeit as a cultural obligation. The “occupation of the German people” lay “in the civilization of its eastern neighbors”.

In 1930, and thus in the later phase of his work, he presented a comprehensive account of French history with a thousand years of Franco-German relations . In the foreword Haller emphasized that he was not doing any “scholarly research” with this work, but wanted to show the history of Germany and France in its “inner context” for the first time. Haller understood the Franco-German relationship as a “community of fate”. For him, France was the active part striving for “world domination”, while Germany played a passive, only reactive role in the thousand-year history of their relations. Marc Bloch denied the work's scientific value in a review published in 1935. According to Benjamin Hasselhorn, Haller argued more analytically than propagandistically in this presentation. According to Ernst Schulin , Haller did not construct a "1000-year enmity", but only saw it since the late 17th century. His assessments are significantly more differentiated than those of other assessors during the Weimar Republic. Heribert Müller came to the conclusion that Haller hated and admired the French “hereditary enemy” at the same time. According to Müller, Haller's account of the French Middle Ages is largely free of distortions or polemics, and his assessments of the Middle Ages are still valid for more recent research. Müller was only able to make out negative accents in Haller's image of France in the 15th century. Haller made a time- and milieu-related judgment on France's position in the Basel Council in his 1901 essay on the enfeoffment of René of Anjou with Naples. The French King Charles VII and his advisors had played a cunning and underhanded "double game" against Pope Eugene IV and the Basel Council with the aim of French rule over the Kingdom of Naples and Avignon as the place of the Union Council. The French always kept their real goals a secret. The counterpart to this is the upright, genuine, freedom and truth-loving German. This interpretation of a double game of French diplomacy was adopted by other historians for decades and was only refuted by Heribert Müller in 1990. Müller was able to show that conversations and impressions, encounters and experiences in Italy and Switzerland influenced Haller's view of the subject of "France and the Basel Council". From the French Revolution and Napoleon , Haller's depiction after Müller shows an increasingly distant and negative attitude towards France.

Between collegial marginality and public centrality

Haller was considered arrogant and eccentric. He was prone to excessive polemics in reviews and scientific controversies. In September 1902, Paul Fridolin Kehr wrote to Haller in a letter: “Everybody thinks you are a Krakehler […] or at least difficult.” Haller did not hold back in his letters with devastating judgments about politicians, specialist colleagues and the dead. He described Karl Lamprecht as a “dizzy Fatzke”, whose “mortification” was imperative, Bruno Krusch was an “old bullshit” for him, Michael Tangl “a zero in every respect”. Heinrich Mitteis thought Haller was a “precocious gossip”, Karl Hampe found he “too small and too gentle”, his German imperial story “boring” and his Konradin book “bland”. Bernhard von Bülow is "a botch-up and a first-rate skipper", Adolf von Harnack the "superlative of mental flattening". He thanked Arnold Oskar Meyer in a letter in April 1924 for his depiction of Metternich and at the same time used the letter for a general review of the book. Haller also showed open rejection to Gerhard Ritter . With him he led a long-standing controversy about the right relationship to the Renaissance and Reformation . Ritter reported in 1967 that Haller had become his opponent "because he was deeply offended that as a very young private lecturer I had dared to criticize an essay by the great man on the history of the Reformation".

Due to his conflict-prone nature, Haller was increasingly sidelined in the professional world. He often assessed himself as an “outsider” and also cultivated this position. “As idiosyncratic an outsider as I am”, he wrote in a letter to his wife Elisabeth on August 12, 1929, “can not expect more than to be tolerated [...] I am not at the top, but sidelined and that with conviction ”. There were only no conflicts with people who were significantly younger or who had a different technical focus. He was generally accepted as a scholar of rank. He turned down appointments at the University of Munich in 1923 and 1925.

At the same time, Haller's books reached a broad audience that went far beyond the German-speaking world. Through the eras of German history that emerged from lectures in 1923 , he became a successful author. The work was well received in the professional world, but it was also criticized for its “one-sidedness” and “tendency to modernize the problems”. His late work, A Thousand Years of Franco-German Relations , also saw a large number of copies. In the professional world, however, it received relatively little attention, with the critical voices predominating. Haller also gained a lot of recognition as an academic teacher. His lectures were already very popular in Marburg. With Eduard Schwartz , Rudolf Smend , Johan Huizinga and Otto Scheel , Haller had a small network of scholars with whom he maintained friendly contact.

Aftermath

Haller did not belong to any scientific academy. He also did not establish a school in the sense of a group of students with a common research area. After his death he received very few obituaries. In Heidelberg, Fritz Ernst had an academic memorial service held for his academic teacher Johannes Haller, although Haller never had close contact with Heidelberg.

Haller's image wavered between criticism and appreciation in the post-war period. In September 1949, in his opening lecture at the Historikertag in Munich , Gerhard Ritter criticized Haller's basic nationalist tone in his published lectures on German history. Ludwig Dehio was indignant in the historical magazine about the new edition of the epochs from 1950, which was largely based on the version from 1923, and its outdated view of history . In 1957, the ancient historian Hans Georg Gundel counted Haller "among the most important historians of the 20th century". His works were repeatedly reprinted up until the 1970s and shaped the historical image of research and society. In 1960 Haller's pupil Wittram published the memoirs of his teacher. In the afterword, Wittram known to have shortened “obviously representational errors” and pointed judgments from Haller. Wittram left out the fourth part completely, “because it does not actually contain memories, but primarily contemporary historical considerations”. In the press the memoirs were mostly positively discussed, in the professional world the way in which Wittrams was edited was criticized. On the occasion of Haller's 100th birthday, an anniversary edition of his depiction of the papacy and church reform was published in 1965 . The Südwestfunk dedicated a special broadcast to him on this occasion. This was also the highlight of Haller's reception. In the period that followed, it was considered scientifically outdated and politically charged.

Since the 1980s, medieval studies gained numerous new insights into high medieval royalty. Medieval research recognized that the contrast between central monarchical power on the one hand and princes on the other hand is not decisive for understanding the premodern exercise of rule. Rather, research emphasizes the interaction between king and prince (“ consensual rule ”) as an essential characteristic of medieval rule.

Haller is known in modern history neither because of particularly innovative research approaches nor as a classic. In the last few decades it was only dealt with in connection with the rise of National Socialism. Since the 1990s, history began to deal with the entanglement of its representatives in the “Third Reich”. Johannes Haller was not the focus of the discussion, but his journalistic support for Hitler in the summer of 1932 was noted. This solidified the view of Haller as a nationally conservative historian who was to be counted among the intellectual pioneers of National Socialism. To mark the fiftieth anniversary of the German Historical Institute in Paris , a colloquium examined its origins with the help of a person- historical approach. The focus was on the biographies of the institute's founders and their relationship to National Socialism. Johannes Haller was raised to the group of "founding fathers" of the German Historical Institute. His image of France and French history was analyzed.

A biography has long been considered a research gap. In 2014 Benjamin Hasselhorn presented a selection edition with a total of 386 letters or letter passages from Haller's 2500 received letters from over 70 years and published a biographical study on Haller one year later. An edition of the entire last and fourth part of the memories “Im Strom der Zeit” can be found in the appendix to the presentation. The part still left out by Haller's pupil Wittram deals with the causes and consequences of the First World War and also contains a few statements about National Socialism.

Fonts (selection)

A list of publications appeared in Benjamin Hasselhorn: Johannes Haller. A biography of a political scholar. With an edition of the unpublished part of Johannes Haller's memoirs (= series of publications by the Historical Commission at the Bavarian Academy of Sciences. Volume 93). Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen 2015, ISBN 978-3-525-36084-2 , pp. 443-447.

Monographs

  • Papacy and Church Reform. Four chapters on the history of the late Middle Ages. Volume 1. Weidmann, Berlin 1903.
  • The Bülow era. A historical-political study. Cotta, Stuttgart 1922.
  • The epochs of German history. Cotta, Stuttgart et al. 1923. (numerous other editions)
  • The old German Empire. Union Deutsche Verlagsgesellschaft, Stuttgart 1926.
  • The beginnings of the University of Tübingen 1477–1537. To celebrate the 450th anniversary of the university. 2 volumes. Kohlhammer, Stuttgart 1927–1929.
  • The papacy. Idea and reality. 4 volumes. Cotta, Stuttgart 1934-1945.

Editorships

  • Concilium Basiliense. Studies and sources on the history of the Council of Basel 4 volumes. Basel 1896–1903.
    • Volume 1: Studies and documents on the history of the years 1431–1437. Reich, Basel 1896.
    • Volume 2: Minutes of the Council 1431–1433. From the manuals of the notary Bruneti and a Roman manuscript. Reich, Basel 1897.
    • Volume 3: Protocols of the Council 1434 and 1435. From the manuals of the notary Bruneti and a Roman manuscript. Reich, Basel 1900.
    • Volume 4: Minutes of the Council of 1436. From the manuals of the notary Bruneti and a second Parisian manuscript. Helbing & Lichtenhahn, Basel 1903.

Source editions

  • Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (Ed.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian (= German historical sources of the 19th and 20th centuries. Volume 71). Oldenbourg, Munich 2014, ISBN 978-3-11-036968-7 .
  • Herbert Zielinski (eds.): Johannes Haller and Karl Straube. A friendship in the mirror of the letters. Edition and commentary. Georg Olms, Hildesheim 2018, ISBN 978-3-487-15707-8 .

literature

  • Carola L. Gottzmann, Petra Hörner: Lexicon of the German-language literature of the Baltic States and St. Petersburg . De Gruyter, Berlin 2007, ISBN 978-3-11-019338-1 , pp. 535-538.
  • Benjamin Hasselhorn: Johannes Haller. A biography of a political scholar. With an edition of the unpublished part of Johannes Haller's memoirs (= series of publications by the Historical Commission at the Bavarian Academy of Sciences. Volume 93). Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen 2015, ISBN 978-3-525-36084-2 (also: Passau, University, dissertation, 2014).
  • Steffen Kaudelka: Johannes Haller. France and French history from the perspective of a Baltic German. In: Ulrich Pfeil (Ed.): The German Historical Institute Paris and its founding fathers (= Paris Historical Studies. Volume 86). Oldenbourg, Munich 2007, ISBN 978-3-486-58519-3 , pp. 178-197 ( digitized version ).
  • Heribert Müller : A certain disgusted admiration: Johannes Haller and National Socialism. In: Wolfram Pyta , Ludwig Richter (ed.): The creative power of the political. Festschrift for Eberhard Kolb (= historical research. Volume 63). Duncker and Humblot, Berlin 1998, ISBN 3-428-08761-5 , pp. 443-482.
  • Heribert Müller: The admired hereditary enemy. Johannes Haller, France and the French Late Middle Ages. In: Historical magazine. Volume 252, 1991, pp. 265-317 ( online ).
  • Hans-Erich Volkmann : From Johannes Haller to Reinhard Wittram. Baltic German Historians and National Socialism. In: Journal of History. Volume 45, 1997, pp. 21-46.

Web links

Remarks

  1. Johannes Haller: Memoirs. What has been seen, heard, thought. Stuttgart 1960, p. 26.
  2. Heribert Müller: The admired hereditary enemy. Johannes Haller, France and the French Middle Ages. In: Historische Zeitschrift , Vol. 252, 1991, pp. 265-317, here: p. 284.
  3. Johannes Haller: Memoirs. What has been seen, heard, thought. Stuttgart 1960, p. 15. See Benjamin Hasselhorn : Johannes Haller. A biography of a political scholar. With an edition of the unpublished part of Johannes Haller's memoirs. Göttingen 2015, p. 24.
  4. ^ Benjamin Hasselhorn: Johannes Haller. A biography of a political scholar. With an edition of the unpublished part of Johannes Haller's memoirs. Göttingen 2015, p. 26.
  5. ^ Johannes Haller to Helene Haller, Dorpat, September 7, 1883. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, No. 2.
  6. ^ Johannes Haller to Anton Haller, Münkenhof, April 5, 1885. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, No. 3.
  7. Johannes Haller: The accession to the throne of Empress Katharinas I. In: Russian Revue. Quarterly for Russian customers. Vol. 30, 1890, pp. 210-226 and pp. 265-279.
  8. Johannes Haller: Memoirs. What has been seen, heard, thought. Stuttgart 1960, p. 67.
  9. Steffen Kaudelka: Johannes Haller. France and French history from the perspective of a Baltic German. In: Ulrich Pfeil (Ed.): The German Historical Institute Paris and its founding fathers. Munich 2007, pp. 178–197, here: p. 196 ( digitized version ).
  10. Hans-Erich Volkmann: When Poland was still the hereditary enemy. On the 50th anniversary of the death of the political historian Johannes Haller. In: Die Zeit , 51/1997, December 12, 1997 ( online ).
  11. ^ Benjamin Hasselhorn: Johannes Haller. A biography of a political scholar. With an edition of the unpublished part of Johannes Haller's memoirs. Göttingen 2015, p. 38.
  12. Hans-Erich Volkmann: From Johannes Haller to Reinhard Wittram. Baltic German Historians and National Socialism. In: Journal of History. Vol. 45, 1997, pp. 21-46, here: p. 23.
  13. ^ Johannes Haller to Helene Haller, Berlin, October 19/7, 1890. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, No. 14.
  14. Johannes Haller: Memoirs. What has been seen, heard, thought. Stuttgart 1960, p. 94. See Benjamin Hasselhorn: Johannes Haller. A biography of a political scholar. With an edition of the unpublished part of Johannes Haller's memoirs. Göttingen 2015, p. 41.
  15. Johannes Haller: Memoirs. What has been seen, heard, thought. Stuttgart 1960, p. 92; Benjamin Hasselhorn: Johannes Haller. A biography of a political scholar. With an edition of the unpublished part of Johannes Haller's memoirs. Göttingen 2015, p. 41.
  16. ^ Johannes Haller to Helene Haller, Heidelberg, April 12, 1891. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, No. 15.
  17. ^ Johannes Haller to Anton Haller, Rome, February 10 / January 29, 1895. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, No. 36.
  18. ^ Johannes Haller to Helene Haller, Rome, January 1, 1897 / December 20, 1896. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, No. 63.
  19. ^ Benjamin Hasselhorn: Johannes Haller. A biography of a political scholar. With an edition of the unpublished part of Johannes Haller's memoirs. Göttingen 2015, p. 45.
  20. ^ Johannes Haller to Ludwig Quidde, Heidelberg, February 18, 1892. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, No. 17 or Johannes Haller to Ludwig Quidde, Heidelberg, February 26, 1892. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, No. 18.
  21. ^ Johannes Haller to Rudolf Wackernagel, Rome, April 22, 1896. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, No. 50 or Johannes Haller to Rudolf Wackernagel, Rome, October 25, 1896. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, No. 56.
  22. ^ Benjamin Hasselhorn: Johannes Haller. A biography of a political scholar. With an edition of the unpublished part of Johannes Haller's memoirs. Göttingen 2015, p. 52.
  23. ^ Benjamin Hasselhorn: Johannes Haller. A biography of a political scholar. With an edition of the unpublished part of Johannes Haller's memoirs. Göttingen 2015, p. 65, note 90.
  24. ^ Document book of the city of Basel, Vol. 7, 1301–1522, edited by Johannes Haller. Basel 1899.
  25. Benjamin Hasselhorn: Introduction. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, pp. 1–35, here: p. 11.
  26. Benjamin Hasselhorn: Introduction. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, pp. 1–35, here: p. 12 f.
  27. ^ Johannes Haller to Ferdinand Wagner, Rome, November 4, 1901. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, No. 72.
  28. Johannes Haller: Memoirs: Seen - Heard - Thought. Stuttgart 1960, p. 238.
  29. ^ Benjamin Hasselhorn: Johannes Haller. A biography of a political scholar. With an edition of the unpublished part of Johannes Haller's memoirs. Göttingen 2015, p. 69.
  30. Johannes Haller to Helene Haller, Basel, March 12 / February 28, 1899. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, No. 64.
  31. ^ Johannes Haller to Elisabeth Wackernagel-Burckhardt, Vevey, April 12, 1900. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, No. 67 or Johannes Haller to Anton Haller, Marburg, April 9 / March 27, 1903. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, No. 104.
  32. ^ Johannes Haller to Max Lenz, Basel, January 7, 1900. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, No. 65.
  33. ^ Johannes Haller to Ferdinand Wagner, Rome, June 2, 1901. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, No. 71.
  34. ^ Johannes Haller to Friedrich Althoff, Munich, September 1, 1902. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, No. 96.
  35. ^ Benjamin Hasselhorn: Johannes Haller. A biography of a political scholar. With an edition of the unpublished part of Johannes Haller's memoirs. Göttingen 2015, p. 88.
  36. ^ Johannes Haller to Paul Fridolin Kehr, Munich, August 26, 1902. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, No. 93.
  37. ^ Ulrich Pfeil: Prehistory and founding of the German Historical Institute Paris. Presentation and documentation. Ostfildern 2007, pp. 25–46.
  38. ^ Benjamin Hasselhorn: Johannes Haller. A biography of a political scholar. With an edition of the unpublished part of Johannes Haller's memoirs. Göttingen 2015, p. 91 f.
  39. ^ Johannes Haller to Anton Haller, Marburg, July 7th / June 24th, 1904. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, No. 126.
  40. See in detail: Herbert Zielinski: "A very small person comes to the great scholar". Johannes Haller's appointment to Giessen 1904. In: Mitteilungen des Oberhessischen Geschichtsverein 101 (2016), pp. 259–298.
  41. ^ Johannes Haller to Paul Fridolin Kehr, Marburg, February 12, 1903. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, No. 103.
  42. ^ Hans Georg Gundel: Johannes Haller and the Monumenta Germaniae Historica in Giessen. In: News of the Giessen University Society. Vol. 33, 1964, pp. 179-190, here: p. 181.
  43. ^ Benjamin Hasselhorn: Johannes Haller. A biography of a political scholar. With an edition of the unpublished part of Johannes Haller's memoirs. Göttingen 2015, p. 106 f.
  44. ^ Benjamin Hasselhorn: Johannes Haller. A biography of a political scholar. With an edition of the unpublished part of Johannes Haller's memoirs. Göttingen 2015, p. 101.
  45. ^ On this controversy, see Folker Reichert: Gelehrtes Leben. Karl Hampe, the Middle Ages and the history of the Germans. Göttingen 2009, p. 92 f.
  46. Johannes Haller: From death and resurrection of the German nation. In: Ders .: Speeches and essays on history and politics. Stuttgart et al. 1934, pp. 328-343.
  47. ^ Robert Wilbrandt to Johannes Haller, March 18, 1925. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, p. 389 Note 6. Johannes Haller: From death and resurrection of the German nation. In: Ders .: Speeches and essays on history and politics. Stuttgart et al. 1934, pp. 328–343, here: p. 331.
  48. ^ Dieter Langewiesche: The Eberhard-Karls-Universität Tübingen in the Weimar Republic. Crisis experiences and distance to democracy at German universities. In: Journal for Württemberg State History. Vol. 51, 1992, pp. 345-381, here: p. 370.
  49. Johannes Haller to Philipp Fürst zu Eulenburg-Hertefeld, Tübingen, March 30, 1919. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, No. 174.
  50. Johannes Haller to Philipp Fürst zu Eulenburg-Hertefeld, Tübingen, March 30, 1919. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, No. 174.
  51. Johannes Haller to Philipp Fürst zu Eulenburg-Hertefeld, above, April 6, 1919. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, No. 175.
  52. ^ Benjamin Hasselhorn: Johannes Haller. A biography of a political scholar. With an edition of the unpublished part of Johannes Haller's memoirs. Göttingen 2015, p. 166.
  53. Bernd Faulenbach: Ideology of the German Way. German history in the historiography between the German Empire and National Socialism. Munich 1980, p. 247.
  54. Klaus Schreiner: leadership, race, empire. Science of history after the National Socialist seizure of power. In: Peter Lundgreen (Ed.): Science in the Third Reich. Frankfurt am Main 1985, pp. 163-252, here: p. 231.
  55. Heribert Müller: A certain disgusted admiration: Johannes Haller and National Socialism. In: Wolfram Pyta , Ludwig Richter (ed.): The creative power of the political. Festschrift for Eberhard Kolb. Berlin 1998, pp. 443-482, here: p. 450; Dieter Langewiesche: The Eberhard Karls University of Tübingen in the Weimar Republic. Crisis experiences and distance to democracy at German universities. In: Journal for Württemberg State History. Vol. 51, 1992, pp. 345-381, here: p. 371; Theodor Eschenburg: So listen to me. History and stories 1904 to 1933. Berlin 2001, pp. 150–161; Kurt Georg Kiesinger: Dark and Light Years, Memories 1904–1958. Stuttgart 1989, pp. 88-89.
  56. Heribert Müller: A certain disgusted admiration: Johannes Haller and National Socialism. In: Wolfram Pyta, Ludwig Richter (ed.): The creative power of the political. Festschrift for Eberhard Kolb. Berlin 1998, pp. 443-482, here: p. 450.
  57. Quoted from Steffen Kaudelka: Johannes Haller. France and French history from the perspective of a Baltic German. In: Ulrich Pfeil (Ed.): The German Historical Institute Paris and its founding fathers. Munich 2007, pp. 178–197, here: p. 185 ( digitized version ).
  58. Georg G. Iggers: German History. A critique of the traditional view of history from Herder to the present. Munich 1971, p. 320.
  59. ^ Sylvia Paletschek: Duplicity of the events. The foundation of the historical seminar in 1875 at the University of Tübingen and its development until 1914. In: Werner Freitag (Hrsg.): Halle and the German historical science around 1900. Halle 2002, p. 37-64, here: p. 44 ( online ) .
  60. Quoted from Hans-Erich Volkmann: When Poland was still the hereditary enemy. On the 50th anniversary of the death of the political historian Johannes Haller. In: Die Zeit , 51/1997, December 12, 1997 ( online ).
  61. ^ Horst Fuhrmann: Obituary Karl Jordan. In: German Archive for Research into the Middle Ages . Vol. 40, 1984, pp. 372–374, here: p. 372 ( digitized version )
  62. ^ Heinz von zur Mühlen: German Baltic Historiography 1918–1939 / 45 in Estonia. In: Georg von Rauch (Hrsg.): History of Baltic German historiography. Cologne et al. 1986, pp. 339-369, here: p. 342.
  63. ^ Benjamin Hasselhorn: Johannes Haller. A biography of a political scholar. With an edition of the unpublished part of Johannes Haller's memoirs. Göttingen 2015, p. 166.
  64. ^ Johannes Haller to Hans Jakob Haller, Stuttgart, October 23, 1938. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, No. 300.
  65. Mario Daniels: History in the 20th Century. Institutionalization processes and development of the association of persons at the University of Tübingen 1918–1964. Stuttgart 2009, p. 34; Sylvia Paletschek: The permanent invention of a tradition. The University of Tübingen in the German Empire and in the Weimar Republic. Stuttgart 2001, p. 478, note 70.
  66. ^ Benjamin Hasselhorn: Johannes Haller. A biography of a political scholar. With an edition of the unpublished part of Johannes Haller's memoirs. Göttingen 2015, pp. 182–191; Sylvia Paletschek: The permanent invention of a tradition. The University of Tübingen in the German Empire and in the Weimar Republic. Stuttgart 2001, pp. 442-444.
  67. ^ Benjamin Hasselhorn: Johannes Haller. A biography of a political scholar. With an edition of the unpublished part of Johannes Haller's memoirs. Göttingen 2015, p. 214.
  68. ^ Benjamin Hasselhorn: Johannes Haller. A biography of a political scholar. With an edition of the unpublished part of Johannes Haller's memoirs. Göttingen 2015, p. 213. See also Haller's letters to the Württemberg Ministry of Culture in: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, No. 224, 230, 234, 237, 240 and 245.
  69. ^ Johannes Haller to Ferdinand Wagner, Stuttgart, January 22, 1933. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, No. 251.
  70. ^ Benjamin Hasselhorn: Johannes Haller. A biography of a political scholar. With an edition of the unpublished part of Johannes Haller's memoirs. Göttingen 2015, p. 214; Johannes Haller to Ferdinand Wagner, Stuttgart, January 22, 1933. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, No. 251.
  71. Quoted from Mario Daniels: History of the 20th Century. Institutionalization processes and development of the association of persons at the University of Tübingen 1918–1964. Stuttgart 2009, p. 119.
  72. Quoted from Joseph Lemberg: The historian without properties. A history of problems by the medievalist Friedrich Baethgen. Frankfurt 2015, p. 138.
  73. ^ Benjamin Hasselhorn: Johannes Haller. A biography of a political scholar. With an edition of the unpublished part of Johannes Haller's memoirs. Göttingen 2015, p. 225.
  74. Stefan Weiß: Paul Kehr. Delegated large-scale research. The "Papal Documents in France" and the history of the German Historical Institute in Paris. In: Ulrich Pfeil (Ed.): The German Historical Institute Paris and its founding fathers. A personal history approach. Munich 2007, pp. 36–57, here: p. 48 ( digitized version ).
  75. Heribert Müller: A certain disgusted admiration: Johannes Haller and National Socialism. In: Wolfram Pyta, Ludwig Richter (ed.): The creative power of the political. Festschrift for Eberhard Kolb. Berlin 1998, pp. 443-482.
  76. Hans-Erich Volkmann: From Johannes Haller to Reinhard Wittram. Baltic German Historians and National Socialism. In: Journal of History. Vol. 45, 1997, pp. 21-46.
  77. Hans-Erich Volkmann: From Johannes Haller to Reinhard Wittram. Baltic German Historians and National Socialism. In: Journal of History. Vol. 45, 1997, pp. 21-46, here: p. 23.
  78. ^ Johannes Haller to Roland Haller, Tübingen, April 26, 1932. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, No. 243.
  79. Heribert Müller: A certain disgusted admiration: Johannes Haller and National Socialism. In: Wolfram Pyta, Ludwig Richter (ed.): The creative power of the political. Festschrift for Eberhard Kolb. Berlin 1998, pp. 443-482, here: p. 454.
  80. ^ Benjamin Hasselhorn: Johannes Haller. A biography of a political scholar. With an edition of the unpublished part of Johannes Haller's memoirs. Göttingen 2015, p. 219.
  81. ^ Johannes Haller to the Kampfbund für Deutsche Kultur, Tübingen, September 17, 1932. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, No. 248.
  82. ^ Benjamin Hasselhorn: Johannes Haller. A biography of a political scholar. With an edition of the unpublished part of Johannes Haller's memoirs. Göttingen 2015, p. 221.
  83. Heribert Müller: A certain disgusted admiration: Johannes Haller and National Socialism. In: Wolfram Pyta, Ludwig Richter (ed.): The creative power of the political. Festschrift for Eberhard Kolb. Berlin 1998, pp. 443-482, here: p. 456.
  84. Hans-Erich Volkmann: From Johannes Haller to Reinhard Wittram. Baltic German Historians and National Socialism. In: Journal of History. Vol. 45, 1997, pp. 21-46, here: p. 24.
  85. ^ Benjamin Hasselhorn: Johannes Haller. A biography of a political scholar. With an edition of the unpublished part of Johannes Haller's memoirs. Göttingen 2015, p. 221.
  86. Quoted from Heribert Müller: A certain disgusted admiration: Johannes Haller and National Socialism. In: Wolfram Pyta, Ludwig Richter (ed.): The creative power of the political. Festschrift for Eberhard Kolb. Berlin 1998, pp. 443-482, here: p. 458.
  87. ^ Benjamin Hasselhorn: Johannes Haller. A biography of a political scholar. With an edition of the unpublished part of Johannes Haller's memoirs. Göttingen 2015, p. 237. Haller's statement on the Kirchenkampf, Stuttgart, November 28, 1935. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, No. 290.
  88. ^ Johannes Haller: On April 1, 1933. In: Ders .: Speeches and essays on history and politics. Stuttgart 1934, pp. 376-381, here: p. 381.
  89. Quoted from Benjamin Hasselhorn: Johannes Haller. A biography of a political scholar. With an edition of the unpublished part of Johannes Haller's memoirs. Göttingen 2015, p. 227.
  90. ^ Johannes Haller to Hans Jakob Haller, Stuttgart 1933, May 7, 1933. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, No. 256.
  91. Hans-Erich Volkmann: German historians in dealing with the Third Reich and the Second World War 1939–1949. In the S. (Ed.): End of the Third Reich - End of the Second World War. A perspective review. Munich 1995, pp. 861-911, here: p. 867.
  92. Hans-Erich Volkmann: From Johannes Haller to Reinhard Wittram. Baltic German Historians and National Socialism. In: Journal of History. Vol. 45, 1997, pp. 21-46, here: p. 26.
  93. ^ Johannes Haller to Elisabeth Haller, Stuttgart, June 25, 1940. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, No. 317; Benjamin Hasselhorn: Johannes Haller. A biography of a political scholar. With an edition of the unpublished part of Johannes Haller's memoirs. Göttingen 2015, p. 256.
  94. Heribert Müller: A certain disgusted admiration: Johannes Haller and National Socialism. In: Wolfram Pyta, Ludwig Richter (ed.): The creative power of the political. Festschrift for Eberhard Kolb. Berlin 1998, pp. 443-482, here: p. 447.
  95. Quoted from Benjamin Hasselhorn: Johannes Haller. A biography of a political scholar. With an edition of the unpublished part of Johannes Haller's memoirs. Göttingen 2015, p. 257.
  96. ^ Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, p. 24.
  97. Johannes Haller to the rector of the University of Tübingen, Tübingen, April 15, 1946. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, No. 380.
  98. ^ Benjamin Hasselhorn: Johannes Haller. A biography of a political scholar. With an edition of the unpublished part of Johannes Haller's memoirs. Göttingen 2015, p. 260.
  99. ^ Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, No. 357.
  100. Hans-Erich Volkmann: From Johannes Haller to Reinhard Wittram. Baltic German Historians and National Socialism. In: Journal of History. Vol. 45, 1997, pp. 21-46, here: pp. 26 f.
  101. Johannes Haller to Hans Jakob Haller, Neuweiler Castle (Alsace), August 4, 1944. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, No. 377.
  102. Heribert Müller: A certain disgusted admiration: Johannes Haller and National Socialism. In: Wolfram Pyta, Ludwig Richter (ed.): The creative power of the political. Festschrift for Eberhard Kolb. Berlin 1998, pp. 443-482, here: p. 472.
  103. ^ Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, p. 24 and no. 342.
  104. Heribert Müller: A certain disgusted admiration: Johannes Haller and National Socialism. In: Wolfram Pyta, Ludwig Richter (ed.): The creative power of the political. Festschrift for Eberhard Kolb. Berlin 1998, pp. 443-482, here: p. 448.
  105. ^ Benjamin Hasselhorn: Johannes Haller. A biography of a political scholar. With an edition of the unpublished part of Johannes Haller's memoirs. Göttingen 2015, p. 239 f.
  106. ^ Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, No. 328.
  107. ^ Benjamin Hasselhorn: Johannes Haller. A biography of a political scholar. With an edition of the unpublished part of Johannes Haller's memoirs. Göttingen 2015, p. 240.
  108. Johannes Haller: The papacy. Idea and reality. Volume One: The Basics. Stuttgart et al. 1934, SX
  109. Heribert Müller: A certain disgusted admiration: Johannes Haller and National Socialism. In: Wolfram Pyta, Ludwig Richter (ed.): The creative power of the political. Festschrift for Eberhard Kolb. Berlin 1998, pp. 443-482, here: p. 460; Benjamin Hasselhorn: Johannes Haller. A biography of a political scholar. With an edition of the unpublished part of Johannes Haller's memoirs. Göttingen 2015, p. 231.
  110. ^ Johannes Haller to Heinrich Dannenbauer, Stuttgart, July 14, 1934. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, No. 270. Folker Reichert: learned life. Karl Hampe, the Middle Ages and the history of the Germans. Göttingen 2009, p. 268 f.
  111. Heribert Müller: A certain disgusted admiration: Johannes Haller and National Socialism. In: Wolfram Pyta, Ludwig Richter (ed.): The creative power of the political. Festschrift for Eberhard Kolb. Berlin 1998, pp. 443-482, here: pp. 459-461.
  112. Johannes Haller: About the tasks of the historian. Tübingen 1935, pp. 4 and 26.
  113. Heribert Müller: A certain disgusted admiration: Johannes Haller and National Socialism. In: Wolfram Pyta, Ludwig Richter (ed.): The creative power of the political. Festschrift for Eberhard Kolb. Berlin 1998, pp. 443-482, here: p. 462.
  114. ^ Karen Schönwälder: Historians and Politics. History in National Socialism. Frankfurt am Main et al. 1992, pp. 75-82.
  115. Mario Daniels: History in the 20th Century. Institutionalization processes and development of the association of persons at the University of Tübingen 1918–1964. Stuttgart 2009, p. 223.
  116. Quoted from Heribert Müller: A certain disgusted admiration: Johannes Haller and National Socialism. In: Wolfram Pyta, Ludwig Richter (ed.): The creative power of the political. Festschrift for Eberhard Kolb. Berlin 1998, pp. 443-482, here: p. 470.
  117. ^ Benjamin Hasselhorn: Johannes Haller. A biography of a political scholar. With an edition of the unpublished part of Johannes Haller's memoirs. Göttingen 2015, p. 236; Karl Ferdinand Werner: The NS-historical image and the German historical science. Stuttgart et al. 1967, p. 61.
  118. See Thomas Gerhards' review of Benjamin Hasselhorn in: Zeitschrift für Geschichtswwissenschaft. Vol. 64, 2016, pp. 178-180.
  119. ^ Peter Schöttler: History as legitimation science 1918-1945. Introductory remarks. In: Ders .: Historiography as a science of legitimation 1918–1945. Frankfurt am Main 1997, pp. 7–30, here: p. 8.
  120. Jürgen Elvert: History. In: Frank-Rutger Hausmann (ed.) With the assistance of Elisabeth Müller-Luckner: The role of the humanities in the Third Reich 1933–1945. Munich 2002, pp. 87–135, here: p. 132.
  121. Johannes Haller to Eduard Fueter the Elder. J., Ingweiler (Alsace), May 10, 1944. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, No. 372.
  122. ^ Benjamin Hasselhorn: Johannes Haller. A biography of a political scholar. With an edition of the unpublished part of Johannes Haller's memoirs. Göttingen 2015, p. 263.
  123. Quoted from Winfried Schulze: Deutsche Geschichtswwissenschaft nach 1945. Munich 1989, p. 25.
  124. Johannes Haller to the rector of the University of Tübingen, Tübingen, April 15, 1946. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, No. 380.
  125. Benjamin Hasselhorn: Introduction. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, pp. 1–35, here: p. 27.
  126. ^ Benjamin Hasselhorn: Johannes Haller. A biography of a political scholar. With an edition of the unpublished part of Johannes Haller's memoirs. Göttingen 2015, p. 267.
  127. Heribert Müller: A certain disgusted admiration: Johannes Haller and National Socialism. In: Wolfram Pyta, Ludwig Richter (ed.): The creative power of the political. Festschrift for Eberhard Kolb. Berlin 1998, pp. 443-482, here: p. 448; Winfried Schulze: German history after 1945. Munich 1989, p. 111.
  128. The selection of quotations based on Nicolas Berg: Between individual and historiographical memory. National Socialism in autobiographies of German historians after 1945. In: BIOS. Journal of Biography Research and Oral History. Vol. 13, 2000, pp. 181-207, here: pp. 191-193, 203; Hans-Erich Volkmann: German historian under the spell of National Socialism. In: Wilfried Loth, Bernd-A. Rusinek (Hrsg.): Umwandlungspolitik. Nazi elites in West German post-war society. Frankfurt am Main et al. 1998, pp. 285-312, here: p. 306; Benjamin Hasselhorn: Johannes Haller. A biography of a political scholar. With an edition of the unpublished part of Johannes Haller's memoirs. Göttingen 2015, p. 437.
  129. Nicolas Berg: The Holocaust and the West German Historians. Exploration and memory. 3rd reviewed edition. Göttingen 2004, p. 65.
  130. Heribert Müller, Johannes Helmrath: For the introduction. In this. (Ed.): The councils of Pisa, Constance and Basel. Ostfildern 2007, pp. 9–29, here: p. 16; Jürgen Dendorfer: As an introduction. In: Jürgen Dendorfer, Claudia Märtl (Ed.): After the Basel Council. The reorganization of the church between conciliarism and monarchical papacy (approx. 1450–1475). Münster et al. 2008, pp. 1–18, here: p. 1 ( online ).
  131. Johannes Helmrath: The Basel Council 1431-1449. State of research and problems. Cologne et al. 1987, p. 14.
  132. ^ Johannes Haller: The church reform at the Council of Basel. In: Correspondence sheet of the general association of German history and antiquity associations. Vol. 58, 1910, pp. 9–26, here: p. 10. Cf. Johannes Helmrath: Das Basler Konzil 1431–1449. State of research and problems. Cologne et al. 1987, pp. 350-352.
  133. ^ Benjamin Hasselhorn: Johannes Haller. A biography of a political scholar. With an edition of the unpublished part of Johannes Haller's memoirs. Göttingen 2015, p. 96; Heribert Müller: The French, France and the Basel Council. (1431-1449). Vol. 1. Paderborn et al. 1990, p. 1 ff.
  134. Horst Fuhrmann: The Popes. From Peter to Benedict XVI. 3rd, updated and expanded edition. Munich 2005, p. 289.
  135. Horst Fuhrmann: The Popes. From Peter to Benedict XVI. 3rd, updated and expanded edition. Munich 2005, p. 11.
  136. Johannes Haller: The papacy. Vol 1. The Basics. Unchanged photomechanical reprint of the 1950 edition. Darmstadt 1962, especially pp. 266–283 and pp. 337–342.
  137. Horst Fuhrmann: The Popes. From Peter to Benedict XVI. 3rd, updated and expanded edition. Munich 2005, p. 293; Benjamin Hasselhorn: Johannes Haller. A biography of a political scholar. With an edition of the unpublished part of Johannes Haller's memoirs. Göttingen 2015, p. 254.
  138. With further references Horst Fuhrmann: Papal history writing. Baselines and stages. In: Arnold Esch, Jens Petersen (ed.): History and historical science in the culture of Italy and Germany. Tübingen 1989, pp. 141-183, here: p. 159.
  139. Sebastian Scholz: Politics - Self-Understanding - Self-Presentation. The Popes in Carolingian and Ottonian times. Stuttgart 2006, p. 11.
  140. Rudolf Schieffer : World status and national seduction. The German-speaking Medieval Studies from the late 19th century to 1918. In: Peter Moraw, Rudolf Schieffer (Hrsg.): The German-speaking Medieval Studies in the 20th Century. Ostfildern 2005, pp. 39–61, here: p. 58 ( online ).
  141. ^ Sylvia Paletschek: Tübingen university professor in the First World War. War experiences on the “home front” university and in the field. In: Gerhard Hirschfeld, Gerd Krumeich, Dieter Langewiesche, Hans-Peter Ullmann (Hrsg.): War experiences. Studies on the social and mental history of the First World War. Essen, pp. 83-106, here: p. 99 ( online ).
  142. ^ Dieter Langewiesche: The Eberhard-Karls-Universität Tübingen in the Weimar Republic. Crisis experiences and distance to democracy at German universities. In: Journal for Württemberg State History. Vol. 51, 1992, pp. 345-381, here: p. 368.
  143. Call for "The Universities of the German Empire to the Universities Abroad" o. O., o. D. [September 1914]. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, No. 143.
  144. The universities of the German Empire to the universities abroad, without a location, without a year. The published appeal is printed in: Klaus Böhme (Ed.): Appeals and Speeches of German Professors in the First World War. Stuttgart 1975, No. 4, pp. 51-54; can also be viewed online .
  145. ^ Dieter Langewiesche: The Eberhard-Karls-Universität Tübingen in the Weimar Republic. Crisis experiences and distance to democracy at German universities. In: Journal for Württemberg State History. Vol. 51, 1992, pp. 345-381, here: p. 370.
  146. ^ Benjamin Hasselhorn: Johannes Haller. A biography of a political scholar. With an edition of the unpublished part of Johannes Haller's memoirs. Göttingen 2015, p. 138.
  147. ^ Johannes Haller to Eduard Meyer, Tübingen, July 19, 1916. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, No. 147.
  148. ^ Johannes Haller to Hans Jakob Haller, Stuttgart, April 12, 1942. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, No. 341.
  149. ^ Benjamin Hasselhorn: Johannes Haller. A biography of a political scholar. With an edition of the unpublished part of Johannes Haller's memoirs. Göttingen 2015, p. 123 f.
  150. Johannes Haller: The Russian danger in the German house. Stuttgart 1917, p. 94.
  151. Klaus Schwabe: Science and Morale of War. The German university professors and the basic political questions of the First World War. Göttingen et al. 1969, p. 106 f.
  152. Johannes Haller: The Russian danger in the German house. Stuttgart 1917, p. 57. See: Ingo Haar: East European research and “East research” in the paradigm dispute: Otto Hoetzsch, Albert Brackmann and German history. In: Dittmar Dahlmann (Hrsg.): Hundred Years of Eastern European History. Past, present and future. Stuttgart 2005, pp. 37–54, here: p. 39.
  153. ^ Benjamin Hasselhorn: Johannes Haller. A biography of a political scholar. With an edition of the unpublished part of Johannes Haller's memoirs. Göttingen 2015, pp. 124–131.
  154. ^ Benjamin Hasselhorn: Johannes Haller. A biography of a political scholar. With an edition of the unpublished part of Johannes Haller's memoirs. Göttingen 2015, p. 128 f.
  155. Steffen Kaudelka: Johannes Haller. France and French history from the perspective of a Baltic German. In: Ulrich Pfeil (Ed.): The German Historical Institute Paris and its founding fathers. Munich 2007, pp. 178–197, here: p. 183 ( digitized version ).
  156. ^ Johannes Haller: The Marbacher Annalen. A source-critical investigation into the history of the Staufer period. Berlin 1912.
  157. ^ Johannes Haller: Innocent III. and the empire of Henry VI. In: Historical quarterly. Vol. 20, 1920, pp. 23-36. Compare with Benjamin Hasselhorn: Johannes Haller. A biography of a political scholar. With an edition of the unpublished part of Johannes Haller's memoirs. Göttingen 2015, p. 131.
  158. ^ Benjamin Hasselhorn: Johannes Haller. A biography of a political scholar. With an edition of the unpublished part of Johannes Haller's memoirs. Göttingen 2015, p. 139 f.
  159. ^ Dieter Langewiesche: The Eberhard-Karls-Universität Tübingen in the Weimar Republic. Crisis experiences and distance to democracy at German universities. In: Journal for Württemberg State History. Vol. 51, 1992, pp. 345-381, here: p. 368.
  160. ^ Christian Jansen: Professors and Politics. Political thinking and acting of the Heidelberg university professors. 1914-1935. Göttingen 1992, p. 109.
  161. Hans-Peter Bleuel: Germany's Confessors. Professors between the Empire and the dictatorship. Bern et al. 1968, p. 90 f.
  162. Benjamin Hasselhorn: Introduction. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, pp. 1–35, here: p. 16.
  163. ^ Benjamin Hasselhorn: Johannes Haller. A biography of a political scholar. With an edition of the unpublished part of Johannes Haller's memoirs. Göttingen 2015, p. 151 ff.
  164. Johannes Haller: The Bülow era. A historical-political study. Stuttgart et al. 1922, p. 142. Cf. Mario Daniels: Geschichtswwissenschaft im 20. Jahrhundert. Institutionalization processes and development of the association of persons at the University of Tübingen 1918–1964. Stuttgart 2009, p. 318.
  165. Johannes Haller: The Bülow era. A historical-political study. Stuttgart et al. 1922, p. 89.
  166. ^ Benjamin Hasselhorn: Johannes Haller. A biography of a political scholar. With an edition of the unpublished part of Johannes Haller's memoirs. Göttingen 2015, p. 151.
  167. Bernd Schneidmüller: Consensual rule. An essay on forms and concepts of political order in the Middle Ages. In: Paul-Joachim Heinig et al. (Ed.): Empire, regions and Europe in the Middle Ages and modern times. Festschrift for Peter Moraw. Berlin 2000, pp. 53-87, here: p. 62 ( online ).
  168. Folker Reichert: Learned life. Karl Hampe, the Middle Ages and the history of the Germans. Göttingen 2009, p. 205.
  169. Cf. in general on the Middle Ages picture Gerd Althoff: The Middle Ages picture of the Germans before and after 1945. A sketch. In: Paul-Joachim Heinig (Ed.): Empire, regions and Europe in the Middle Ages and modern times. Festschrift for Peter Moraw. Berlin 2000, pp. 731-749.
  170. Johannes Haller: The Epochs of German History. Stuttgart et al. 1923, p. 29.
  171. ^ Johannes Haller: Das olddeutsche Kaisertum Stuttgart et al. 1926, p. 76.
  172. Johannes Haller: The Epochs of German History. Stuttgart et al. 1923, p. 139.
  173. Johannes Haller: The Epochs of German History. Stuttgart et al. 1923, p. 232.
  174. Johannes Haller: The Epochs of German History. Stuttgart et al. 1923, pp. 86 and 87. Cf. Stephanie Kluge: Continuity or change? For the evaluation of high medieval royal rule by the early West German medieval studies. In: Early Medieval Studies. Vol. 48, 2014, pp. 39–120, here: p. 49.
  175. ^ Karl Ferdinand Werner: The NS-historical image and the German historical science. Stuttgart et al. 1967, p. 71.
  176. Heribert Müller: The admired hereditary enemy. Johannes Haller, France and the French Late Middle Ages. In: Historical magazine. Vol. 252, 1991, pp. 265-317, here: pp. 278 f.
  177. Johannes Haller: The Epochs of German History. Stuttgart et al. 1923, pp. 29 ff. And 143 ff. Cf. Hans-Erich Volkmann: Deutsche Historiker im Banne des Nationalozialismus. In: Wilfried Loth, Bernd-A. Rusinek (Hrsg.): Umwandlungspolitik. Nazi elites in West German post-war society. Frankfurt am Main et al. 1998, pp. 285-312, here: p. 297; Steffen Kaudelka: Johannes Haller. France and French history from the perspective of a Baltic German. In: Ulrich Pfeil (Ed.): The German Historical Institute Paris and its founding fathers. Munich 2007, pp. 178–197, here: p. 196 ( digitized version ).
  178. Marc Bloch in: Revue Historique. Vol. 175, 1935, p. 158.
  179. ^ Benjamin Hasselhorn: Johannes Haller. A biography of a political scholar. With an edition of the unpublished part of Johannes Haller's memoirs. Göttingen 2015, pp. 203-213.
  180. ^ Ernst Schulin: The picture of France by German historians during the Weimar Republic. In: Francia . Vol. 4, 1976, pp. 659-673, here: 662 ( digitized version )
  181. Heribert Müller: The admired hereditary enemy. Johannes Haller, France and the French Middle Ages. In: Historical magazine. Vol. 252, 1991, pp. 265-317.
  182. Heribert Müller: The admired hereditary enemy. Johannes Haller, France and the French Middle Ages. In: Historical magazine. Vol. 252, 1991, pp. 265-317, here: pp. 296 and 310.
  183. Heribert Müller: The admired hereditary enemy. Johannes Haller, France and the French Middle Ages. In: Historical magazine. Vol. 252, 1991, pp. 265-317, here: pp. 298 ff.
  184. ^ Johannes Haller: The enfeoffment of Renes of Anjou with the Kingdom of Naples (1436). In: Sources and research from Italian archives and libraries . Vol. 4, 1901, pp. 184-207.
  185. Heribert Müller: The admired hereditary enemy. Johannes Haller, France and the French Middle Ages. In: Historical magazine. Vol. 252, 1991, pp. 265-317, here: p. 276.
  186. Heribert Müller: The French, France and the Basel Council. (1431-1449). Vol. 2. Paderborn et al. 1990, pp. 500-517.
  187. Heribert Müller: The admired hereditary enemy. Johannes Haller, France and the French Middle Ages. In: Historical magazine. Vol. 252, 1991, pp. 265-317, here: pp. 296 and 311. Cf. also Benjamin Hasselhorn: Johannes Haller. A biography of a political scholar. With an edition of the unpublished part of Johannes Haller's memoirs. Göttingen 2015, p. 210.
  188. Cf. with numerous examples Folker Reichert: Gelehrtes Leben. Karl Hampe, the Middle Ages and the history of the Germans. Göttingen 2009, p. 347, note 136.
  189. ^ Paul Fridolin Kehr to Johannes Haller, September 2, 1903. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865-1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, p. 256 f.
  190. ^ Johannes Haller to Ferdinand Wagner, Rome, December 13, 1896. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, No. 62.
  191. Johannes Haller to Heinrich Dannenbauer, Stuttgart, August 24, 1941. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, No. 336.
  192. ^ Johannes Haller to Ferdinand Wagner, Rome, November 4, 1901. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, No. 72.
  193. ^ Johannes Haller to Heinrich Dannenbauer, Stuttgart, January 26, 1938. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, No. 296.
  194. ^ Johannes Haller to Paul Fridolin Kehr, Marburg, January 11, 1904. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, No. 120.
  195. Johannes Haller to Ferdinand Wagner, Tübingen, October 9, 1921. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, no.194.
  196. ^ Johannes Haller to Anton Haller, Munich, July 29/16, 1902. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, No. 85.
  197. Johannes Haller to Anton Haller, Marburg, May 10 / April 27, 1903. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, No. 105.
  198. ^ Johannes Haller to Arnold Oskar Meyer, Tübingen, April 12, 1924. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, No. 202.
  199. Michael Matthiesen: Controversy and Denomination. Gerhard Ritter's dispute with Johannes Haller about humanism and the Reformation in the context of nationalism and National Socialism. In: Pirckheimer-Jahrbuch for Renaissance and Humanism Research. Vol. 15/16, 2000/01, pp. 276-299.
  200. Quoted from Christoph Cornelißen: Gerhard Ritter. History and Politics in the 20th Century. Düsseldorf 2001, p. 264.
  201. ^ Johannes Haller to Philipp Fürst zu Eulenburg-Hertefeld, Tübingen, January 18, 1921. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, No. 191 or Johannes Haller to Elisabeth (Fueter-) Haller, Wildbad, August 12, 1929. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, no. 225 and Johannes Haller to Eduard Haller, Stuttgart, January 15, 1939. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, No. 305.
  202. Johannes Haller to Elisabeth (Fueter) Haller, Wildbad, August 12, 1929. In: Benjamin Hasselhorn, Christian Kleinert (arr.): Johannes Haller (1865–1947). Letters from a historian. Munich 2014, No. 225.
  203. ^ Benjamin Hasselhorn: Johannes Haller. A biography of a political scholar. With an edition of the unpublished part of Johannes Haller's memoirs. Göttingen 2015, p. 197 f.
  204. Cf. the further references to the technical discussions Benjamin Hasselhorn: Johannes Haller. A biography of a political scholar. With an edition of the unpublished part of Johannes Haller's memoirs. Göttingen 2015, p. 182.
  205. Steffen Kaudelka: Johannes Haller. France and French history from the perspective of a Baltic German. In: Ulrich Pfeil (Ed.): The German Historical Institute Paris and its founding fathers. Munich 2007, pp. 178–197, here: p. 191 ( digitized version ).
  206. Heribert Müller: The admired hereditary enemy. Johannes Haller, France and the French Late Middle Ages. In: Historical magazine. Vol., 252, 1991, pp. 265-317, here: p. 273 ( online ).
  207. Folker Reichert: Learned life. Karl Hampe, the Middle Ages and the history of the Germans. Göttingen 2009, p. 308.
  208. Gerhard Ritter: Present situation and future tasks of German historical science. Opening lecture of the 20th German Historians' Day in Munich on September 12, 1949. In: Historische Zeitschrift. Vol. 170, 1950, pp. 1–22, here: p. 6.
  209. ^ Review of Ludwig Dehio in: Historische Zeitschrift. Vol. 172, 1951, p. 324 f.
  210. ^ Hans Georg Gundel: History at the University of Giessen in the 20th century. In: Ludwig University. Justus Liebig University 1607–1957. Festschrift for the 350th anniversary. Giessen 1957, p. 232.
  211. Stephanie Kluge: Continuity or Change? For the evaluation of high medieval royal rule by the early West German medieval studies. In: Early Medieval Studies. Vol. 48, 2014, pp. 39–120, here: p. 49.
  212. ^ Benjamin Hasselhorn: Johannes Haller. A biography of a political scholar. With an edition of the unpublished part of Johannes Haller's memoirs. Göttingen 2015, pp. 277–288.
  213. Gerd Althoff: The high medieval monarchy. Accents of an unfinished reassessment. In: Early Medieval Studies. Vol. 45, 2011, pp. 77-98.
  214. Bernd Schneidmüller: Consensual rule. An essay on forms and concepts of political order in the Middle Ages. In: Paul-Joachim Heinig (Ed.): Empire, regions and Europe in the Middle Ages and modern times. Festschrift for Peter Moraw. Berlin 2000, pp. 53-87.
  215. Steffen Kaudelka: Johannes Haller. France and French history from the perspective of a Baltic German. In: Ulrich Pfeil (Ed.): The German Historical Institute Paris and its founding fathers. Munich 2007, p. 178–197, here: p. 179 ( digitized version ).
  216. Steffen Kaudelka: Johannes Haller. France and French history from the perspective of a Baltic German. In: Ulrich Pfeil (Ed.): The German Historical Institute Paris and its founding fathers. Munich 2007, pp. 178–197, here: p. 178 ( digitized version ); Heribert Müller: The admired hereditary enemy. Johannes Haller, France and the French Middle Ages. In: Historical magazine. Vol. 252, 1991, pp. 265-317, here: p. 273.
  217. See the reviews by Matthias Berg in: H-Soz-Kult , October 11, 2017, ( online ); Peter Herde in: Sources and research from Italian archives and libraries . 99, 2019, pp. 549-551; Rudolf Schieffer in: German Archive for Research into the Middle Ages . 40, 1984, pp. 626-627 ( online ).


This article was added to the list of excellent articles on November 27, 2016 in this version .