Pan-German Association

from Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

The Pan-German Association ( General German Association until 1894 ) existed from 1891 to 1939. During the time of the German Empire , it was at times one of the largest and best-known agitation associations . He was perceived as one of the loudest and most influential organizations in the völkisch spectrum. Its program was expansionist , Pan-Germanic , militaristic , nationalistic and determined by racist and anti-Semitic ways of thinking . Regionally, the Pan-German Association was organized in local groups that also existed abroad.

history

prehistory

The actual trigger for the establishment of the Pan-German Association was the consultation of the Helgoland-Sansibar Treaty . On June 24, 1890, four Germans living in Switzerland, the doctors Adolf Eugen Fick , Walther Felix and Otto Lubarsch and the bookseller Albert Müller , published an appeal against the treaty in several German daily newspapers under the motto “Germany wake up!” Theodor Reismann-Grone and Alfred Hugenberg then got in touch with the initiators. Hugenberg agreed to found a "National Association" to promote German colonial interests and agreed to take over its organization. On September 28, 1890, Hugenberg and Reismann-Grone met Adolf Fick (uncle of Adolf Eugen Fick), Johannes Wislicenus (father-in-law of Adolf Eugen Fick), Theodor Eimer and Carl J. Fuchs in Frankfurt am Main for a preparatory meeting.

Development until 1903

Friedrich Ratzel

On April 9, 1891, the “General German Association” was founded in Berlin with the support of Carl Peters . The founding members also included Emil Kirdorf , Emil Possehl , Friedrich Ratzel and others. Carl Peters and the former Chancellor Otto von Bismarck were accepted as the first honorary members . The main features of the pan-German program were fully developed in the 1890s: expansion, building up the fleet , promoting Germanness and fighting minorities in the German Reich .

In the first few years there were numerous internal disputes about the course to be taken and also with regard to recruiting new members. The then chairman Karl von der Heydt took the view that the association should found its own party, a 'national party'; his opponents, including Claß, Lamprecht, Hugenberg and Reismann-Grone, on the other hand, demanded strict independence and a stay out of party politics. The latter position finally prevailed. In addition, there were problems with communication between the members within the association and public relations work could not be carried out as hoped due to financial difficulties. On July 5, 1893, Heydt resigned at the board meeting, his successor was Ernst Hasse , who was the executive chairman until 1908. In 1894 the name Pan-German Association was chosen, which concluded the restructuring of the association. The term “alldeutsch”, initially only intended as an extension of “Reichsdeutsch”, was given the connotation “particularly patriotic” in the statements of the association; it became the comparative of "German". The founding appeal said that the new association did not want to fight the government , but wanted to promote it in line with its program. Although the ADV repeatedly criticized her from time to time until 1902, the association did not form any general opposition. The main goals were to stimulate patriotic awareness, to cultivate and support German interests abroad and to promote an active German interest policy. In addition, the work of the association should continue to be “outside the party system”. Until his death in 1908, Hasse was also the most influential member in terms of the ideological principles of the association. He recorded this in several essays that were published from 1905 to 1908 under the title 'German Politics'. In addition, the association itself published the so-called 'Alldeutsche Blätter', which also contained the program and the ideological views of the association. The tremendous echo that the Pan-Germans triggered abroad before and during the war was less due to the official publications of the association, which for tactical reasons was often as mild and measured as possible , than to the writings of the so-called wild Pan-Germans . Only a fraction of the quotations given in the best-known and most extensive works by foreign authors dealing with the Pan-German danger can be traced back to the association itself. Pan-German circles were shaped by racial arrogance, the sharpest anti-Semitism, an autarky complex demanding expansion and the commitment to war as a creative vital force, as innovator and sustainer, the great doctor and gardener who accompanied humanity on its way to higher development .

Radicalization since 1903

Heinrich Class

A turning point in the history of the Pan-German Association was the Association Day in 1903. Here, the later chairman Heinrich Claß gave a speech entitled “Balance of the New Course”. With this speech, in which, in addition to Reich Chancellor Bernhard von Bülow , Kaiser Wilhelm II and Bismarck were also sharply attacked, the Pan-German Association made the transition to open opposition. The leadership of the German Reich was accused of failure in foreign policy and demanded a more energetic external appearance. The decisive factor for the stronger direction of the association, however, was that the racial idea was now included in the statutes of the Pan-German Association and thus "firmly anchored in the pan-German program as a defining feature of the 'German people'". The fierce opposition of the association to the Reich leadership and Wilhelm II, however, led the association to the verge of collapse.

For this reason, Claß, who was elected chairman of the association in 1908, felt compelled to gradually lessen the sharp criticism of the policy of the Reich leadership and - particularly in relation to Germany's policy towards Austria-Hungary - to completely revise the line of the association. Until 1908, if the focus was ultimately on the connection of the German territories of Austria-Hungary to Germany, a close alliance between the Habsburg dual monarchy and the German Empire was now advocated. However, this met with considerable resistance within the association. In particular, Theodor Reismann-Grone , the editor of the influential Rheinisch-Westfälische Zeitung , opposed the changed course of Claß.

Until the outbreak of the First World War , Claß did not dare to openly resolve the conflict with Reismann-Grone, because he would ultimately have to fear a split in the association, which would have led to its political insignificance. In addition, there were considerable financial problems, which ultimately never allowed the association to consolidate until the outbreak of the world war. Added to this were the growing contradictions with other national associations. In this respect, the Berlin government managed to keep the association at a distance until the outbreak of war and only use it for its interests when necessary. But even in the second Morocco crisis , the State Secretary of the Foreign Office, Alfred von Kiderlen-Waechter, distanced himself from the statements of the association management.

The outcome of the second Moroccan crisis showed the limited possibilities of the Pan-Germans to actually put pressure on the government. Their influence on public opinion in Germany was also rather limited. The government under Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg had backed away from France in the eyes of the Pan-Germans . In the opinion of the Pan-Germans, this meant a failure of German politics. As a consequence, the Pan-Germans demanded increased armament from 1912, which was particularly advertised by the German Wehrverein.

The influence of the Pan-German Association is particularly evident in its involvement in other clubs and associations. Members of the association were often represented in leading positions in other associations. Due to the multiple memberships within the völkisch movement, information and news could be constantly and quickly exchanged and disseminated. This resulted in relationships between the Pan-Germans and the following organizations:

Interests and ideology of the association

imperialism

The Pan-German Association was founded to promote German colonial interests and opposed the Bismarcks with its idea of ​​colonial policy. The striving for an active and “vigorous German policy of interests in Europe and at sea” has been reflected in the association's statutes since it was founded. These continually demand the “continuation of the German colonial movement to practical results”. Particularly parts of Africa and the Orient were preferred, as, according to Hasse, the continued existence of the German people would only be possible if settlement land could be found “in moderate climates”. Pan-German imperialism was less interested in overseas territories than in acquiring new territories close to the German borders. The idea was to establish a 'Greater Germany'. True to the statutes of the Pan-German Association, the most decisive point for its imperialist endeavors was the “maintenance and support of German-national endeavors in all countries where members of our people have to fight to maintain their individual character, and the amalgamation of all German units on earth for These goals. ”The commitment of the Pan-Germans to the complete community of all Germans, not bound by the Reich German borders, their national attitude, naturally made the Habsburg Monarchy their main propagandistic target, as the largest German-speaking population groups lived there outside the German Reich. Economic interests were therefore only of secondary importance for pan-German colonial policy. First and foremost, it was a matter of finding and settling new living space for securing and expanding the German people. Heinrich Claß already represented pan-German colonial endeavors in his book If I Were the Kaiser , which he published under the pseudonym Daniel Frymann. In it he advocated "expansion in Europe". He already alluded to the so-called Pan-German Central Europe Program, which was being debated for the “creation of a Central European economic area dominated by Germany”. In addition, the acquisition of new living space in the east continued to be the focus of the program, which is why it is also referred to as 'Eastern imperialism'. In the pan-German sheets of January 7, 1894, it was announced programmatically:

“The old urge to go east should come back to life. To the east and south-east we must gain elbow room in order to secure the living conditions for the Germanic race which it needs to fully develop its strengths, even if such inferior peoples as the Czechs, Slovenes and Slovaks, who invoke the nationality principle, give it for civilization should forfeit useless existence. "

ideology

The thinking of the Pan-Germans was permeated by the teachings of so-called social Darwinism and Lamarckism , by the struggle for existence , by the right of the fittest and the conviction that the fast-growing German people needed more living space in order to survive. If they were accused of denying the minorities those rights which they in turn demanded for their tribal comrades abroad, they openly admitted that they only represented the interests of the German people, that is, they had elevated their national egoism to an ideological program. In addition to the interests of colonial politics, the statutes of the association also include the striving for a "revitalization of patriotic consciousness in the homeland and [the] fight against all directions opposite to national development." This again shows the national attitude and worldview of the association, which was particularly influenced by racist traits. The cornerstones of the Pan-Germans' völkisch thought were shaped by the three broad categories of language, religion and race. Both language and religion should correspond to the German 'race' and be in the tradition of the Teutons. Religion and racial ideology represented "the two axes of the ideological coordinate system". The latter can be seen as the "general key to the understanding of national ideology and movement". The Pan-Germans particularly insisted on a "natural inequality of people". Thus they saw themselves as the highest of all races and strived for a 'racial purity' which was to be realized through a so-called race renewal program. Thereby they hoped for a German-Völkisch person "who had to be tall, long-headed, blond and blue-eyed". At this point it becomes clear that the plans and demands propagated by the National Socialists and Adolf Hitler already existed in society at the beginning of the 20th century, were discussed in pan-German circles and were especially disseminated by them.

"Alldeutschland" - the concept of the national state

The fundamental elements of the ideology of the Pan-Germans were also found in their idea of ​​the ethnic state. The two pan-Germans Heinrich Claß and Leopold von Vietinghoff-Scheel designed several complex concepts for this high goal of the association. Essentially, these plans were based on racist and anti-Semitic views and therefore provided for the segregation of non-German citizens. After that, "the German people ... spiritually, mentally and physically from level to level" could develop. This again shows the goal of racial purity. Vietinghoff-Scheel also called for a differentiation of the population into racist categories (such as 'useful' or 'inferior'). The subjects of education and youth were of particular importance. Pan-German, ethnic views and values ​​should already be conveyed during school education in order to shape the following generations with these ideas and concepts. In addition, a new imperial and economic order should be created and a stronger policy with regard to population and spatial planning should be pursued. The rejection of parliamentarism and liberalism led to the Pan-German demand for a national dictatorship. Heinrich Claß in particular represented this endeavor, as he was aware that the pan-German program could only have been implemented through a dictatorship. The Pan-Germans thus strived for the creation of an "anti-Galitarian, anti-democratic, professionally organized, sacred racial state with a Germanic ideological value system vaulted by a specific religion." The state that the Pan-Germans planned in their writings, with its rigid regulations and the promotion of the racial purity of its residents , would have meant the exaggerated further development of the authoritarian-structured Prussian military state with its authority and general standardization, combined with discrimination against marginalized groups and those who think differently. The overemphasis on Germanness with simultaneous expulsion or forced assimilation of the Slavic and Jewish population of the annexed areas equated the Pan-Germans with the strengthening of the old German virtues such as diligence, the fulfillment of duties and down-to-earth conservatism . Here, too, expansion and strengthening towards the outside should suppress internal problems, such as social tensions and economic or legal-political injustices, and thus apparently solve them.

First World War

The First World War was a heyday for the Pan-German Association. At last his demands for expansion on the continent were no longer isolated; its membership grew, as did its influence on right-wing parties. The Pan-German Association developed a meaning that it had never had before in German society.

However, the association was not well suited for successful war target propaganda due to its years of agitation, which severely discredited it in bourgeois circles. Therefore it remained largely coordinating and mediating in the background, its members were involved in groups such as the Independent Committee for a German Peace . With members such as Stresemann, Westarp, Wangenheim, later Tirpitz and H. St. Chamberlain and its Pan-German chairman Dietrich Schäfer, this became the center of the discussion about the objectives of the war. The Pan-German Association acted more as a kind of political-ideological workshop that supplied the other agitation associations with intellectual weapons . The committee later took part in the founding of the German Fatherland Party as a kind of syndicate of all national associations (September 2, 1917).

During the World War, the Pan-Germans represented radical war aims . In this way a Central European customs union was to emerge under German hegemony . Which should continue to Netherlands and Switzerland as well as Belgium called - unlawfully separated parts of the German Empire [1648-1806] - and the closed German populated parts of Austria-Hungary and Liechtenstein (as in 1866 lost federal parts attached) the German Reich and parts of France placed under German supervision become. The plans for the eastern borders were similar: Russia should lose most of its western territory. The British Empire was to be smashed in favor of the German colonial empire.

In September 1914, the chairman Heinrich Claß drafted a memorandum on the war aims, which envisaged the Boulogne - Belfort line as the western border and the Peipus Lake and the Dnepr estuary as the eastern border . Russia is to be thrown back on the frontiers before Peter the Great and must even cede Siberia. A smaller Poland , the “rest of Ukraine” and the Baltic Sea states are to be brought into different dependencies on Germany. The east was to be colonized by Germany through extensive resettlement projects, England was to lose Ireland and its colonies. He justified his demands with “vulgar nationalist” slogans such as “right of conquest”. The authorities disliked Claß's memorandum less in its tendency than in its dimensions, whereupon Bethmann Hollweg had it confiscated. The plans of the memorandum in the east did not differ significantly from those of Rosenberg in the Reichskommissariat Ostland , 27 years later, even the jargon, "resettlement", "Germanization", "hegemony" and "Greater Germany" is largely the same.

The Pan-Germans, on the other hand, had no direct influence on the Supreme Army Command (OHL), although Hindenburg and Ludendorff were internally close to its world of thought. Pan-German ideas could only spread to a limited extent in the army, but the circle around Ludendorff adopted these ideas, so that the association gained considerable weight indirectly in the second half of the war; The Ludendorff intimate and notorious anti - Semite Lieutenant Colonel Bauer served as a liaison between the OHL and the association. OHL and Pan-Germans often worked hand in hand as allies, as with the publication of Claß's memorandum in the spring of 1918. Heinrich Claß converted his war target memorandum from September 1914 into a pamphlet which, with a circulation of 35,000, was distributed with the consent and participation of Ludendorff has been.

Development from 1918 to 1939

On October 19, 1918, the top management of the Pan-German Association passed an appeal in which the association publicly admitted to anti-Semitism for the first time. After the First World War, however, the Pan-German Association no longer played a major role in public.

In the German Revolution of 1918/1919, the ADV supported the Freikorps , which put down the Spartakus uprising in Berlin in 1919, the Munich Soviet Republic in 1919 and the March uprising in the Ruhr area in 1920. However, Claß distanced himself from the Kapp Putsch , which he considered poorly prepared because he feared legal consequences for the association. For a short time he placed hopes in Georg Escherich and his organization , but then founded the North German Ordnungsblock (NOB) himself, based on the model of the Bavarian Ordnungsblock , to which the AV was affiliated , in order to set up its own paramilitary associations. However, the NOB was dissolved by the Berlin police chief immediately after its registration in October 1920, so that the Pan-Germans remained far from having their own armed forces.

The 'Bamberg Declaration' of February 16, 1919 laid down the ADV for the restoration of pre-war conditions, both politically and territorially. In August 1919 there was an amendment to the statutes, which reflected the Bamberg Declaration: restoration of the empire, building a strong army, regaining the lost territories, racial advancement of the German people, exclusion of Jews from the association (see also Aryan paragraph ).

On February 18, 1919, at the meeting in Bamberg, the Deutschvölkische Schutz- und Trutzbund was founded as a subsidiary or subsidiary of the association. In the early Weimar Republic, the Bund became the largest ethnic and anti-Semitic mass organization. The Schutz- und Trutzbund agitated against the Weimar Republic, supported attacks on its proponents and had around 180,000 members before it was banned because of the murder of Walther Rathenau in 1922.

In 1926 there were rumors that Claß and other Pan-Germans were preparing a putsch to forcibly abolish the Weimar constitution. After the police searched the house, a preliminary investigation was opened against Claß on suspicion of preparing high treason, which was discontinued in October 1927 for lack of evidence.

The Pan-Germans could no longer gain any noticeable influence on German politics until 1939. Although the association was ideologically close to the NSDAP, it did not follow it unconditionally. In 1932 there was brief resentment between the NSDAP and the association when the association was accused of having thwarted Hitler's chancellorship. The Pan-Germans, on the other hand, accused the National Socialists of betraying the national idea and called on their supporters to support the German National People's Party (DNVP).

After the seizure of power by the Nazi Party, the Pan-German were tolerated because of their ideological closeness and finally on 13 March 1939 by Reinhard Heydrich dissolved on the grounds that the club program (namely, the union of all Germans in a Greater Germany ) is satisfied.

In their overall conception, in the demand that the individual German must unconditionally subordinate himself to the whole of the people, represented by the state and authorities, the pan-German projects were clearly forerunners and pioneers of National Socialism. Expansion to the east, the conquest of new living space was not the invention of Hitler, the child of the Pan-Germans ( Fritz Fischer ), or Himmler , but was sketched out by the Pan-Germans.

Membership development

Just one year after it was founded, the Pan-German Association had 21,000 members. He did not exceed this number before the First World War. By 1894 the number of members had fallen to just under 4,600 due to internal disputes. In 1900 the association again had a little over 20,000 members, and when the war broke out in 1914, 18,000 individual members were registered. By 1918 the number rose to 36,377, only to drop again thereafter. The Pan-German Association reached its highest level of individual members in 1922 with around 52,000. After that, many members left the association and in 1932 it finally had only 8,000 members. Until the dissolution in 1939, these numbers did not change significantly.

In addition to individual membership, there was also the possibility of corporate membership, because entire clubs could be members of the Pan-German Association. In 1905 101 clubs with a total of 130,000 people belonged to the association as corporate members. No figures on corporate memberships are available for the period after the First World War.

Margaret Lavinia Anderson points out that left-wing and liberal newspapers achieved far higher circulations than right-wing newspapers, and sees this as an indication of a creeping marginalization of the right. This promoted radicalization, while the latter in turn promoted marginalization. If the Pan-German Association once had liberal imperialists of high standing in its ranks, it degenerated into "an unpopular group of racist weirdos". The members were mostly men "who joined after hearing a rousing speech, but whose commitment often did not go any further." For comparison: the Catholic Volksverein had more than 36 times as many members in 1914, the SPD in 1907 more than 44 -times. Only the support of industrialists saved the Pan-German Association from dissolution. For the nationalist opinion, the fleet association was more typical at that time.

Publication organs

  • Announcements from the General German Association . 1891-1893; with an edition of 12,000
  • Pan-German sheets . From 1894; weekly in an edition of 10,000; Editor-in-chief 1908–1914: Ernst Graf zu Reventlow
  • Pamphlets of the Pan-German Association . 1894-1914; a total of 34 booklets with different print runs on specific occasions
  • The struggle for Germanness . 1897-1911; 16 booklets with unknown circulation
  • Handbook of the Pan-German Association . From 1896
  • Pan-German advertising and memo booklet . From 1897; annual publication

The Pan-German Movement in Austria

The Pan-German Movement in Austria-Hungary or, after the end of the First World War, in German Austria (1918/19) and the Republic of Austria (from 1919), the Pan-German Association also called Pan-German Movement (ADB) , had many ideological similarities with the Association of Rich but no direct organizational ties with him. Pan-German strongholds were the Sudetenland , in particular western Bohemia (region around Asch and Eger ), further parts of the Waldviertel (Lower Austria) as well as some municipal districts of the capital Vienna .

Georg Ritter von Schönerer was the founder of the Pan-German Movement . Symbols of the Austrian Pan-Germans were the colors of the German national movement from the first half of the 19th century (black, red and gold) and the blue cornflower as the favorite flower of the German Emperor Wilhelm I. The movement felt itself to be one of the legal successors of the German National Movement .

The Pan-German movement in Austria was Greater German , anti-Semitic , anti-socialist or anti-Bolshevik , anti-democratic and anti-clerical ( “Lot of Rome” ). Due to its radical anti-Semitism and Los-von-Rom agitation, the movement split off from the other German national bourgeois parties and organizations that continued to support the Christian Church , while Schönerer began to turn his movement away from Judeo-Christianity and towards Wotan .

literature

  • Alfred Kruck: History of the Pan-German Association 1890-1939 (= publications of the Institute for European History, Mainz. Vol. 3). Steiner, Wiesbaden 1954 (at the same time: Kiel, University, dissertation, 1954).
  • Edgar Hartwig: Pan-German Association (ADV) 1891-1939. The bourgeois and petty bourgeois parties and associations in Germany (1789–1945). In: Dieter Fricke (Hrsg.): Lexicon for the history of parties. Vol. 1, Leipzig 1983, pp. 13-47.
  • Günter Schödl: Pan-German Association and German Minority Policy in Hungary 1890-1914 (= Erlanger historical studies. Vol. 3). Lang, Frankfurt 1978, ISBN 3-261-02391-0 .
  • Michael Peters: The Pan-German Association on the eve of the First World War (1908–1914). A contribution to the history of völkisch nationalism in late Wilhelmine Germany (= European university publications . Vol. 501). Lang, Frankfurt am Main 1992, ISBN 3-631-44204-1 .
  • Michael Peters: The "Pan-German Association". In: Uwe Puschner (Ed.): Handbook on the “Völkische Movement”. 1871-1918. Saur, Munich 1999, ISBN 3-598-11421-4 , pp. 301-315.
  • Peter Walkenhorst: Nation - People - Race. Radical nationalism in the German Empire 1890–1914 (= Critical Studies in History . Vol. 176). Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen 2007, ISBN 978-3-525-35157-4 (also: Bielefeld, Universität, dissertation, 2006).
  • Rainer Hering: Constructed Nation. The Pan-German Association 1890 to 1939. Christians, Hamburg 2003, ISBN 3-7672-1429-6 .
  • Roger Chickering: We Men Who Feel Most German. A Cultural Study of the Pan-German League, 1886-1914. Allen & Unwin, Boston 1984, ISBN 0-04-943030-0 .
  • Uwe Puschner: The national movement in Germany. In: Hannes Heer (Ed.): "Weltanschauung en marche". The Bayreuth Festival and the Jews 1876 to 1945. (= Wagner in discussion. Vol. 10). Königshausen & Neumann, Würzburg 2013, ISBN 978-3-8260-5290-3 , pp. 151–167.
  • Uwe Puschner: The nationalist movement in the Wilhelmine Empire. Language - race - religion. Scientific Book Society, Darmstadt 2001, ISBN 3-534-15052-X .

Web links

Remarks

  1. ↑ Hermann Bott: Lexicon on history and politics in the 20th century. Stuttgart 1971, p. 19.
  2. ↑ Matthias Piefel: anti-Semitism and racial movement in the Kingdom of Saxony from 1879 to 1914. Göttingen 2004, p. 112.
  3. ^ Uwe Puschner: The völkisch movement in Germany. In: Hannes Heer (Ed.): "Weltanschauung en marche". The Bayreuth Festival and the Jews 1876 to 1945. Würzburg 2013, pp. 151–167, here: p. 151.
  4. ^ Rainer Hering: Constructed Nation. The Pan-German Association 1890 to 1939. Hamburg 2003, p. 115.
  5. ↑ Stefan Frech: Hitler's pioneer? Theodor Reismann-Grone. A völkisch nationalist (1863–1949). Paderborn 2009, pp. 94-97.
    Heidrun Holzbach: The "Hugenberg System". The organization of bourgeois collection politics before the rise of the NSDAP. Stuttgart 1981, p. 27.
  6. ^ Michael Peters: Alldeutscher Verband (ADV), 1891-1939. In: Historical Lexicon of Bavaria . March 11, 2011, accessed February 29, 2012 .
  7. ↑ Richard Evan Frankel: Bismarck's Shadow The Cult of Leadership and the Transformation of the German Right, 1898-1945. Oxford 2005, p. 108.
  8. ↑ Otto Bonhard: history of the Pan-German League. Leipzig / Berlin 1920, p. 248f .; Wolfgang J. Mommsen: Imperialism. Its intellectual, political and economic foundations. A source and work book. Hamburg 1977, p. 127.
  9. ^ Rainer Hering: Constructed Nation. The Pan-German Association 1890 to 1939. Hamburg 2003, pp. 115–118.
  10. ^ Alfred Kruck: History of the Pan-German Association. Wiesbaden 1954, p. 7ff.
  11. ^ Rainer Hering: Constructed Nation. The Pan-German Association 1890 to 1939. Hamburg 2003, p. 123.
  12. ↑ Otto Bonhard: history of the Pan-German League. Leipzig / Berlin 1920, pp. 248f., Wolfgang J. Mommsen: Imperialism. Its intellectual, political and economic foundations. A source and work book. Hamburg 1977, p. 127.
  13. ↑ Michael Peters: The "Pan-German Association". In: Uwe Puschner (Ed.): Handbook on the “Völkische Movement”. 1871-1918. Saur, Munich 1999, ISBN 3-598-11421-4 , pp. 301-315, here: p. 303.
  14. ^ Roger Chickering: We Men Who Feel Most German. A Cultural Study of the Pan-German League, 1886-1914. Boston 1984, p. 76.
  15. ^ Alfred Kruck: History of the Pan-German Association. Wiesbaden 1954, pp. 44 and 69f.
  16. ^ Rainer Hering: Constructed Nation. The Pan-German Association 1890 to 1939. Hamburg 2003, p. 125.
  17. ^ Rainer Hering: Constructed Nation. The Pan-German Association 1890 to 1939. Hamburg 2003, p. 127 f.
  18. ^ Rainer Hering: Constructed Nation. The Pan-German Association 1890 to 1939. Hamburg 2003, pp. 128f.
  19. ^ Rainer Hering: Constructed Nation. The Pan-German Association 1890 to 1939. Hamburg 2003, p. 174 f.
  20. ↑ Otto Bonhard: history of the Pan-German League, Leipzig / Berlin 1920, S. 248f .; Wolfgang J. Mpmmsen: Imperialism. Its intellectual, political and economic foundations. A source and work book, Hamburg 1977, p. 127.
  21. ↑ Otto Bonhard: history of the Pan-German League. Leipzig / Berlin 1920, pp. 248f., Wolfgang J. Mommsen: Imperialism. Its intellectual, political and economic foundations. A source and work book. Hamburg 1977, p. 127.
  22. ^ Alfred Kruck: History of the Pan-German Association 1890-1939. Wiesbaden 1954, p. 36.
  23. ^ Alfred Kruck: History of the Pan-German Association 1890-1939. Wiesbaden 1954, p. 39.
  24. ^ Uwe Puschner: The völkisch movement in Germany. In: Hannes Heer (Ed.): "Weltanschauung en marche". The Bayreuth Festival and the Jews 1876 to 1945. Würzburg 2013, pp. 151–167, here: p. 156.
  25. ↑ Otto Bonhard: history of the Pan-German League. Leipzig / Berlin 1920, p. 248f .; Wolfgang J. Mommsen: Imperialism. Its intellectual, political and economic foundations. A source and work book. Hamburg 1977, p. 127.
  26. ^ Alfred Kruck: History of the Pan-German Association. Wiesbaden 1954, p. 223.
  27. ^ Uwe Puschner: The völkisch movement in the Wilhelmine Empire. Language - race - religion. Darmstadt 2001, p. 152.
  28. ↑ Daniel Frymann: If I were the Kaiser - Political Truths and Necessities. Leipzig 1912, p. 140.
  29. ↑ Michael Peters: The Pan-German Association on the eve of the First World War (1908-1914). A contribution to the history of ethnic nationalism in late Wilhelmine Germany. Frankfurt am Main u. a. 1992, p. 39.
  30. ^ Uwe Puschner: The völkisch movement in the Wilhelmine Empire. Language - race - religion. Darmstadt 2001, p. 153.
  31. ^ Rainer Hering: Constructed Nation. The Pan-German Association 1890 to 1939. Hamburg 2003, p. 121.
    Hans-Henning Hahn : Hundred years of Sudeten German history. A national movement in three states. Frankfurt am Main 2007, p. 171.
  32. ^ Alfred Kruck: History of the Pan-German Association . Wiesbaden 1954, p. 4 and 11.
  33. ↑ Otto Bonhard: history of the Pan-German League. Leipzig / Berlin 1920, p. 248f .; Wolfgang J. Mommsen: Imperialism. Its intellectual, political and economic foundations. A source and work book, Hamburg 1977, p. 127.
  34. ^ Uwe Puschner: The völkisch movement in the Wilhelmine Empire. Language - race - religion. Darmstadt 2001, p. 42. Uwe Puschner: The völkisch movement in Germany. In: Hannes Heer (Ed.): "Weltanschauung en marche". The Bayreuth Festival and the Jews 1876 to 1945. Würzburg 2013, pp. 151–167, here: p. 152.
  35. ^ Uwe Puschner: The völkisch movement in the Wilhelmine Empire. Language - race - religion. Darmstadt 2001, p. 46f. and Uwe Puschner: The Volkish Movement in Germany. In: Hannes Heer (Ed.): "Weltanschauung en marche". The Bayreuth Festival and the Jews 1876 to 1945. Würzburg 2013, pp. 151–167, here: pp. 153–155.
  36. ^ Uwe Puschner: The völkisch movement in Germany. In: Hannes Heer (Ed.): "Weltanschauung en marche". The Bayreuth Festival and the Jews 1876 to 1945. Würzburg 2013, pp. 151–167, here: p. 153.
  37. ^ Uwe Puschner: The völkisch movement in Germany. In: Hannes Heer (Ed.): "Weltanschauung en marche". The Bayreuth Festival and the Jews 1876 to 1945. Würzburg 2013, pp. 151–167, here: p. 153.
  38. ^ Rainer Hering: Constructed Nation. The Pan-German Association 1890 to 1939. Hamburg 2003, p. 350.
  39. ^ Uwe Puschner: The völkisch movement in Germany. In: Hannes Heer (Ed.): "Weltanschauung en marche". The Bayreuth Festival and the Jews 1876 to 1945. Würzburg 2013, pp. 151–167, here: p. 154.
  40. ^ Rainer Hering: Constructed Nation. The Pan-German Association 1890 to 1939. Hamburg 2003, p. 376.
  41. ^ Rainer Hering: Constructed Nation. The Pan-German Association 1890 to 1939. Hamburg 2003, p. 354f.
  42. ^ Alfred Kruck: History of the Pan-German Association 1890-1939. Wiesbaden 1954, p. 182.
  43. ^ Rainer Hering: Constructed Nation. The Pan-German Association 1890 to 1939. Hamburg 2003, p. 374.
  44. ^ Uwe Puschner: The völkisch movement in Germany. In: Hannes Heer (Ed.): "Weltanschauung en marche". The Bayreuth Festival and the Jews 1876 to 1945. Würzburg 2013, pp. 151–167, here: p. 169.
  45. ^ Alfred Kruck: History of the Pan-German Association 1890-1939. Wiesbaden 1954, p. 182.
  46. ^ Rainer Hering: Constructed Nation. The Pan-German Association 1890 to 1939. Hamburg 2003, p. 375.
  47. ^ Rainer Hering: Constructed Nation. The Pan-German Association 1890 to 1939. Hamburg 2003, p. 355.
  48. ^ Uwe Puschner: The völkisch movement in Germany. In: Hannes Heer (Ed.): "Weltanschauung en marche". The Bayreuth Festival and the Jews 1876 to 1945. Würzburg 2013, pp. 151–167, here: p. 156.
  49. ^ Henry Cord Meyer: Central Europe in German Thought and Action 1815-1945. The Hague 1955, p. 132.
  50. ^ Karlheinz Schädlich : The "Independent Committee for a German Peace" as a center of the annexation propaganda of German imperialism in the First World War . In: Politics in the war 1914–1918. Studies on the politics of the German ruling classes in the First World War. Berlin 1964, pp. 50-65, here: pp. 50 ff.
  51. ↑ Erich Otto Volkmann : The questions of annexation of the world war. The work of the investigative committee of the German National Assembly and the German Reichstag 1919–1928. Fourth row. The causes of the German collapse in 1918. Second section. The inner breakdown. Volume 12, volume 1, expert opinion by Volkmann. Berlin 1929, p. 59 f.
    Fritz Fischer : Reach for world power. The war policy of imperial Germany 1914/18. Droste, Düsseldorf 1964, p. 120 f.
    Frank Wende: The Belgian question in German politics during the First World War. Böhme, Hamburg 1969, p. 40.
  52. ^ Alfred Kruck: History of the Pan-German Association . Wiesbaden 1954, p. 117 f. Erich Volkmann: The annexation questions of the world war. The work of the investigative committee of the German National Assembly and the German Reichstag 1919–1928. Fourth row. The causes of the German collapse in 1918. Second section. The inner breakdown. Volume 12, 1st half-volume Expert opinion by Volkmann . Berlin 1929, p. 49.
  53. ↑ Erich Volkmann: The questions of annexation of the world war. P. 49; Fritz Fischer: Reach for world power. The war policy of imperial Germany 1914/18. Düsseldorf 1964, p. 120f.
  54. ↑ Frank Wende: The Belgian question in the German politics of the First World War. Hamburg 1969, p. 40.
  55. ^ Alfred Kruck: History of the Pan-German Association. Wiesbaden 1954, p. 73. Bernhard Mann: The Baltic countries in the German war target journalism 1914-1918. Tübingen 1965, p. 11.
  56. ^ Gerd Linde: The German policy in Lithuania in the First World War. Wiesbaden 1965, p. 12.
  57. ^ Alfred Kruck: History of the Pan-German Association. Wiesbaden 1954, p. 102.
  58. ↑ Hans Meier-Welcker (Ed.): Handbook on German Military History, 1648–1939. Volume 5, Military History Research Office , Bernard & Graefe, 1968, p. 26. Hans-Ulrich Wehler : German history of society. Volume 4: From the beginning of the First World War to the founding of the two German states 1914–1949. Munich 2003, p. 130. Manfred Messerschmidt : Ideology and command obedience in the war of extermination. In: Zeitschrift für Geschichtswwissenschaft (ZfG) 49 (2001), pp. 905–926, here p. 912.
  59. ^ Alfred Kruck: History of the Pan-German Association. Wiesbaden 1954, p. 85.
    Andreas Hillgruber: Germany's role in the prehistory of the two world wars. Göttingen 1979, p. 62.
  60. ↑ Johannes Leicht: Heinrich Claß 1868–1953. The political biography of an Pan-German. Paderborn 2012, pp. 280–285.
  61. ↑ see Otto Bonhard (1920), History of the Pan-German Association , p. 259ff. ( online )
  62. ^ Walter Jung: Deutschvölkischer Schutz- und Trutzbund (DVSTB), 1919–1924 / 35. In: Historical Lexicon of Bavaria . January 21, 2011, accessed February 29, 2012 .
  63. ^ German Historical Museum: Biography of Heinrich Class
  64. ^ Fritz Fischer: Twenty-Five Years Later: Looking Back at the "Fischer Controversy" and Its Consequences. In: Central European History 21 (1988), pp. 207-223, here: p. 219.
  65. ↑ The mother liquor of the Nazis , article of July 8, 1994 by Gerd Fesser on Zeit Online
  66. ↑ Margaret Lavinia Anderson: Apprenticeship Years of Democracy. Elections and Political Culture in the German Empire. Stuttgart 2009, p. 512.