Otto IV. (HRR)


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Equestrian fight between Philip II Augustus and Otto IV. Grandes Chroniques de France , France, 14th century. Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France , Ms. fr. 2813, fol. 253v.

Otto IV of Braunschweig (* 1175 or 1176 possibly in Braunschweig ; † May 19, 1218 on the Harzburg ) from the House of Welfs was Roman-German King from 1198 to 1218 (but only from 1208 to 1211) and from 1209 to 1218 Emperor of the Roman-German Empire .

The death of Emperor Henry VI. In 1197 the Hohenstaufen rule over imperial Italy , which reached as far as Sicily, collapsed and created a power vacuum in the empire north of the Alps . Reservations against the underage Frederick II as king led to two king elections in an empire without a written constitution. In the "German" throne controversy that broke out in 1198 , the two elected kings Philip of Swabia wrestledand Otto for recognition of their rule. In the years that followed, both opponents tried to win the conflict through support from the Pope or various parts of Europe, through money and gifts, through demonstrative public appearances and rituals ( symbolic communication ) or through military and diplomatic ventures. Otto became increasingly isolated in the empire north of the Alps. He was not recognized until 1208, when the disputes over the throne came to an end with the assassination of Philip. In 1209 he let Pope Innocent III. crown emperor. Shortly thereafter, by conquering Sicily, Otto tried to reunite the two empires (unio regni ad imperium) as under Henry VI. to reach. This led to a break with the Pope and excommunication . The goal of Innocent III. it was to permanently detach Sicily from the German part of the empire in order to be able to play off the south of the peninsula as a counterweight to Otto's ambitions. As a result, Otto increasingly lost approval in the northern part of the empire. The battle of Bouvines in 1214 ended his rule and brought the final recognition of Frederick II, whom the Pope, together with an anti-welfare-minded group of southern and central German princes, had helped to elect a king. More recent research articles emphasize Otto's court keeping, which was influenced by Anglo-Norman influences, and justify the failure of the only Guelph emperor with the fact that he was not familiar enough with consensual rule .

Life

Origin and youth

The oldest surviving depiction of a medieval aristocratic family was probably made in the last decades of the 12th century in the Guelph grave site Weingarten Monastery . The family tree begins with Welf I. and ends at the top left with Welf VII and Henry the Lion. Fulda, University and State Library, Manuscript D 11, fol. 13v (Cat.- No. II.A.20)
The grave of Otto's parents in Brunswick Cathedral : Heinrich the Lion (left), Mathilde (right), Otto's grave slab at their feet.

Otto came from the noble family of the Guelphs. As early as the 1920s, the history of this family was recorded in writing in several writings; As the first noble family in the empire, the Guelphs had their history recorded with it. The ancestors of the Guelphs appeared in the Carolingian community as early as the 8th century . The rise of the family came through advantageous marriages.

With the wedding in 1168 between Henry the Lion and the English king's daughter Mathilde , two of the most influential dynasties in Europe formed an alliance with the Guelphs and the Plantagenet . From this marriage in 1175 or 1176 Otto, possibly born in Braunschweig, emerged as the third son. With Heinrich and Wilhelm he had two brothers. As Duke of Saxony, her father Heinrich the Lion was an essential pillar of the rule of his cousin Friedrich Barbarossa for over two decades . The cooperation was characterized by performance and consideration. In 1156 Heinrich was also given the Duchy of Bavaria . In northern Germany Heinrich was able to build up a position equal to a king for the northern Elbe dioceses through the investiture right . For this sponsorship, the lion provided great consideration for Barbarossa in the fight against the Italian communes and the Pope. He took on important political tasks as envoy and mediator. Heinrich's overpowering position disregarded the previous balance within the aristocratic ruling class. This created an increasing potential for conflict with other greats in the empire. In 1180 Otto's overpowering father was overthrown at the instigation of the princes and lost his duchies of Bavaria and Saxony. All that remained was the noble property around Braunschweig and Lüneburg inherited from Saxon ancestors .

In 1182, Henry the Lion and his family had to go into exile in England. Otto therefore spent his youth at the court of King Henry II in England and France. There he was made familiar with the established customs of the ruling office and conduct of life of his time. For the year 1183/84, the books of the Angevin royal family show that the boy had his own household with servants and teachers. In more recent research, one even went so far as to claim that Otto was a Guelph by origin, but a Plantagenet according to his upbringing. After the death of Henry II in 1189, his son Richard the Lionheart became King of England and took care of his nephew Otto. The relationship between uncle and nephew grew even closer over the next few years. When Richard returned from the Third Crusade in 1192 , he was captured in the territory of the Austrian Duke Leopold V and sent to Emperor Heinrich VI. delivered who held him until 1194. This induced Otto to travel to the Roman-German Empire and to go hostage to the emperor's court. Otto was only able to return to England in the second half of 1194. In February 1196 Otto was Richard knighted and in September 1196 with the county Poitou invested , Otto also the duke of Aquitaine brought. Richard tried in vain with a marriage project to secure Otto the successor to the sonless Scottish king Wilhelm I. Perhaps Otto should even succeed Richard in the English kingdom. In the testament of Henry the Lion of 1195, however, Otto was only given an insignificant portion of the inheritance with Haldensleben and the surrounding area. His brother Heinrich entered an imperial position as Count Palatine near Rhine in 1195/96 .

Controversy for the throne

On September 28, 1197, Emperor Heinrich VI died. surprising in Messina . His only son Friedrich was a two year old child at the time. Friedrich was already raised to the rank of co-king, but was in Italy in 1197/98. Philip, brother of Emperor Heinrich VI. and Duke of Tuscia and Swabia , tried in vain to bring Frederick of Italy to the empire north of the Alps. In December 1197 Philip was again in the northern part of the empire as the only representative of the Hohenstaufen dynasty . In January 1198, Philip issued documents to the citizens of Speyer in the name of King Friedrich. But Frederick's kingship could not assert itself in the empire. Because of reservations about a child king, rival groups of princes elected two kings in 1198. At the head of those who wanted to vote Otto was the Archbishop of Cologne, Adolf . He was financially dependent on leading Cologne patricians, who in turn had lively trade relations with England. The English King Richard the Lionheart wanted to install his nephew Otto as his king's successor in order to create a reliable partner in the fight against Philip II of France .

Otto's candidacy, however, worried the greats , who had profited from the fall of his father Heinrich. The Ascanian Bernhard and the Wittelsbacher Ludwig , succeeding his father Otto , who died in 1183 , had received the Duchy of Saxony and the Duchy of Bavaria through the fall of Henry the Lion . Heinrich's son Otto, they feared, could dispute these territorial gains again. Philip of Swabia was elected king on March 8, 1198 in Mühlhausen by them and by the archbishops Ludolf von Magdeburg and Adalbert von Salzburg . The place for a king to be elected was unusual. With this choice of location, Philipp may have wanted to erase the humiliation in historical memory that his great-uncle Conrad III. 1135 during his submission in Mühlhausen to Lothar III. had suffered. It was also unusual that all three Rhenish archbishops were missing. In an empire with no written laws or decrees, this unusual choice of king was not against any law, but against customs (consuetudines) . These were found by the political leadership groups in oral and personal consultations at court meetings, synods or in meetings. Through the constant repetition of the habit, it was recognized and appropriately understood by the viewers. Such consensus finding was the most important process for establishing order in medieval society. Philip received the support of Duke Leopold VI for his kingship . of Austria and Styria , Duke Otakar I of Bohemia , Duke Berthold of Zähringen and Landgrave Hermann I of Thuringia .

On June 9, 1198, Otto was elected king in Cologne by the Archbishop of Cologne, the Bishops Bernhard von Paderborn and Thietmar von Minden, as well as by three imperial abbots. The Archbishop of Cologne also spoke for Archbishop Konrad von Mainz , who was on a crusade , and Archbishop Johann von Trier , whose vote had been bought. The coronation was to take place at the traditional coronation site of Aachen , where an East Franconian-German ruler was crowned for the first time in 936. After three weeks the city occupied by Hohenstaufen knights could be taken. On July 10th, Otto could solemnly move into the city. Two days later, the Archbishop of Cologne, Adolf, crowned him king in Aachen. However, the insignia ( imperial crown , imperial sword and imperial orb ) were missing , because they were in Philip's possession. Otto therefore had new goldsmiths made by French and Lower Rhine goldsmiths. The imperial sword and orb are preserved to this day. With the coronation, Otto and his brothers renounced the Duchy of Westphalia opposite Cologne . At the same time, Otto got engaged in Aachen to seven or nine year old Maria von Brabant , a daughter of Duke Heinrich I of Niederlothringen-Brabant . On the occasion of the coronation and engagement celebrations, a roll of coat of arms was made. It shows 34 coats of arms and is the oldest surviving evidence of heraldry . The coats of arms of all the princes who were present in Aachen are shown on the roll of coats of arms. Otto was able to agree with his brothers on the Guelph property and rights. Wilhelm received Lüneburg , Count Palatine Heinrich Hanover , Celle and Göttingen . Otto himself took over Braunschweig with most of the Harz, whose rich silver deposits from Rammelsberg became a major point of contention with the Hohenstaufen. From 1199 he exercised rulership rights in Braunschweig. At the beginning of May 1202, the division of the estate between the sons of Henry the Lion was formally sealed in Paderborn.

Philip had his election as king again on September 8, 1198 in Mainz, and he was crowned king by the Burgundian Archbishop Aimo von Tarentaise . A royal coronation without the four Rhenish dignitaries - the archbishops of Cologne, Mainz and Trier as well as the Count Palatine near the Rhine - had been a unique process. Despite these violations of the consuetudines (customs), Philip, unlike Otto, was able to unite the majority of the princes behind him. For the princes, property, ancestry and origins were decisive for their support of Philip.

In the period that followed, both kings tried to attract undecided or opponents to their side. The favoring of faithful, friends and relatives through gifts or the transfer of offices and property played an important role. The growing money traffic in the High Middle Ages influenced the princes in their considerations for military assistance or in the question of their party support. Otto received material support from the English King Richard the Lionheart and his successor Johann Ohneland . After Richard's death, Cologne's high finance department played a key role in maintaining relationships. Philip, on the other hand, reaffirmed his alliance with Philip II Augustus of France on June 29th against the English king and his nephew. A clever marriage policy could strengthen bonds or reward changes of party. In addition, in their interaction with the great, both rulers had to take into account the honor , i.e. the hierarchy in a highly aristocratic society, which is claimed by nobility, offices, personal skills and connections. Even a military decision in the contest for the throne could only lead to lasting success if the defeated opponent and his supporters were offered noticeable compensations while maintaining their honor.

Many chroniclers saw the divine order represented by the ruler considerably disrupted by the conflict between the two kings. In the years of the controversy for the throne, the acts of representation of power were of immense importance, because in them not only the kingship was on display, but the changes that had occurred in the political balance of power were also manifested in them. In 1199, Philipp celebrated Christmas in Magdeburg with demonstrative intent, and thus near Otto's homeland in Brunswick. It is considered the first climax of the struggle for royal dignity. The rich clothing and the stately demeanor of the participants at the festival were intended to demonstrate Philip's ability to rule the king. The Saxon Duke Bernhard acted as a sword-bearer and showed his support for the Hohenstaufen. The sword bearer service was not only an honorable distinction, but according to Gerd Althoff also a sign of demonstrative subordination. In such ritual acts, obligations for the future were symbolized, because Bernhard himself had intended in 1197 to fight for royal dignity.

Otto IV. And Pope Innocent III. meet in front of the arriving ships of Frederick II. The depiction comes from the workshop of Diebold Lauber and refers to Otto IV's move to Rome in 1209.

Both sides expected Pope Innocent III in the foreseeable future . the imperial coronation and thus the recognition of their rule. The Hohenstaufen majority in the empire confidently claimed the right to elect the German king in their Speyer prince declaration of May 28, 1199. The confirmation of the election by the Pope and his right to perform the imperial coronation was not mentioned. According to the supporters of the Hohenstaufen, the choice of the king also justified his claim to imperial rule. Accordingly, the Pope only played the role of a mere coronator (executor of coronations) for the empire. The Guelph side, on the other hand, asked for confirmation of their choice and for papal approval of the imperial coronation. The papal judgment was therefore of considerable importance. At the turn of the year 1200/1201, Pope Innocent carefully examined all three candidates for the future coronation of the emperor. The Staufer Friedrich II left because of his youth. With a view to his Salic ancestors Heinrich IV and Heinrich V, the Staufer Philipp comes from a race of persecutors of the Church (genus persecutorum) and wants to continue the policy of his father Friedrich Barbarossa against the papacy. Heinrich the Lion and Lothar von Süpplingenburg as the ancestors of Otto IV, however, were always loyal supporters of the church. So the Pope decided in favor of Otto and obtained binding commitments from him for a policy that was compatible with the goals of the papacy. With Henry VI. After death, the Hohenstaufen rule in Italy collapsed. Innocent wanted that of Heinrich VI. by his marriage to Constance of Sicily created personal union of imperium Romanum (Roman Empire) and regnum Siciliae (Sicily) dissolve. The Pope wanted to keep the suzerainty over Sicily. In addition, the Patrimony of Petri was to be expanded in central Italy . On June 8, 1201 Otto swore the oath in Neuss that he would uphold the papal rights in central and southern Italy. For Otto this meant renouncing an independent Italian policy and extensive areas in imperial Italy . In his letters to Innocent he called himself Otto, Dei gratia et sua Romanorum rex (By the grace of God and the Pope, King of the Romans). The papal legate Guido von Palestrina thereupon announced the recognition of Otto on July 3, 1201 in Cologne; his opponents fell under the church ban. However, the papal vote for Otto was hardly echoed in the empire.

Extensive isolation of Otto and the murder of Philip of Swabia

Count Palatine Otto von Wittelsbach kills Philip of Swabia. Miniature from the Saxon World Chronicle, Northern Germany, first quarter of the 14th century, Berlin, Staatsbibliothek Preußischer Kulturbesitz , Ms. germ. Fol. 129, fol. 117v

Until 1208 Otto and Philipp waged campaigns against each other. The theaters of war since 1198 were initially the Moselle area and the area of ​​the Middle and Lower Rhine, Lower Saxony and Thuringia. An open field battle with an incalculable outcome was avoided as much as possible - as is often the case in medieval wars. Rather, attempts were made to damage the enemy through looting and devastation or to take a castle or city through a campaign. Otto became increasingly isolated in the empire. His influence remained limited to northern Germany and the Lower Rhine region until 1208. Bavaria, Austria, Carinthia and Styria were traditionally regions close to the Staufers. Otto did not visit Bavaria a single time before Philip was murdered. Otto's brother Heinrich was disputed the dignity of the Count Palatine by King Philipp in the spring of 1204, which is why Heinrich demanded the city of Braunschweig and Lichtenberg Castle from him for continued loyalty to Otto . Otto refused this. Heinrich then moved to Philip's camp. Otto disregarded the honoring and rewarding of helpers and loyal followers, which was one of the most important duties of the ruler. Philip behaved quite differently towards his loyal followers. He rewarded Count Wilhelm von Jülich with rich gifts for his expressed will to win all of Otto's important supporters for the Staufer. Heinrich was restituted in the Palatinate County by Philipp for his move to the Staufer side, he was enfeoffed with the Vogtei over Goslar and rewarded with monetary payments. The father of Otto's fiancé Maria von Brabant also moved to the Staufer camp in 1204. In the same year, the French King Philip II succeeded in conquering Normandy, the country of origin of the Anglo-Norman kings. As a result, one of Otto's most important allies, the English King John Ohneland, was considerably weakened. The Archbishop of Cologne Adolf and numerous Guelph supporters on the Lower Rhine and from Westphalia also went to the Hohenstaufen camp, so that he was able to unite a large number of supporters in the empire behind him. The support commitments of Adolf I von Altena and Heinrich I von Brabant were documented for the first time since the Staufisch- Zähring agreement from 1152. The controversy for the throne marked the beginning of an increasing writing of the alliance treaties between rulers and princes in the northern part of the empire. The oath of loyalty alone was no longer enough. The contracting parties had their rights and obligations recorded in writing. Despite the oath and the writing of the contract, the number of contractual breaches increased during the controversy for political reasons, but the number of contracts also increased. The basis for Philip's success against Otto's followers was “a mixture of threats, promises and gifts”.

By changing party, the Archbishop of Cologne was able to keep his right to participate in the election of the king. Philip was crowned again on January 6, 1205 at the traditional coronation site of Aachen by him as the correct coronator ("King's Crown"). Because of his change of sides, the Archbishop of Cologne was deposed by the Pope and replaced by Bruno von Sayn . In contrast, the city of Cologne continued to be loyal to Otto. Philipp von Schwaben tried in vain to conquer Cologne in 1205, Otto was wounded twice. On July 27, 1206, Philipp defeated an army consisting mainly of Cologne near Wassenberg . The Archbishop of Cologne, Bruno von Sayn, was taken prisoner, Otto himself barely escaped and fled to Braunschweig. In April 1207, Philipp succeeded in taking Cologne. Even Pope Innocent was wavering in his partisanship for Otto from 1204 on and approached Philip in 1207/1208. As an ally, Otto remained the Danish king Waldemar II and the English king John. Otto's isolation is also evident in his documentary work. In the period between his defeat at Wassenberg and the time he was killed by Philip, Otto only issued three documents.

In the core area of ​​Saxony, however, Philipp was not militarily successful. He besieged Braunschweig in vain. Instead, Gunzelin took von Wolfenbüttel on June 8 or 9, 1206 for Otto Goslar . Presumably on the occasion of the conquest of Goslar, the monastery church of Riddagshausen was rebuilt. In 1207 Philipp Otto offered to give him his eldest daughter Beatrix as his wife in return for his renunciation of the throne and to enfeoff him with the Duchy of Swabia . Despite his desperate situation, Otto refused this offer and stated that he only wanted to lose his kingship through his death. With a renunciation of the royal dignity, the dishonorable subordination to the long-fought rivals would have threatened him.

By the time he was assassinated in 1208, Philip's position in the empire and with the pope had improved considerably. The Pope had already started negotiations with him about the imperial coronation. On June 21, 1208, Philipp von Schwaben was slain by the Bavarian Count Palatine Otto von Wittelsbach in the Bamberg Bishop's Palace. Otto does not seem to have been involved in the murder. Even the historiography loyal to the Hohenstaufen dynasty does not establish any connection with the murder. The annals of the Saxon Pegau monastery make partisans of Otto IV responsible for the murder. The background to the fact remains unclear to this day. According to Knut Görich , the Count Palatinate could have committed the deed out of injured honor, because Philipp had broken up a marriage project. The Wittelsbacher interpreted royal action as an act of defamation that reduced his social rank; to regain his reputation and thus his social acceptance, he had to act. Even contemporaries suspected the Andechs brothers Bishop Ekbert von Bamberg and Margrave Heinrich IV of Istria . Bernd Ulrich Hucker therefore does not see the Bamberg regicide as a private vengeance, but as the work of a wide-ranging conspiracy. The Wittelsbacher had acted on behalf of a group of princes to which he belonged. This group around the Count Palatine von Wittelsbach, the Andechs brothers and their relatives and the Landgrave Hermann von Thuringia tried in a veritable “coup d'état” to enforce Duke Heinrich von Brabant as the new king. Hucker cites a southern German proscription list for King Otto IV as the most important evidence . His hypothesis, however, did not prevail. For the supporters of the Guelph, the assassination attempt was a divine intervention to end the conflict.

Temporary consolidation of rule

Otto IV. Is the first Roman-German emperor whose coat of arms has been passed down clearly. It is a split shield with three lions and an eagle cut in half.

Otto began to put his opponents in Saxony under military pressure. Previous opponents of the Guelph, such as the Halberstadt Bishop Konrad or the Magdeburg Archbishop Albrecht II , joined Otto. In July 1208 Otto and the Archbishop of Magdeburg signed a treaty. With Haldensleben, Sommerschenburg and Lauenburg , Otto made great territorial concessions. He also renounced the royal coinage and customs law on the territory of the Archdiocese of Magdeburg. He also granted the Archbishop of Magdeburg the role of his first advisor among the princes. The Welf guaranteed the Archbishop 3,000 silver marks for the construction of the Magdeburg cathedral. With these favors Otto managed to win other supporters of the opposing side for himself. In addition to the Archbishop of Magdeburg, Duke Bernhard of Saxony played a significant role in the reconciliation. On September 22nd, 1208, which fell on the day of St. Mauritius , the princes of Saxony and Thuringia unanimously elected Otto in Halberstadt as king. On November 11, 1208 Otto was re-elected king in Frankfurt . The chronicler Burchard von Ursberg , who was loyal to the Hohenstaufen region , only allowed Otto's reign to begin with this election. The most important task was to restore order. For this purpose a land peace was proclaimed. Otto appeared as the avenger of King Philip in order not to expose himself to the charge of taking advantage and at the same time to document his innocence. About Philip murderer he imposed the imperial ban . The Andechs brothers, Bishop Ekbert von Bamberg and Margrave Heinrich IV of Istria, lost their offices, fiefs and income. As a symbol of reconciliation, Philip's ten-year-old daughter Beatrix von Schwaben was engaged to Otto. The marriage had to be postponed due to the age of the bride. The Hohenstaufen goods fell to Otto. Philip's chancellery and the Reichsministeriale also took his side. Otto received the rulership symbols kept on the Trifels from the Speyer bishop .

Otto IV's document on the hereditary enfeoffment of Duke Ludwig I with Bavaria, issued on November 15, 1208. Munich, Bavarian Main State Archives, Kaiserselect 593

Otto also found general recognition in Bavaria, Austria, Carinthia and Styria from 1208 to 1212. Ludwig I of Bavaria stood out in particular . Already in the Frankfurt king election in 1208 Otto was the first king ever to give his "beloved faithful" Ludwig ( fidelis ... dilectus noster ) and his descendants the Duchy of Bavaria with all reasons and people permanently. At the same time Otto waived any claims to the Duchy of Bavaria, which his father Heinrich had been deprived of in 1180 by a prince's ruling. Ludwig profited most from the ostracism and the disfranchisement of the Andechs-Meraner. Otto gave him several counties ( Istria , Krain , Schärding , Neuburg / Inn im Unterinntal ), Innsbruck , numerous castles ( Oberwittelsbach , Andechs ), country estates and ministerial offices. No other worldly great man stayed with Otto IV as often as Duke Ludwig I of Bavaria. More than twenty stays from November 1208 to May 1212 are recorded.

Medieval royal rule was exercised in the empire without a permanent residence through outpatient rule practice. Otto had to travel through the empire at certain time intervals and thereby give his rule validity and authority. In 1209 he did not visit Augsburg and Ulm in Swabia, Bavaria or the southeast. Court days or other important meetings were not held. In Otto's itinerary, the southeastern part of the empire had at best the character of a transit area. The acceptance of his rule in this room is documented less by his personal presence than by the judgment of chroniclers there, visits to court by ecclesiastical and secular greats, as well as by requested and granted privileges. In addition to Ludwig of Bavaria, Count Meinhard II of Gorizia and Bishop Manegold of Passau stand out among the greats of the southeast because of the frequency and length of their stays at court. After Otto's reign, numerous monastery and collegiate churches in the southeastern part of the empire dated their documents from 1208 to 1212, which makes clear his recognition there during this period.

In 1209 Poland and Hungary recognized Otto as their liege lord in Altenburg .

court

Since the 12th century, the court developed into a central institution of royal and princely power. The term “court” can be understood as “presence with the ruler”. The most important part of the court was the chancellery . After the death of Philip of Swabia, Otto took over his chancellor, demonstratively tying his kingship to the Staufer as an important part of the representation of rulership.

Literature at court

Otto's court exerted great attraction on educated authors and vernacular singers and thus became the interface between the aristocratic lay culture, which was not yet covered by written form, and the culture of educated clerics. The writers Eilhart von Oberge , Heinrich von Avranches and Gervasius von Tilbury belonged to Otto's court . In 1209 Otto awarded Gervasius the rank of Marshal of the Arelate . Gervasius dedicated the Liber de mirabilibus mundi (Book of the wonders of the world) to Otto around 1214/15 , also known as Otia imperialia (Imperial leisure hours). The authorship of Gervasius, who worked for Otto, was assumed for the creation of the famous Ebstorf world map . But the map is also dated to "around 1300". Walther von der Vogelweide perhaps wrote political slogans on Otto's behalf, the so-called Ottenton, and was his envoy, most recently in January 1213. In 1214/15 he moved to the camp of Frederick II. The Ottenton, however, may not have been commissioned by Otto or his advisors; it may also have emerged from the circle of imperial princes.

Art patron and benefactor

The handicraft flourished from 1208/09 onwards through coinage, reliquary foundations and the cutting of seal stamps. Important works of goldsmithing owe their creation to Otto. During his reign, the Shrine of the Three Kings received its final shape; it is considered “the most important work of the Rhine-Maasland treasure art of the 12th and 13th centuries”. On the front, Otto is shown at a distance next to the Three Wise Men and the Mother of God with her child. The figure of the Guelph was affixed to the shrine with the inscription "Otto rex" during his reign - between 1198 and 1209. Research agrees that this is a donor image . The foundation for the shrine was perhaps made at Otto's farm day in Cologne at the end of June / beginning of July 1201. Since 1208, the Cistercian buildings of Walkenried and Riddagshausen have been specifically promoted through Otto's building and foundation activities. With the monastic foundation policy, the Cistercian order, which at that time was at the height of its power, should be specifically integrated into Otto's rule.

Braunschweig

Otto IV's customs privilege from 1199 for the citizens of Braunschweig.
Depiction of Saint Auctor (around 1460): During the siege of Braunschweig by the troops of Philip of Swabia in 1200, Saint Auctor is said to have appeared over the city on August 20, preventing it from being captured. Since then he has been considered the patron saint of the city and August 20 was celebrated as "Au (c) torstag".

Otto's father had made Braunschweig the center of his Saxon rule and a center of princely representational culture in the empire through economic, political and cultural support. When Otto was elected king in 1198, Braunschweig was already an important seat of power. From then on, he stayed there more often than anywhere else until his death in 1218. During all the conflicts with Philip of Swabia and Count Palatine Heinrich, the Braunschweiger had loyally stood by Otto's side and were rewarded with extensive concessions. Just a few months after his election as king, Otto issued the citizens of Braunschweig the customs privilege in 1199, whereby he granted them tax and duty exemption throughout the empire. It is the oldest document received by the city. The citizens of Cologne were also granted a similar trading privilege for their loyalty in 1207. In gratitude for their loyalty, the Guelph also transferred the market church of St. Martini to the citizens of Brunswick on October 22, 1204 , granting them the right to elect a pastor. 22 citizens are named for the first time in the witness list of the document. After Philipp almost captured Braunschweig in 1200, the city was surrounded by a closed city wall. With the twelve gates identified by Hucker in the ring of the wall, Otto tied in with the ideas of the heavenly Jerusalem. The fifth soft picture in Braunschweig, the so-called Sack , was also founded by Otto. The establishment of the Braunschweiger Neustadt is also attributed to Otto.

Braunschweig became a place of retreat for Otto several times, for example in 1206 when he had to leave Cologne, or in 1213 and 1217 against Friedrich II. Possibly in connection with the conquest of the Staufer-oriented city of Goslar by Otto's troops in 1206, there was brisk building activity on the parish churches in Braunschweig St. Martini and St. Katharinen . At Pentecost 1209, the court day in Braunschweig was organized with great splendor , which speaks for the consolidation of his power. The guests included the Archbishop of Magdeburg, the Bishops of Halberstadt, Hildesheim, Merseburg and Havelberg as well as the Landgrave of Thuringia and the Margrave of Meissen. On the occasion of the Whitsun Festival in Brunswick, the Quedlinburg coat of arms box with 33 depicted coats of arms was probably made by the king and princes to counts and ministerials. Otto's support was decisive for the positive development of the city in the late Middle Ages and in the early modern period.

Emperor's coronation, train to Sicily and break with the papacy

In Speyer, Otto renewed the Neuss oath on March 22, 1209, thereby recognizing the papal territorial claims in central and southern Italy. He also refrained from influencing bishops' elections. Nothing stood in the way of the Pope's coronation as emperor. In June 1209 Otto von Augsburg set out for Italy with a large army. He is said to have been supported by 6,000 armored riders from the Reich Ministry. On October 4, 1209, Pope Innocent III crowned him. to the emperor. On the same day Otto promised to go on a crusade. To this end, he had the topographical features of the Holy Land and its fortifications scouted out. The chronicles of Arnold von Lübeck and Otto von St. Blasien end with the imperial coronation . In the case of gold bulls and seals, a significant innovation was made after the imperial coronation: the emperor's head appears between the world symbols of sun and moon. This was the answer to the Pope's claim that he was the sun and the emperor only the moon. In October there was a falling out with the Archbishop of Magdeburg. The reasons are possibly to be seen in Otto's refusal to give far-reaching promises to the archbishop or in differences of opinion about his coinage policy.

Contrary to papal expectations, Otto stayed in Italy and expressed his claim to power in the areas that he had promised the Pope as restitution. So in February 1210 the Welf raised Dietpold von Schweinspoint to Duke of Spoleto . Apulian barons asked Otto for help against Friedrich II. By claiming the imperial rights to Sicily (ius imperii ad regnum) Otto came into conflict with the Pope. His motives for the confrontation course with his long-time patron Innocent III. are unclear. Perhaps he wanted to build on the tradition of imperial rule in southern Italy and eliminate his last competitor with Friedrich. According to another research opinion, Otto wanted to secure the crusade by conquering Sicily. He made the decision to attack Sicily alone, without obtaining a consensus with his loyal followers. In doing so, he violated the rules of conduct common in the empire north of the Alps in the interaction between the ruler and his great ones. Innocent was deeply shocked by Otto's change of course. He expressed his dismay in a letter to Bishop Konrad von Regensburg : "The sword that we forged ourselves inflicts deep wounds on us." On November 18, 1210, the Pope excluded the emperor from church fellowship by excommunication. Nevertheless, the Welf advanced further in Italy and wintered in Capua in 1210/11 . His path led him to Calabria via Naples , Salerno , Bari and Taranto . In September 1211 Otto reached the Strait of Messina. In the course of his journey to Italy he must have also recognized the advantages of siege engines; possibly he added the Tribok as a siege device to his arsenal. Otto was about to cross over to Sicily when he received news of Frederick's election in the Roman-German Empire. Thereupon he returned hastily via Milan to the northern part of the empire in November 1211 in order to consolidate his rule there. Excommunication did not inevitably deprive a ruler of his authority; rather, what mattered was his ability to integrate: the decisive factor was whether he could establish the necessary consensus with the greats.

Fight against Friedrich II.

By November 1210 at the latest, the emperor's excommunication was publicly known and promoted resistance against Otto. In the course of the excommunication, the Pope had expressly allowed the princes to choose another emperor. In the empire, the Archbishop of Mainz and the Landgrave of Thuringia fell from the emperor first. A little later the Bohemian King and the Dukes of Bavaria and Austria followed. Bishop Konrad von Speyer , Otto's chancellor, also fell away from him. He reported under oath of Otto's tax plans, which would have led to considerable burdens for the church. This strengthened the spiritual imperial princes in their resistance to Otto. In September 1211 Friedrich was elected in Nuremberg by the Archbishops of Magdeburg and Mainz, the Landgrave of Thuringia and the Bohemian King Otakar "as the other emperor" (alium imperatorem) . Two South German nobles were sent to Sicily to bring Frederick II into the Roman-German Empire. Friedrich accepted the election and set out on a journey across the Alps in 1212. Only a few hours before Otto's arrival he was able to take Constance. The Welf renounced a siege of the city and hurriedly retreated to the Lower Rhine. In the months that followed, Friedrich prevailed in southern Germany without major resistance.

In March 1212 Otto held a court day in Frankfurt. On July 22nd, he demonstratively married Beatrix in Nordhausen . However, Beatrix died just three weeks after the marriage, which sparked rumors that the 13- or 14-year-old bride died as a result of the defloration. In the summer of 1212 Otto undertook a campaign against the Landgrave Hermann of Thuringia. At the siege of the Thuringian castle of Weißensee , the fortress of the landgrave, the counterweight blade was used for the first time . It received a great deal of attention in the sources. This shows that Otto, as a general, was open to technical innovations.

A long friendship existed between the French kings of the house of the Capetians and the Hohenstaufen. In 1187 the Capetian Philip II Augustus had concluded an alliance with Friedrich Barbarossa. In November 1212 Philip concluded a new alliance with Frederick II. The agreement with France brought Friedrich 20,000 silver marks. He immediately distributed this money among the greats of the empire in order to reward them for their efforts in service to the empire and to ensure their future support. On December 5, 1212, Friedrich II was re-elected king in Frankfurt by numerous princes. The coronation by Archbishop Siegfried followed in Mainz Cathedral on December 9, 1212 . Friedrich generously rewarded his followers with privileges. Walther von der Vogelweide sang about the generosity of Friedrich, which he contrasted with the greed of the Guelph Otto. At the turn of the year 1212/1213 the struggle for rule had not yet been decided. Otto spent the winter on the Lower Rhine. At Christmas 1213 Friedrich had the body of his uncle Philipp transferred from Bamberg to Speyer. With this he placed himself in the continuity of the Salian-Hohenstaufen rule and underpinned his claim to the crown. The trust of his supporters should be strengthened and doubters on the opposing side should be impressed. In 1213 Otto's radius of action was largely limited to Saxony. On May 19, 1214 he married his former fiancée Maria von Brabant in Aachen .

Battle of Bouvines

Depiction of the Battle of Bouvines. Giovanni Villani , Nuova Cronica, 14th century, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana , Rome Cod.Chigi L VIII 296, fol. 68v.

After Otto learned of the Staufer-Capetian alliance, he invaded the French crown lands. He wanted to get rid of an ally of Frederick II with France, restore his authority in the empire through a victory and at the same time assist his uncle and supporter, the English King John, in the ongoing conflict with the French king. According to the account of the chronicler Guillelmus Brito , which is considered credible, Otto had much more far-reaching plans: he wanted to eliminate the rule of the Capetians in France, divide the French crown domain among his allies and settle German warriors in France. He confirmed his determination to kill King Philip II with an oath. Both rulers had the intention to compete in battle in a single combat and thus bring about a decision.

On July 27, 1214, east of Lille, the decisive battle of Bouvines between the armies of Otto and Philip took place. Otto's roster included several important territorial lords on the left bank of the Rhine, including the dukes of Brabant, Limburg and Lorraine; In addition to several Rhenish nobles, the emperor was accompanied by larger Saxon contingents. Otto suffered a crushing defeat at Bouvines. Modern research certifies that he had a well thought-out strategy, but several advisors are said to have urged him to launch a hasty attack, which turned out to be fatal. The French offered surprisingly strong resistance. The source statements on Otto's actions during the battle are sometimes very contradicting. After an unsettled battle, Otto decided to leave the battlefield. The German knights initially continued to fight after the emperor had fled, but after a while gave themselves up.

According to some researchers, Otto's flight was one of the reasons for the defeat: After Otto fell from his horse in battle, he mounted a second horse and decided to flee, with which he visibly lost the battle and his army, which nevertheless the The fight continued, placed in a hopeless position. However, according to other statements, the decisive breakthrough of the French had already taken place before, when northern French contingents forced the imperial to retreat. Otto, who was experienced in military matters and whose life was in danger during the fighting, was now threatened with capture. The emperor then fled. However, this was no longer decisive for the further course of the battle.

The French king sent the captured imperial eagle, the emperor's standard, to Friedrich. The battle had considerable consequences for the overall European balance of power. Their outcome led to the fact that the French crown estate more than doubled; the French feudal principalities lost their importance compared to the strengthening headquarters. Otto's defeat weakened the English king John, who in 1215 had to grant the greats of his country restrictive freedoms with the “ Magna Charta ”. The English kings from then on ruled permanently from England and no longer mainly from French soil. England began to develop as an island kingdom.

Otto was isolated after the battle. Johann stopped his financial support in May 1215. The greats from the Lower Rhine moved to Friedrich's camp. On July 25, 1215, Friedrich was crowned by the Archbishop of Mainz in Aachen's Marienkirche. Otto sent envoys to the Fourth Lateran Council in November 1215. However, they did not succeed in having the ban on church lifted; instead, Frederick was recognized there by the Pope as the future emperor. Due to the death of his nephew Henry the Younger , Otto's planned succession also failed. Friedrich avoided a decisive battle and demonstrated his superiority in 1217 with a brief desolation campaign through eastern Saxony. Otto was now limited to his Saxon property around Braunschweig.

Last years, wills and death

Brunswick Cathedral : It is sometimes assumed that this statue is either Heinrich the Lion or - according to Bernd Ulrich Hucker - the depiction of Otto IV from an unfinished tomb for him.
Old Town Hall : Otto IV and Maria (built between 1455 and 1468).
Illustration of Otto IV in
Hermann Bote's shift book from 1514. Braunschweig, Stadtarchiv, H III 2: 19, fol. 107r.

Otto spent the last years of his life between Harz and Heide. Stays in Braunschweig are documented several times. The last days of Otto's life are described in the eyewitness report Narratio de morte Ottonis IV. Imperatoris written by the Cistercian Abbot Friedrich von Walkenried . Otto stayed at Harliburg at the beginning of May 1218 , where he fell ill with severe diarrhea . The seriously ill was brought to the Harzburg on May 13th . On May 15, 1218, he admitted guilty to the Roman Church for his misconduct. With this he achieved the promise of the forgiveness of sins. Shortly before his death, Otto had a certificate issued. The diploma is considered to be "the first documented political testament of a medieval emperor". His brother Heinrich was named the principal heir and executor. Otto gave him the imperial insignia with the order to hand them over to the unanimously elected king after a waiting period. Otto donated his imperial cloak to the Benedictine monastery of St. Aegidien in Braunschweig. At Otto's burial in the Brunswick collegiate church St. Blasii , only a few supporters from the immediate vicinity of Brunswick were present. It is possible that Otto only decided on a burial in Braunschweig shortly before his death. Otto died childless. His widow Maria von Brabant donated the Cistercian convent Binderen ("Locus imperatricis") for his memory near Binderen in Brabant . The rule over Braunschweig passed to Heinrich. Today there is only a small memorial stone in front of the tomb tomb of Henry the Lion and his wife Mathilde to indicate Otto IV.

effect

Premodern judgments

Otto's reign was not a central subject in any work throughout the Middle Ages. Rather, his life was incorporated into the larger context. The historiography of the 13th century increasingly concentrated on regional references. Otto's activities in the regions that were particularly affected by the events were discussed in detail. These included Saxony, Cologne and Thuringia. The other historical works report on Otto in their respective regional context or embed his rule in universal history. The double election of 1198 as well as the murder of Staufer Philip and the associated recognition of Otto's kingship in 1208 are mentioned in detail. With the election of Frederick II in 1212, many historiographers saw Otto's reign as ended. With his defeat in the Battle of Bouvines, Otto disappears from the history books; between 1214 and 1218 it is hardly mentioned in history. Only his death in 1218 is recorded by many historians.

The most detailed account of Otto's rulership can be found in the " Chronica Slavorum " (Slavic chronicle) of Arnold von Lübeck , written in 1210 . According to Hucker, Otto himself was the chronicler's client. However, there is no evidence of a dedication copy to Otto, nor are manuscripts known from former Guelph ownership. A client cannot be proven given the uncertain tradition. The imperial coronation of Otto shortly before the chronicle was written was interpreted as the “culmination and goal of the historical development” of a “Historia regum” (history of kings). According to Hucker, Arnold's intention was to emphasize "the imperial task of the kingship, which was newly strengthened under Otto IV." With his work, the chronicler wanted to “prepare the ground for a future, third [sic] crusade under the leadership of the new emperor”. According to Arnold, the controversy for the throne prevented Otto from carrying out the planned crusade - an important task of a Roman-German king.

The welfare-faithful historiography, especially Arnold's chronicle, presented Otto's rule as willed by God, referring to the unanimity of the election, the murder of the opponent Philip and the recognition of the Pope. Arnold reports on the events from 1171 to 1209, the year of Otto's coronation as emperor. He wrote his chronicle between March and August 1210, before Otto's downfall. His work was little used in the Middle Ages; it was first used intensively by Albert Krantz .

Otto's opponents accused him of deficits in the central virtues of power. The Hohenstaufen Burchard , provost of the Swabian imperial monastery Ursberg , characterized Otto for the double election in 1198 in his world chronicle written in 1229/30 as “haughty and stupid” (superbus et stultus) . In his view Otto was unsuitable for the office of king because he lacked essential rulership virtues. Instead of sapientia or prudentia (wisdom) and humilitas (humility), he showed the exact opposite of these qualities with irrationality and arrogance. The pride (superbia) is a mortal sin that leads to damnation at the Last Judgment . Otto's superbia pervades Burchard's entire text. According to the “ Marbach Annals ”, many left Otto in the fight against Friedrich “because of his avarice”. This implies that Otto did not have the important rulership of generosity (largitas) .

The memory of Otto was cherished in Braunschweig throughout the Middle Ages. The detailed passages in Hermen Botes' historiographical work and the sandstone sculptures created around the middle of the 15th century on the arcades of the Alstadtrathaus are evidence of this .

In France, Otto, the opponent of the French king, was considered the "second Nero ". In Italy, on the other hand, he was seen as a "good" emperor, especially since the 14th century, in contrast to the Hohenstaufen. In England Otto was not forgotten. The English chronicler Matthaeus Parisiensis compiled extensive information on Otto's life in the 13th century.

After the conflicts at the beginning of the 13th century, the empire began to develop significantly in order to put customs into writing. The Sachsenspiegel by Eike von Repgow is an important testimony to this .

In the period from the 16th to the 18th centuries, historians were particularly interested in elections and the empire and the conflicts associated with double elections. In 1624, Professor Heinrich Meibom the Elder from Helmstedt wrote the "Apologia pro divo Imperatore Caesare Ottone IV. Contra falsas incrimationes et convitia", a defense against what he saw as defamatory representations from the Middle Ages. His Helmstedt colleague, the university historian Reiner Reineccius , made Arnold von Lübeck's chronicle accessible to science in a first edition.

Otto devoted less attention to dynastically oriented historiography than to his brother Wilhelm. Wilhelm had ensured the continuation of the dynasty through his descendants. Otto, on the other hand, neither increased the property nor provided for offspring. The clergy of the St. Blasii Abbey in Braunschweig was responsible for the memoria of the Welfenhaus. On a wooden plaque from the 14th century in the collegiate church, Otto is rated completely differently than his ancestors: God may Heinrich feed the lion and his wife Mathilde with "angel food", while Otto, who is descended from them, should be given "worms for food" . The obituary III, which was recorded at the turn of the 14th and 15th centuries, handed down only the day of death. On the other hand, the memorial entry about Count Palatine Heinrich is much more detailed. According to Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz , Otto's empire harmed the family more than it did good. The verdict on Otto was also negative in Goslar. The local tradition of Goslar painted a gloomy picture of him, especially in the 16th century because of the looting of the city.

Artistic reception in the 19th century

Romantic reception in the 19th century: Otto IV , painting by Christian Tunica, 1836

During the redesign of the knight's hall in the Leineschloss in Hanover between 1833 and 1836, the Brunswick court painter Christian Tunica was commissioned to paint Heinrich the Lion and his two sons, Count Palatine Heinrich and Emperor Otto IV. In 1866 the portraits were replaced by pictures of the Brandenburg rulers.

Research history

The history of the 19th century was interested in a strong central power and therefore looked for the reasons for the late emergence of the German nation state. The "sources of strength of the German nation" were sought in the Middle Ages. The kings and emperors were seen as early representatives of a strong monarchical power that is also longed for today. The determining factor for the historians' judgment was whether the medieval rulers had increased their power or at least successfully prevented a decline in power, or whether they were responsible for the loss of power. The image of history shaped by this aspect emerged after the dissolution of the Old Kingdom and the wars of liberation against Napoleon . When viewed in this way, the German kings and emperors under the Ottonians , Salians and Staufers appeared to be extremely powerful, since they had a predominant position in Europe. In the course of the Middle Ages, however, the emperors lost this position of power. The papacy and the self-interest of the princes were held responsible for this. Two "turns" were considered to be decisive for the central authority's loss of power. At the first turning point, Henry IV lost royal influence over the church when he went to Canossa in 1077. The second turning point was the double election of 1198. The nobility have used their right to vote for kings to gain privileges from kings and thus expand their own rule. The princes were considered by their selfish particular interests and the papacy by its superiority claim as the "grave diggers" of the imperial power. The Hohenstaufen stood for the German emperors to maintain power, while the Welfs were seen as protagonists of princely particularism. Otto's empire appeared as an unpleasant interruption in the dynastic continuity of the Ottonians, Salians and Staufers.

Eduard Winkelmann'sYearbooks of German History ” under Philipp von Schwaben and Otto IV (1878) became the standard work . He came to a very negative judgment. Otto's concessions to the pope and princes have weakened the crown more than his predecessors and successors. Winkelmann saw no particular achievement connected with Otto's rule "which the nation could enjoy". Winkelmann would have preferred to see "an honest horse-rider's death in the final struggle for the tenaciously defended crown" than Otto's flight from the battlefield in Bouvines, which only initiated the defeat of the Germans. On the other hand, in Winkelmann's preface Otto's opponent Philip was considered a true German king because of his “faithful defense of imperial rights against the rebellious principality and against the Pope, against Denmark and against France [...]”. The view that the German monarchy would lose power through the double election of 1198 has long remained predominant. In Karl Bosl's work “Die Reichsministerialität” from 1950, Philip and Otto's government signified “a tremendous, if not perhaps the decisive, setback that the German monarchy suffered in its last attempt to build a state”.

Since the 1980s, medieval studies have gained new insights into high medieval kingship. Reign of kings is no longer understood as a dualistic opposition between king and prince, but rather the participation of the princes in kingship is regarded as "part of the naturally practiced consensual decision-making structure".

Otto IV remained a neglected ruler in medieval studies for a long time. It was not until 1990 that Bernd Ulrich Hucker presented a comprehensive study on the Welf Emperor. Hucker emphasized Otto's patronage and the favorable conditions that his court offered for art and literature. In addition, Hucker published a detailed biography of the emperor in 2003, which is aimed at a wider audience; the art and literature of that era is a central theme of this presentation.

More recent contributions emphasize Otto's promotion of art and literature and come to a more balanced assessment of his power and his failure. According to Bernd Schneidmüller (2000), Otto did not succeed in permanently establishing the consensus of the princes. According to Gerd Althoff , Otto failed because of his lack of familiarity with the prevailing customs of consensual rule in the empire. From a testimony of Innocent III. from the end of 1210 it emerges that the education of the Guelph in England with the orientation it conveyed to a local concept of kingship was responsible for it. In 2009, the 800th anniversary of Otto's coronation as an emperor was taken as an opportunity to dedicate a state exhibition in the Braunschweigisches Landesmuseum and the Duke Anton Ulrich Museum to the only Emperor from a Guelph house .

sources

literature

Lexicon article

Overview representations

Biographical presentations

  • Bernd Ulrich Hucker: Emperor Otto IV. (= Monumenta Germaniae historica. Vol. 34). Hahn, Hannover 1990, ISBN 3-7752-5162-6 (also: Bamberg, University, habilitation paper, 1983)
  • Bernd Ulrich Hucker: Otto IV. The rediscovered emperor. A biography. Insel-Verlag, Frankfurt am Main 2003, ISBN 3-458-34257-5 ( review ).
  • Eduard Winkelmann: Philipp von Schwaben and Otto IV. Von Braunschweig. 2 vols.Duncker & Humblot, Leipzig 1878, reprint Darmstadt 1963.

Special studies

Exhibition catalogs

  • Braunschweigisches Landesmuseum - Lower Saxony State Museums Braunschweig (ed.): Otto IV. Dream of the Guelph Empire. Imhof Verlag, Petersberg 2009, ISBN 978-3-86568-500-1 (Lower Saxony State Exhibition 2009).

Web links

Commons : Otto IV.  - Collection of images, videos and audio files

Remarks

  1. Bernd Schneidmüller: The Welfs. Reign and memory (819–1252). Stuttgart 2000, p. 15.
  2. Bernd Ulrich Hucker: Otto IV. A life between the English royal court and the Brunswick Palatinate (1175 / 76–1218). In: Bernd Ulrich Hucker, Stefanie Hahn, Hans-Jürgen Derda (eds.): Otto IV. Dream of the Guelph Empire. Petersberg 2009, pp. 13–26, here: p. 15.
  3. Knut Görich: Hunter of the lion or driven by the princes? Friedrich Barbarossa and the disempowerment of Henry the Lion. In: Werner Hechberger, Florian Schuller (eds.): Staufer & Welfen. Two rival dynasties in the High Middle Ages. Regensburg 2009, pp. 99–117.
  4. Gerd Althoff: Otto IV. How did the Guelph dream of empire fail? In: Frühmittelalterliche Studien 43, 2009, pp. 199–214, here: p. 203. On youth and training cf. Bernd Ulrich Hucker: Kaiser Otto IV. Hanover 1990, pp. 4–21.
  5. Bernd Ulrich Hucker: Otto IV. A life between the English royal court and the Brunswick Palatinate (1175 / 76–1218). In: Bernd Ulrich Hucker, Stefanie Hahn, Hans-Jürgen Derda (eds.): Otto IV. Dream of the Guelph Empire. Petersberg 2009, pp. 13–26, here: p. 20.
  6. Bernd Ulrich Hucker: Otto IV. The rediscovered emperor. Frankfurt am Main 2003, p. 13.
  7. On Richard the Lionheart cf. Dieter Berg: Richard the Lionheart. Darmstadt 2007.
  8. Bernd Ulrich Hucker: Kaiser Otto IV. Hanover 1990, p. 17; Joachim Ehlers: Heinrich the lion. Biography. Munich 2008, p. 372.
  9. Peter Csendes: Aspects of the biography of Philip of Swabia. In: Andrea Rzihacek, Renate Spreitzer (Ed.): Philipp von Schwaben. Contributions from the international conference on the occasion of the 800th anniversary of his death, Vienna, May 29-30, 2008. Vienna 2010, pp. 73–84, here: p. 80.
  10. Wolfgang Stürner: 13th century. 1198–1273 (Gebhardt, Handbuch der deutschen Geschichte 6) 10th, completely revised edition, Stuttgart 2007, p. 160.
  11. Bernd Schütte: King Philip of Swabia. Itinerary - awarding of certificates - courtyard. Hanover 2002, p. 347.
  12. Gerd Althoff: Otto IV. How did the Guelph dream of empire fail? In: Frühmittelalterliche Studien 43, 2009, pp. 199–214, here: p. 202. Claudia Garnier : Signs and Writing. Symbolic acts and literary fixation using the example of peace agreements of the 13th century. In: Frühmittelalterliche Studien 32, 1998, pp. 263–287, here: p. 264.
  13. Knut Görich: The Staufer. Ruler and empire. Munich 2006, p. 81.
  14. Bernd Ulrich Hucker: Otto IV. A life between the English royal court and the Brunswick Palatinate (1175 / 76–1218). In: Bernd Ulrich Hucker, Stefanie Hahn, Hans-Jürgen Derda (eds.): Otto IV. Dream of the Guelph Empire. Petersberg 2009, pp. 13–26, here: p. 20.
  15. Christoph Bartels: The city of Goslar and mining in the northwest Harz. From the beginnings to the Riechenberg Treaty of 1552. In: Karl Heinrich Kaufhold, Wilfried Reininghaus (ed.): City and mining. Cologne et al. 2004, pp. 135–188, here: p. 156.
  16. Henning Steinführer: “in nostre serenitatis defensionem suscepimus” - on the relationship between Otto IV and the city of Braunschweig. In: Bernd Ulrich Hucker, Stefanie Hahn, Hans-Jürgen Derda (eds.): Otto IV. Dream of the Guelph Empire. Petersberg 2009, pp. 249–256, here: p. 250.
  17. Katrin Kottmann: Adolf I von Altena's policy of dispute over the throne in the area of ​​tension between 'law' and legal mentality. In: Frühmittelalterliche Studien 39, 2005, pp. 151–175, here: p. 168.
  18. Katrin Kottmann: Adolf I von Altena's policy of dispute over the throne in the area of ​​tension between 'law' and legal mentality. In: Frühmittelalterliche Studien 39, 2005, pp. 151–175, here: p. 170.
  19. Katrin Kottmann: Adolf I von Altena's policy of dispute over the throne in the area of ​​tension between 'law' and legal mentality. In: Frühmittelalterliche Studien 39, 2005, p. 151-175, here: p. 152. Hermann Kamp: Money, Politics and Moral in the High Middle Ages. In: Frühmittelalterliche Studien 35, 2001, pp. 329–347, here: p. 330.
  20. Bernd Ulrich Hucker: Kaiser Otto IV. Hanover 1990, pp. 25–36.
  21. Knut Görich: Honor as a motive for action in rule practice and documents of Philip of Swabia. In: Andrea Rzihacek, Renate Spreitzer (Ed.): Philipp von Schwaben. Contributions to the international conference on the occasion of the 800th anniversary of his death, Vienna May 29-30, 2008. Vienna 2010, pp. 129–150, here: p. 130.
  22. Steffen Krieb: Procedure for conflict resolution in disputes over the throne. Germany, Denmark and Hungary in comparison. In: Andrea Rzihacek, Renate Spreitzer (Ed.): Philipp von Schwaben. Contributions to the international conference on the occasion of the 800th anniversary of his death, Vienna May 29-30 , 2008. Vienna 2010, pp. 277–291.
  23. Wolfgang Stürner: 13th century. 1198–1273 (Gebhardt, Handbuch der deutschen Geschichte 6) 10th, completely revised edition, Stuttgart 2007, p. 162.
  24. Knut Görich: Honor as a motive for action in rule practice and documents of Philip of Swabia. In: Andrea Rzihacek and Renate Spreitzer (eds.): Philipp von Schwaben. Contributions to the international conference on the occasion of the 800th anniversary of his death, Vienna May 29 to 30, 2008. Vienna 2010, pp. 129–150, here: p. 132.
  25. Gerd Althoff: The cathedral as a meeting place of religion and politics: The example of the Magdeburg cathedral. In: Wolfgang Schenkluhn , Andreas Waschbüsch (Hrsg.): The Magdeburg Cathedral in a European context. Contributions to the international scientific colloquium on the 800th anniversary of the cathedral in Magdeburg from 1st to 4th October 2009. Regensburg 2012, pp. 13–23, here: p. 17.
  26. Gerd Althoff: The cathedral as a meeting place of religion and politics: The example of the Magdeburg cathedral. In: Wolfgang Schenkluhn, Andreas Waschbüsch (Ed.): The Magdeburg Cathedral in a European context. Contributions to the international scientific colloquium on the 800th anniversary of the cathedral in Magdeburg from 1st to 4th October 2009. Regensburg 2012, pp. 13–23, here: p. 18.
  27. ^ Gerd Althoff, Christiane Witthöft: Les services symboliques entre dignité et contrainte. In: Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 58, 2003, pp. 1293-1318.
  28. Knut Görich: Honor as a motive for action in rule practice and documents of Philip of Swabia. In: Andrea Rzihacek, Renate Spreitzer (Ed.): Philipp von Schwaben. Contributions to the international conference on the occasion of the 800th anniversary of his death, Vienna May 29-30, 2008. Vienna 2010, pp. 129–150, here: pp. 132 and 140.
  29. Bernd Schneidmüller: The Welfs. Reign and memory (819–1252). Stuttgart 2000, p. 247. Hans-Jürgen Derda: Papal authority and secular rule: the claim to power of Pope Innocent III. at the time of the German controversy for the throne. In: Bernd Ulrich Hucker, Stefanie Hahn, Hans-Jürgen Derda (eds.): Otto IV. Dream of the Guelph Empire. Petersberg 2009, pp. 57–62, here: p. 60.
  30. Hans-Jürgen Derda: Papal authority and secular rule: The claim to power of Pope Innocent III. at the time of the German controversy for the throne. In: Bernd Ulrich Hucker, Stefanie Hahn, Hans-Jürgen Derda (eds.): Otto IV. Dream of the Guelph Empire. Petersberg 2009, pp. 57–62, here: p. 59.
  31. Hans-Jürgen Derda: Papal authority and secular rule: The claim to power of Pope Innocent III. at the time of the German controversy for the throne. In: Bernd Ulrich Hucker, Stefanie Hahn, Hans-Jürgen Derda (eds.): Otto IV. Dream of the Guelph Empire. Petersberg 2009, pp. 57–62, here: p. 60.
  32. Katrin Kottmann: Adolf I von Altena's policy of dispute over the throne in the area of ​​tension between 'law' and legal mentality. In: Frühmittelalterliche Studien 39, 2005, pp. 151–175, here: p. 172.
  33. ^ Matthias Springer: Otto IV. As a general. In: Bernd Ulrich Hucker, Stefanie Hahn, Hans-Jürgen Derda (eds.): Otto IV. Dream of the Guelph Empire. Petersberg 2009, pp. 259–262, here: p. 261.
  34. ^ Hubertus Seibert: Fidelis et dilectus noster. Emperor Otto IV and the Southeast of the Empire (1198–1212). In: Mitteilungen des Institut für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung 118, 2010, pp. 82–102, here: p. 85.
  35. Gerd Althoff: Otto IV. How did the Guelph dream of empire fail? In: Frühmittelalterliche Studien 43, 2009, pp. 199–214, here: p. 205.
  36. Gerd Althoff: Otto IV. How did the Guelph dream of empire fail? In: Frühmedalterliche Studien 43, 2009, pp. 199–214, here: p. 203.
  37. Gerd Althoff: Otto IV. How did the Guelph dream of empire fail? In: Frühmittelalterliche Studien 43, 2009, pp. 199–214, here: p. 205. The sources Arnoldi Chronica Slavorum , VIII, 1.
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  120. See in summary Bernd Ulrich Hucker: Otto IV. The rediscovered Kaiser. Frankfurt am Main 2003, pp. 403–410 and the detailed account by Alexander Cartellieri: Philipp II. August, King of France , Vol. 4, Leipzig 1921, pp. 448–473.
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  122. On the course of the battle after Otto's flight, see Alexander Cartellieri: Philipp II. August, King of France , Vol. 4, Leipzig 1921, pp. 469–473.
  123. Alexander Cartellieri: Philipp II. August, King of France , Vol. 4, Leipzig 1921, pp. 468–473; Joachim Ehlers: History of France in the Middle Ages , 2nd, revised edition, Darmstadt 2009, p. 138; see. also Bernd Schneidmüller: The Guelphs. Reign and memory (819–1252). Stuttgart 2000, p. 264.
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  149. Brage bei der Wieden, Gerhard Diehl: "Our Otto?" "Gnedig and gentle"? The image of Emperor Otto IV in the historiography of the early modern period. In: Bernd Ulrich Hucker, Stefanie Hahn, Hans-Jürgen Derda (eds.): Otto IV. Dream of the Guelph Empire. Petersberg 2009, pp. 307-318, here: p. 313.
  150. Thomas Scharff: Otto IV. In the historiography of the 13th century. In: Bernd Ulrich Hucker, Stefanie Hahn, Hans-Jürgen Derda (eds.): Otto IV. Dream of the Guelph Empire. Petersberg 2009, pp. 299–306, here: p. 299.
  151. Thomas Scharff: Otto IV. In the historiography of the 13th century. In: Bernd Ulrich Hucker, Stefanie Hahn, Hans-Jürgen Derda (eds.): Otto IV. Dream of the Guelph Empire. Petersberg 2009, pp. 299-306, here: p. 303.
  152. Thomas Scharff: Otto IV. In the historiography of the 13th century. In: Bernd Ulrich Hucker, Stefanie Hahn, Hans-Jürgen Derda (eds.): Otto IV. Dream of the Guelph Empire. Petersberg 2009, pp. 299–306, here: p. 304.
  153. Henning Steinführer: “in nostre serenitatis defensionem suscepimus” - on the relationship between Otto IV and the city of Braunschweig. In: Bernd Ulrich Hucker, Stefanie Hahn, Hans-Jürgen Derda (eds.): Otto IV. Dream of the Guelph Empire. Petersberg 2009, pp. 249-256, here: pp. 255f.
  154. Thomas Scharff: Otto IV. In the historiography of the 13th century. In: Bernd Ulrich Hucker, Stefanie Hahn, Hans-Jürgen Derda (eds.): Otto IV. Dream of the Guelph Empire. Petersberg 2009, pp. 299–306, here: p. 305.
  155. ^ Jens Röhrkasten: Otto IV. And England. In: Bernd Ulrich Hucker, Stefanie Hahn, Hans-Jürgen Derda (eds.): Otto IV. Dream of the Guelph Empire. Petersberg 2009, pp. 41–48, here: p. 47
  156. Gerd Althoff: Otto IV. - How did the Guelph dream of empire fail? In: Frühmittelalterliche Studien 43 (2009), pp. 199–214, here: p. 202. See in detail Hagen Keller: From 'holy book' to 'bookkeeping'. Life functions of writing in the Middle Ages. In: Frühmittelalterliche Studien 26, 1992, pp. 1–31.
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  158. Brage bei der Wieden, Gerhard Diehl: "Our Otto?" "Gnedig and gentle"? The image of Emperor Otto IV in the historiography of the early modern period. In: Bernd Ulrich Hucker, Stefanie Hahn, Hans-Jürgen Derda (eds.): Otto IV. Dream of the Guelph Empire. Petersberg 2009, pp. 307-318, here: p. 309.
  159. Brage bei der Wieden, Gerhard Diehl: “Our Otto?” “Gnedig and gentle”? The image of Emperor Otto IV in the historiography of the early modern period. In: Bernd Ulrich Hucker, Stefanie Hahn, Hans-Jürgen Derda (eds.): Otto IV. Dream of the Guelph Empire. Petersberg 2009, pp. 307-318, here: p. 314.
  160. Caspar Ehlers: The burial of Otto IV. In the Brunswick collegiate church St. Blasius in the context of the German royal burials. Tradition or innovation? In: Bernd Ulrich Hucker, Stefanie Hahn, Hans-Jürgen Derda (eds.): Otto IV. Dream of the Guelph Empire. Petersberg 2009, pp. 289–298, here: p. 290. Inscriptions of the city of Braunschweig, p. 81 f., No. 72.
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  162. Brage bei der Wieden, Gerhard Diehl: “Our Otto?” “Gnedig and gentle”? The image of Emperor Otto IV in the historiography of the early modern period. In: Bernd Ulrich Hucker, Stefanie Hahn, Hans-Jürgen Derda (eds.): Otto IV. Dream of the Guelph Empire. Petersberg 2009, pp. 307-318, here: p. 314.
  163. Brage bei der Wieden, Gerhard Diehl: “Our Otto?” “Gnedig and gentle”? The image of Emperor Otto IV in the historiography of the early modern period. In: Bernd Ulrich Hucker, Stefanie Hahn, Hans-Jürgen Derda (eds.): Otto IV. Dream of the Guelph Empire. Petersberg 2009, pp. 307-318, here: p. 315.
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  165. Hellmut Kämpf (ed.) Combines older works on this historical image: Canossa als Wende. Selected essays on recent research. Darmstadt 1969.
  166. ^ Herbert Grundmann: Elective King, Territorial Policy and Eastern Movement in the 13th and 14th Centuries (1198-1378). In: Gebhardt, Handbook of German History , Vol. 1, Stuttgart 1970, pp. 427-607, § 128 “The turn of the Middle Ages”.
  167. Gerd Althoff: Otto IV. - How did the Guelph dream of empire fail? In: Frühmittelalterliche Studien 43, 2009, pp. 199–214, here: p. 201.
  168. ^ Eduard Winkelmann: Philipp von Schwaben and Otto IV. Von Braunschweig. 2 vols. Leipzig 1873, p. 467f.
  169. On Winkelmann's judgment, including detailed quotations, also Gerd Althoff: Otto IV. - How did the Guelph dream of empire fail? In: Frühmittelalterliche Studien 43, 2009, pp. 199–214, here: p. 201.
  170. ^ Eduard Winkelmann: Philipp von Schwaben and Otto IV. Von Braunschweig. 2 vols., Leipzig 1873.
  171. ^ Karl Bosl: The Reichsministerialität the Salier and Staufer. A contribution to the history of the high medieval German people, state and empire. Stuttgart 1950/1951, p. 629.
  172. Gerd Althoff: The high medieval monarchy. Accents of an unfinished reassessment. In: Frühmedievalliche Studien 45, 2011, pp. 77–98.
  173. Bernd Schneidmüller: Consensual rule. An essay on forms and concepts of political order in the Middle Ages. In: Paul-Joachim Heinig, Sigrid Jahns, Hans-Joachim Schmidt, Rainer Christoph Schwinges, Sabine Wefers (eds.): Empire, regions and Europe in the Middle Ages and modern times. Festschrift for Peter Moraw. Berlin 2000, pp. 53-87, here: p. 75 ( online ).
  174. Bernd Ulrich Hucker: Kaiser Otto IV. Hanover 1990, p. 637.
  175. Bernd Ulrich Hucker: Otto IV. The rediscovered emperor. Frankfurt am Main 2003, p. 13f.
  176. Cf. Bernd Ulrich Hucker: Literature around Emperor Otto IV. In: Bernd Schneidmüller (Ed.): The Welfs and their Brunswick court in the high Middle Ages. Wiesbaden 1995, pp. 377-406. Hans Martin Schaller: The spiritual life at the court of Emperor Otto IV of Braunschweig. In: Hans Martin Schaller: Staufer time. Selected essays. Hannover 1993, pp. 165-195.
  177. Bernd Schneidmüller: The Welfs. Reign and memory (819–1252). Stuttgart 2000, p. 267.
  178. Gerd Althoff: Otto IV. - How did the Guelph dream of empire fail? In: Frühmittelalterliche Studien 43, 2009, pp. 199–214, here: p. 214.
predecessor Office successor
Henry VI. Roman-German king
from 1209 Emperor
1198 / 1208–1218
Friedrich II.
Richard the Lionheart Duke of Aquitaine
1196–1198
Richard the Lionheart
Richard the Lionheart Count of Poitou
1196–1198
Richard the Lionheart
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