Ṣolubba

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The Ṣolubba or Ṣleb (Arabic: صلوبة or صليب, DMG Ṣolubba or Ṣleb) were or are a group that was forced into inferiority by the surrounding majority , who lived on the northern Arabian Peninsula and as far as the southern fertile crescent from hunting and service nomadism lives or lived. The last known contact (1956) was the Austrian ethnologist Walter Dostal with the Ṣolubba in Kuwait . After him, the Ṣolubba are on the last level of the Bedouin hierarchy and thus take the place of a despised caste ( pariah ). Earlier travelers saw certain parallels in the group with the "Gypsies wandering around Europe" and the ethnologist Bernhard Streck noted a reference to the "Orient Gypsies".

origin

The Ṣolubba as heirs of prehistoric hunters and gatherers

Taking into account the ethnogony and ethnogenesis of the Ṣolubba, it is difficult to make statements about the origin of the group. According to Werner Caskel , the Ṣolubba could be the heirs of prehistoric hunters and gatherers. The archaeologist Alison Betts also sees similar parallels, as the Ṣolubba resemble prehistoric groups in their hunting behavior and seem to represent a relic of a bygone archaic life. As proof, Betts cites hunting techniques that date back to the 7th millennium. BC were used to kill antelopes . Special attention is paid to a semicircular stone wall that narrows at a certain angle. The antelopes are driven onto the semicircular space that has arisen in front of it and can only escape at the point on the wall where it has a depression. Behind the depression there is a pit in which the hunting prey jumping over it can easily be killed. According to several authors, such facilities were used by the Ṣolubba. Therefore, it is believed that the Ṣolubba are the heirs of prehistoric hunters and gatherers on the Arabian Peninsula.

The Ṣolubba as descendants of the donkey nomads

A further assumption includes the donkey breeding operated by the Ṣolubba in the consideration of origin. The first nomadism was the donkey nomadism practiced in North Africa. From there, the donkeys that were bred were migrated across the Red Sea to the Arabian coast, later to Persia, India and, on the other hand, to Mesopotamia and Syria. Nomads who invaded the Arabian Peninsula with their donkeys lost their status as breeding animals with the advent of the camel and were then demoted to outcasts. According to this, only the Ṣolubba could be the keepers of the North African donkey nomadism, as they opposed the degradation of donkey breeding. The theologian Joseph Henninger sees in the theory of the "donkey men" all essential characteristics of the Ṣolubba are taken into account, although there is no mention of donkey breeders in Arabic literature. In what period and why the "donkey men", whose heirs Henninger would like to see Solubba as their heirs, drove to the Arabian Peninsula, this historical construction also leaves open in the sense of ethnogenesis. Henninger's often theological rather than ethnological point of view also needs to be taken into account.

The Ṣolubba as descendants of the crusaders

It is said of the Ṣolubba themselves that they consider themselves the descendants of the Crusaders . Basis is u. a. an assumed Christian ancestry. The Ṣolubba trademark shows a cross and the word Ṣleb is a derivation of the word al-ṣalīb, which can be translated as cross. The Ṣolubba refer even more precisely to the exclamation Aulād Ṣalībī, which means children (or descendants) of the crusaders. Ṣulaib, another plural of Ṣleb (Ṣulaibbī, masculine singular), is again the diminutive form of the word ṣalīb and thus there is a relationship between the two words. Lewis Pelly also reports of wedding and circumcision celebrations, at which a wooden cross hung with red cloth was erected. In addition to the display of the wooden cross at festivities, the Ṣolubba embody a cross with their arms outstretched to the side during the salāt itself, at least Pelly claims to have observed it that way. At the time of the Crusaders, the so-called Ṣolubba came to the Arabian Peninsula, lost battles against Bedouins and at the same time were enslaved by them and escorted into the desert, where they have lived as hunters and service nomads ever since.

economy

Hunting and special use of the prey

In addition to the use of the gazelles for food, they were also used for the manufacture of clothes and panels. The Ṣolubba use the peeled pelts of the gazelles and use them to make their unmistakable robes, which are made from 15-20 gazelle skins. According to Pieper, the Ṣolubba dress like this for economic reasons: The garment protects against both heat and cold and is extremely well suited for hunting because it blurs the wearer with the ground and vegetation. The good camouflage provided by the robes makes hunting gazelles easier. In the garment, which like a coat has an opening for the head, long sleeves and a hood, the fur is worn outwards and the tanned side inwards. The robe is unmistakable in the composition of its components, as it has no role models. Pieper also used the manner of dressing as evidence that the Ṣolubba were regarded as an atavistic tribe. A link to earlier prehistoric groups seems even more likely in this context, at least for Pieper. Men and women both wear the same clothes, although the women also wear the Bedouin robes from time to time. They also seem to be the only ones who even use animal skins as clothing. Hardly surprising, since the removal and treatment of animal hides has been considered inappropriate for Bedouins and Arabs since the 13th century and a renewed edict by Šammar-Šēḫ Maršed ībn Ṭwāla , at least in the northern Arab region. Another reason to wear these clothes is to identify yourself as Ṣolubba. If they took off their clothes, it could happen that the Bedouins no longer recognize them and lose their protection, for which they pay ḥūwe , the protection money. Because the Ṣolubba, with their few possessions and their paid ḥūwe, do not attract the Bedouins and are left alone by them, many foreigners, the ǧar, join the Ṣolubba. When the ǧar dress in gazelle robes and thereby appear to be Ṣolubba, they benefit from their inviolability. However, the custom of ḥūwe payment ceased around 1930, as increased intervention by central governments ended this practice.

In addition to the use of the hides for the manufacture of clothes, they are also used as tarpaulin, because weaving was unknown to the Ṣolubba. One reason for this is certainly the dominance of hunting in earlier times, as they kept neither sheep nor goats and therefore no weaving tradition could develop. On the other hand, the question must also be asked whether it was a question of “ignorance” or simply no need for web products. In contrast to a large number of reports that describe the use of the skins as tent sheets, Wright, Pelly and Burkhardt report on the usual black goat hair tents which are woven by women. Such tendencies will have emerged over time, because on the one hand the Ṣolubba could now have started weaving themselves, since they keep sheep and goats in addition to donkeys, or they receive the woven panels as a reward for their services from the Bedouins. It is also known that the Ṣolubba exchange their products for other goods in cities.

During the hunt, the Ṣolubba used to spend the night in caves or slept directly in the Ḫala . In the past they also followed avoidance regulations before hunting. Among other things, they refrained from sexual intercourse because “you get so weak afterwards”. In addition, women were not informed about the hunting conditions and the treasures, such as liver and heart, were eaten by the men on the spot during the hunt. As with the Arabs, the animal's carotid artery is opened with the formula " b-ismi-llahi ". This is the Basmala, the opening formula of 113 verses of the Koran, which is completely bismi ʾllāhi ʾr-raḥmāni ʾr-raḥīmi (In the name of the merciful and gracious God). This can be seen as an indication that ancient elements of belief and hunting rituals were mixed with the customs of Islam. At least that fact would support some authors' points of view.

In the 1950s, the number of gazelles on the Arabian Peninsula decreased significantly. In the past, Bedouins were described as moderate hunters who hunted with falcons and greyhounds to pass the time, but since motorization they have been chasing game with cars. This quick and easy way of hunting reduced the number of gazelles considerably. The retrofitting of the Ṣolubba with rifles also led to a reduction in the number. While the Ṣolubba were able to kill 10-20 gazelles during a good hunt, they later hunted up to 30 gazelles per hunt with their rifles. At that time, hunting no longer played a major role for the Ṣolubba. Their talent for searching for traces, their knowledge of hidden water sources, their special hunting style and the associated geographical knowledge of the inner deserts made them hunters envied even by the Bedouins. That is why the hunters today, at least in Kuwait, use their skills for the job market. They are desert guides for Šēḫs and tourists and their knowledge is coveted by the army, police and scouts alike. It is not known whether the Ṣolubba still hunt today. With the migration and expulsion of the gazelles and other prey, hunting is likely to have at least moved into the background today and only play a peripheral role in supply.

Donkey breeding

Besides hunting, the most important branch of the Ṣolubba economy is donkey breeding. Not least because of the negative connotation of donkey breeding among the Bedouins and the negative attributions in the Koran, the Ṣolubba find themselves in their inferior position at the end of the Bedouin ranking system. Nevertheless, the donkey is currently needed as a pack animal by the Bedouins, although it is not valued. The Ṣolubba are known for the successful breeding of mainly white donkeys and the special coloring of the donkeys make them a coveted object of sale, which is said to have found its way via Morocco even to England. Despite prominent features such as speed, which should even surpass that of the camels and their white color, the breeding of the donkey is considered degrading by cattle-breeding nomads. Already in the Koran the donkey is described as a cursed animal because the devil clung to its tail and got onto Noah's ark . His shouting is considered "the ugliest voice" and in Islamic literature he is associated with dirt, sensuality and the material world. All three ascribed factors are characteristics that are not associated with Islamic piety. Messages from the 13th century already convey activities that the Bedouins classified as despicable, and others. a. riding on donkeys. Despite their negative attribution, the Ṣolubba donkeys represent a valuable material asset for all buyers. After Musil " ... they are [in price] higher than a thoroughbred stallion and every governor and every rich man looking to have a real Slejb-ass, he rides on ceremonial occasions ." This is why the Ṣolubba can sell their donkeys for large sums in the cities on the edge of the desert or exchange them for other goods such as grain. After Caskel, the most haunted cities for donkey sales are Damascus and Palmyra . Donkeys are also sold in Baghdad , which has given the animals the nickname Baghdad donkey.

Since 1880 the Ṣolubba have been allowed to raise camels with the permission of the Emir Hā'il ībn Rešid. However, they do not have enough means to keep larger herds and rearing could and can only take place where a strong central government could or could protect the property of the Ṣolubba from the raids of the Bedouins.

Musical services

Almost all travelers who have been in contact with the Ṣolubba are described as extraordinarily musically and poetically gifted. Pieper sees a parallel here to the musical talents of the gypsies and the poetic talent of the Bedouins and Arabs. According to Dostal, however, the first comparison can be regarded as invalid. Singing and poetry were adopted by the minority , in this case the Ṣolubba, when the interest in these art forms within the majority , in this case the Bedouins, waned. However, Dostal also points out that the adoption of music and poetry is also a result of the spread of the warlike camel breeder nomads into the Ṣolubba area. The former professional caste of singers and blacksmiths was therefore transferred to the inferior group of Ṣolubba. Caskel takes a similar view when he reports on the neglect of poetry by the Bedouins. The " alertness and agility of the mind " of the Ṣolubba are decisive for the fact that these outcasts could slowly penetrate the musical sphere of the Bedouins. The technique and practice of poetry and music-making were accordingly adopted and adapted to the realities of life in the Ṣoluba. In the adapted verses of the Ṣolubba, for example, the desire to become Bedouin oneself is expressed in order to escape one's own inferiority status. As early as 1956 it was the sole responsibility of the traveling singers of the Ṣolubba, at least in Kuwait, to cultivate the folk poetry of the Arab Bedouins. Hence, the most common use of this talent is to perform in front of a paying audience. Both women and men present their performances to the Bedouins when the opportunity arises and receive gifts in return. Almost all Ṣolubba are on the move as wandering musicians and dancers and move "[...] like the Arab bards, from branch to branch and earn their living ". Her musical and poetic talent is in great demand among rural and urban populations in the North Arabian region. One reason for this is certainly the Ṣolubba inclination to design verses in such a way that they praise the respective host in a special way, not least because of the profit. This "singing" of the verses by inserting own and improvised contents is not a new addition of the Ṣolubba, but according to Caskel a typical trick of the Bedouins. In this case, it can be assumed that the Ṣolubba have also taken over from the Bedouins to improvise the content of the texts, which retrospectively could explain the popularity of the poetry performances among the Bedouin superiority .

The musical and poetic performances consist of singing, playing instruments and dancing. Men usually take on the role of singers or narrators and women that of dancers. The performances find instrumental accompaniment by the rbābe, a square guitar or the ,ār, a frame drum or tambourine. Butler also attests to the use of the mutbaḫ, a flute tied together from two tubes, which, according to the description, is reminiscent of the shawm .

Since hunting no longer plays the primary role of self-sufficiency and their own small flocks of sheep and goats are hardly an option for self-sufficient care, the Ṣolubba are dependent on population groups who pay for the services they offer.

Blacksmithing

As a fourth major source of income, in addition to donkey breeding, the previously important hunting and musical performances, the blacksmith's trade can be seen, because: "[...] at their core they are wandering blacksmiths and tinkers ". Owing to the craft of tinkering, Doughty and Pieper open up certain parallels to the European gypsies . They make axes, scythes, pots and devote themselves to steel finishing. They conduct their business directly with the Bedouins in the winter months. However, a problem arises because " The blacksmith's trade with its ore deposits, smelting sites, etc. [...] is [...] bound to fixed locations ". The blacksmith's trade is therefore an import of sedentary groups. This finding contradicts constructed theories of ancestry in the sense of ethnogenesis, such as that of the smiths of the Šelappāyu described in Middle and Neo-Assyrian texts or the assumption that the Ṣolubba are Qenites , those of Cain descended from the blacksmith. Such assumptions are also rejected by Dostal, since the Ṣolubba learned the blacksmith's trade as a secondary part of a takeover in order to cover the demand for metal products and thus secure their livelihood. For inferior groups like the Ṣolubba, who take last place in the Bedouin order of precedence, the blacksmith's trade is also associated with prejudices that go far back into pre-Islamic times.

Medical services

In fact, the Ṣolubba are known for their medical skills and offer them as services, even if their skills are under suspicion of sorcery among the Bedouins and are therefore viewed with skepticism. In addition to caring for people, they are also familiar with veterinary medicine . For the Bedouins, the neutral and medically adept Ṣolubba are usually the only point of contact in order to be examined or cured of illnesses. In the event of illness, they go to the Ṣolubba tents and receive treatment there. If they succumb to their illness, they are immediately buried by the Ṣolubba. In addition to puncturing and cutting into ulcers, the most common method of treatment is burning. A rolled up cloth is placed on the area to be treated and lit on the top. This method creates burn blisters on the skin that promise healing as soon as they open. The secret of the treating Ṣlēbī (singular form of Ṣolubba) remains where the fuel rod is placed, for example to cure rheumatism or other diseases. In addition to burning, the Ṣolubba use an ointment made from camel bone marrow. This is also applied to the areas to be treated and, if necessary, the area is then burned. Musil reports of another healing method in which a weakened person is given liquid butter to drink and the traveler Guarmani was healed by being rubbed with butter by Ṣolubba.

Special services

Harold Richard Patrick Dickson describes that the Ṣolubba not only know fortune telling but also the secrets of making certain potions. The Ṣolubba women, feared by the Bedouins as witches and sorceresses, can brew love potions and induce male impotence. On the contrary, they could also increase the fertility of men, influence the growth of children, or manipulate the length of a life. In this sense, the Ṣolubba have both good and bad powers. However, these are stories from Bedouins. For fortune telling, the Ṣolubba use coins, shells and shards, which are dropped from their hands. The future of the client can then be predicted from the arrangement of the fallen objects.

In this sense, the skills of fortune telling and magic represent a further branch of income for service nomads and should therefore also serve to secure the livelihood of the Ṣolubba. The fact that the Ṣolubba are also forced into the state of inferiority by these arts can in turn be explained by Islamic piety, which sees magic and the art of divination as blasphemy. As an example, reference is only made to Sura 2: 102, Sura 10: 77 as well as 81 and 82 or Sura 20: 67-69.

religion

The Ṣolubba officially profess the beliefs of the majority surrounding them, in this case Islam , even if they apparently mix their own beliefs and remnants of other beliefs under the name of Islam. In addition, they are also described as religious indifferentists, whose indifference to the true Islamic faith is so striking that they are sometimes denied any religiosity by previous travelers. This indifference to Islam would surely make them outcasts if they had not been forced out of the conformity of Arab-Bedouin society beforehand. Because they are not allowed to participate in the Arab-Bedouin world, they are denied access to Islam and to the common cross-tribal prayer, the salāt . Islamic practice is carried out even if the Ṣolubba do not perform their ṣalāt, which they pray three times a day according to Pelly, across the tribe and remain among themselves. The seclusion of their ṣalāt does not constitute a violation in the Qur'anic context, but the common prayer of the community ( umma ) is perceived as more effective, since the individual is an integral part of the umma. Likewise, if the hunt is successful, the killed animal is opened with the recitation of the Basmala , in which the action under Allaah is to be blessed. In addition, they follow the commandment of circumcision, whereas Vernier believes that the Ṣolubba only perform circumcision on Bedouin children, but are not themselves circumcised. According to Pelly, the Ṣolubba u. a. in the month of Ramaḍān for 30 days.

In older descriptions of the solluba these are often the Johannes Christians associated. These appear as a Gnostic sect in the New Testament even after the death of John the Baptist . In the 17th century, remnants of the John Christianity were believed to have been found among the Mandaeans (or Sabians). In his work from 1865, Pelly identified Ḥarrān in Iraq or Mesopotamia as a place of pilgrimage for the Ṣolubba and reports on how the Ṣolubba call themselves Sabier (Mandaean). They are also said to have psalms and holy scriptures written in Chaldean and Assyrian or in Mandaean . In addition to these features of Mandaeanism, they also worship the Pole Star and a star in the Aries constellation. When they are not praying to Mecca , align themselves with one of these stars and form a cross with their bodies. Mandaeanism also includes being immersed seven times during baptism. However, Pelly's claims are isolated from other observations and sources, and the name Sabier comes from two different sects. On the one hand, to the actual Mandaeans and, on the other hand, to a pagan sect in Ḥarrān (Syria) " which only took the name Sabier as a camouflage and could continue to exist under Islamic rule for centuries ". The sect in Ḥarrān, however, has nothing to do with the Mandaeans. It is probably a mix up of the names Ṣubba (Mandäer) and Ṣluba (Ṣlēb), since Pelly himself traveled with an interpreter. It can therefore be considered unlikely that the Ṣolubba preserved the Christianity of John.

See also

literature

  • Betts, AVG (1989): “ The Solubba: Nonpastoral Nomads in Arabia ”, in: Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research. BASOR, No. 274, pp. 61-69. Atlanta: Scholars Press.
  • Breß, K. (2013): Who are the Ṣlēb? Consideration of ethnogony and ethnogenesis based on four possible answers. Munich: Academic Publishing Association Munich
  • Caskel, W. [Hrsg.] (1967): “ X. Department: Paria tribes in Arabia ”, in: Max Freiherr von Oppenheim: Die Beduinen. Volume IV, Part 1, pp. 104-154. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz.
  • Dostal, W. (1956): “The Ṣulubba and their significance for the cultural history of Arabia. Monographic summary of the results of my study visit to Kuwēt (1956) ”, in: Museum für Völkerkunde in Vienna by the association“ Friends of Völkerkunde ”(ed.): Archive for Völkerkunde, Volume XI, pp. 15–42. Vienna: Universitäts Verlag.
  • Doughty, CM (1936): Travels in Arabia Deserta. New York: Random House.
  • Hayden, R. (1979): “The Cultural Ecology of Service Nomads”, in: Eastern Anthropologist, Vol. 32, No. 4, pp. 297-309. Uttar Pradesh [u. a.].
  • Helms, SW / Betts, AVG (1987): “The Desert“ Kites ”of the Badiyat esh-Sham and North Arabia”, in: Paléorient. Revue interdisciplinaire de préhistoire et de protohistoire de du sud-ouest et de l'Asie centrale, Vol. 13/1, pp. 41-67. Paris: CNRS Edition.
  • Henninger, J. (1989): “Pariastämme in Nordarabien”, in: Arabica Varia. Essays on the cultural history of Arabia and its peripheral areas. Appeared in the series: Orbis biblicus et orientalis: 90. Freiburg (Switzerland): Universitäts Verlag.
  • Musil, A. (1927): Arabia Deserta. A topographical itinerary. New York: American Geographical Society.
  • Musil, A. (1928): The Manners and Customs of the Rwala Beduins. New York: American Geographical Society.
  • Pelly, L. (1865): “A Visit to the Wahabee Capital, Central Arabia”, in: Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, Vol. 35, pp. 169-191. London: Murray
  • Pieper, W. (1923): “The Paria tribe of the Ṣlêb”, in: Le Monde Oriental. Archives pour l'histoire et l'ethnographie, les langues et littératures, religions et traditions de l'Europe orientale. Volume XVII, pp. 1-75. Uppsala: Akad Bokh.
  • Simpson, St. J. (1994): “Gazelle-Hunters and Salt-Collectors: A Further Note on the Solubba”, in: Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, No. 293, pp. 79-81. Atlanta: Scholars Press.

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ Dostal, W .: The Ṣulubba and its significance for the cultural history of Arabia, in Archiv für Völkerkunde, Volume XI, Vienna and Stuttgart 1956, p.
  2. ^ Pieper, W .: The Pariah tribe of the Ṣlêb, in Le Monde Oriental, Volume XVII, Uppsala [u. a.] 1923, p. 40
  3. ↑ Streck, B .: Zigeuner - Geschichte und Kultur, Munich 2010 [previously unpublished], p. 284
  4. ↑ Caskel, W. (Ed.): X. Department: Paria tribes in Arabia, in Max Freiherr von Oppenheim: Die Beduinen, Volume IV, Part 1, Wiesbaden 1967, p. 143
  5. ^ Betts, A .: The Solubba: Nonpastoral Nomads in Arabia, in Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, No. 274, Atlanta 1989, p. 61
  6. ↑ Breß, K .: Who are the Ṣlēb? Consideration of ethnogony and ethnogenesis based on four possible answers. Munich 2013, p. 9 ff.
  7. ↑ Henninger, J .: Pariah tribes in Northern Arabia: 1. Ṣlēb, in Arabica Varia - essays on the cultural history of Arabia and its peripheral areas, Göttingen 1989, p. 220 ff.
  8. ↑ Breß, K .: Who are the Ṣlēb? Consideration of ethnogony and ethnogenesis based on four possible answers, Munich 2013, p. 34 f.
  9. ↑ Henninger, J .: Paria tribes in Northern Arabia: 1. Ṣlēb, in Arabica Varia - essays on the cultural history of Arabia and its peripheral areas, Göttingen 1989, pp. 54–56
  10. ^ Caskel, W. (Ed.): X. Department: Paria tribes in Arabia, in Max Freiherr von Oppenheim: Die Beduinen, Volume IV, Part 1, Wiesbaden 1967, pp. 144–146
  11. ^ Pelly, L .: A Visit to the Wahabee Capital, Central Arabia, in Journal of the Royal Geographical Society of London, Vol. 35, London 1865, p. 190
  12. ^ Betts, A .: The Solubba: Nonpastoral Nomads in Arabia, in Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, No. 274, Atlanta 1989, p. 65
  13. ^ Betts, A .: The Solubba: Nonpastoral Nomads in Arabia, in Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, No. 274, Atlanta 1989, p. 63
  14. ^ Pieper, W .: The Pariah tribe of the Ṣlêb, in Le Monde Oriental, Volume XVII, Uppsala [u. a.] 1923, p. 19
  15. ↑ Caskel, W. (Ed.): X. Department: Pariah tribes in Arabia, in Max Freiherr von Oppenheim: Die Beduinen, Volume IV, Part 1, Wiesbaden 1967, p. 134
  16. ^ Pieper, W .: The Pariah tribe of the Ṣlêb, in Le Monde Oriental, Volume XVII, Uppsala [u. a.] 1923, p. 19
  17. ^ Butler, SS: Baghdad to Damascus via el Jauf, Northern Arabia, in The Geographical Journal, Vol. 33, No. 5, Oxford [u. a.] 1909, p. 524
  18. ^ Betts, A .: The Solubba: Nonpastoral Nomads in Arabia, in Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, No. 274, Atlanta 1989, p. 63
  19. ↑ Caskel, W. (Ed.): X. Department: Pariah tribes in Arabia, in Max Freiherr von Oppenheim: Die Beduinen, Volume IV, Part 1, Wiesbaden 1967, p. 104
  20. ^ Pelly, L .: A Visit to the Wahabee Capital, Central Arabia, in Journal of the Royal Geographical Society of London, Vol. 35, London 1865, pp. 189-190
  21. ^ Pieper, W .: The Pariah tribe of the Ṣlêb, in Le Monde Oriental, Volume XVII, Uppsala [u. a.] 1923, pp. 23-24
  22. ↑ Caskel, W. (Ed.): X. Department: Paria tribes in Arabia, in Max Freiherr von Oppenheim: Die Beduinen, Volume IV, Part 1, Wiesbaden 1967, p. 135, and cf. Dostal, W .: Die Dieulubba and their significance for the cultural history of Arabia, in Archiv für Völkerkunde, Volume XI, Vienna and Stuttgart 1956, p. 33 ff.
  23. ↑ Dostal, W .: The Ṣulubba and its significance for the cultural history of Arabia, in Archiv für Völkerkunde, Volume XI, Vienna and Stuttgart 1956, p. 29
  24. ↑ Caskel, W. (Ed.): X. Department: Paria tribes in Arabia, in Max Freiherr von Oppenheim: Die Beduinen, Volume IV, Part 1, Wiesbaden 1967, p. 134, and Betts, A .: The Solubba: Nonpastoral Nomads in Arabia, in Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, No. 274, Atlanta 1989, p. 63
  25. ^ Pieper, W .: The Pariah tribe of the Ṣlêb, in Le Monde Oriental, Volume XVII, Uppsala [u. a.] 1923, p. 24, and Pelly, L .: A Visit to the Wahabee Capital, Central Arabia, in Journal of the Royal Geographical Society of London, Vol. 35, London 1865, p. 190
  26. ^ Butler, SS: Baghdad to Damascus via el Jauf, Northern Arabia, in The Geographical Journal, Vol. 33, No. 5, Oxford [u. a.] 1909, p. 524
  27. ↑ Cf. Caskel, W. (Ed.): X. Department: Paria tribes in Arabia, in Max Freiherr von Oppenheim: Die Beduinen, Volume IV, Part 1, Wiesbaden 1967, p. 131
  28. ^ Pelly, L .: A Visit to the Wahabee Capital, Central Arabia, in Journal of the Royal Geographical Society of London, Vol. 35, London 1865, p. 190
  29. ^ Pieper, W .: The Pariah tribe of the Ṣlêb, in Le Monde Oriental, Volume XVII, Uppsala [u. a.] 1923, p. 24
  30. ↑ Šēch Sefāch in Dostal, W .: The Ṣulubba and its significance for the cultural history of Arabia, in Archiv für Völkerkunde, Volume XI, Vienna and Stuttgart 1956, p. 23
  31. ↑ Dostal, W .: The Ṣulubba and its significance for the cultural history of Arabia, in Archives for Ethnology, Volume XI, Vienna and Stuttgart 1956, p. 26
  32. ↑ Henninger, J .: Pariah tribes in Northern Arabia: 1. Ṣolubba, in Arabica Varia - essays on the cultural history of Arabia and its peripheral areas, Göttingen 1989, p. 187, footnote: 20
  33. ↑ Musil, A .: The Manners and Customs of the Rwala Beduins. New York 1928, p. 325
  34. ↑ See Betts, A .: The Solubba: Nonpastoral Nomads in Arabia, in Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, No. 274, Atlanta 1989, p. 63
  35. ↑ Cf. Doughty, CM: Travels in Arabia Deserta, New York 1936: 325, as well as Cf. Caskel, W. [see Note 1], p. 108
  36. ↑ Cf. Dostal, W .: The Ṣulubba and its significance for the cultural history of Arabia, in Archiv für Völkerkunde, Volume XI, Vienna and Stuttgart 1956
  37. ↑ Schimmel, A .: The Signs of God - The Religious World of Islam, Munich 1995, p. 53
  38. ^ Wright in Pieper, W .: The pariah tribe of the Ṣlêb, in Le Monde Oriental, Volume XVII, Uppsala [u. a.] 1923, p. 28
  39. ^ Musil in Pieper, W .: The Paria tribe of the Ṣlêb, in Le Monde Oriental, Volume XVII, Uppsala [u. a.] 1923, p. 28
  40. ^ Pieper, W .: The Pariah tribe of the Ṣlêb, in Le Monde Oriental, Volume XVII, Uppsala [u. a.] 1923, p. 27
  41. ↑ Schimmel, A .: The Signs of God - The Religious World of Islam, Munich 1995, p. 53
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  53. ↑ Cf. Caskel, W. (Ed.): X. Department: Pariah tribes in Arabia, in Max Freiherr von Oppenheim: Die Beduinen, Volume IV, Part 1, Wiesbaden 1967
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  55. ^ Pieper, W .: The Pariah tribe of the Ṣlêb, in Le Monde Oriental, Volume XVII, Uppsala [u. a.] 1923, p. 40
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  57. ↑ Caskel, W. (Ed.): X. Department: Paria tribes in Arabia, in Max Freiherr von Oppenheim: Die Beduinen, Volume IV, Part 1, Wiesbaden 1967, p. 136
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  63. ↑ Mühlmann in Henninger, J .: Pariastämme in Nordarabien: 1. Ṣlēb, in Arabica Varia - essays on the cultural history of Arabia and its peripheral areas, Göttingen 1989, p. 215
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  68. ↑ See Kinnier Wilson in Betts, A .: The Solubba: Nonpastoral Nomads in Arabia, in Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, No. 274, Atlanta 1989, p. 66 & Simpson, St. J .: Gazelle-Hunters and Salt-Collectors: A Further Note on the Solubba, in Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, No. 293, Atlanta 1994, p. 79
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  86. ↑ Caskel, W. (Ed.): X. Department: Pariah tribes in Arabia, in Max Freiherr von Oppenheim: Die Beduinen, Volume IV, Part 1, Wiesbaden 1967, p. 141
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