Christian democracy: Difference between revisions

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* [[Felipe Calderon]], president of [[Mexico]].
* [[Felipe Calderon]], president of [[Mexico]].
* [[José Napoleón Duarte]], first democratically-elected president of [[El Salvador]].
* [[José Napoleón Duarte]], first democratically-elected president of [[El Salvador]].
* [[Vicente Fox]], former president of [[Mexico]].
* [[Vicente Fox]], former president of [[Mexico]]; current co-President of [[Christian Democrat International]].
* [[Eduardo Frei Montalva]], [[Chile]]an politician and former president.
* [[Eduardo Frei Montalva]], [[Chile]]an politician and former president.
* [[Alcide De Gasperi]], Italian prime minister and pro-European leader.
* [[Alcide De Gasperi]], Italian prime minister and pro-European leader.

Revision as of 04:21, 3 October 2007

Christian democracy is a diverse political ideology and movement. While Christian democrats hold a variety of views, there is general agreement on certain issues. Broadly speaking, Christian democracy is conservative in regard to moral and cultural issues, and issues of public morality and tradition. It can be described as left-wing as it claims a "strong social conscience", in the sense of emphasizing the alleviation of poverty, the welfare state, and if necessary the restraint of market forces. It may also be seen as liberal as it upholds human rights and individual initiative.

Christian democracy is a significant force in the political mainstream of Europe and Latin America, but is less common on other continents. Christian Democratic parties in Latin America are generally more inclined to support left-leaning economic views, while their European counterparts tend to be closer to the political center, or center-right.

Political viewpoints

As with every category of political thought, in practice, the policies and priorities of Christian Democratic parties can vary considerably over time and between countries.

Christian Democrats are usually socially conservative, and, as such, many Christian Democrats are opposed to abortion and same-sex marriage, although some Christian Democratic parties have accepted the legalization of both, within certain limits. Christian Democratic parties are often likely to assert the Christian heritage of their country, and to explicitly affirm Christian ethics, rather than adopting a more liberal and secular stance that all religions are to be considered equivalent.

Christian Democracy sees the economy as being at the service of humanity; however, most Christian Democratic parties do not call capitalism itself into question. The duty of the state to care for its citizens (or, for some Christian Democrats, the duty of the state to facilitate the most conducive public conditions for a society to care for its members within various non-political communities) is of real importance for Christian Democrats. Some Christian Democrats oppose Christian socialism, while others may at times seem to hold political opinions close to it. In recent decades, some major Christian Democratic parties in Europe have shifted more towards a right-leaning policy of economic liberalism, based on reducing the role of the state in the economy and increasing the role of non-governmental communities in identifying and supplying various societal needs.

Geoffrey K. Roberts and Patricia Hogwood describe the basis of Christian Democracy by writing "In terms of ideology, Christian Democracy has incorporated many of the views held by liberals, conservatives and socialists within a wider framework of moral and Christian principles."[1] They describe the basis of Christian Democracy in terms of comparisons to and contrasts with liberalism, socialism and conservatism, a useful approach to understanding Christian Democracy.

In such terms of comparisons and contrasts, a "typical" Christian Democratic viewpoint might be described as follows:

  • In common with liberalism, an emphasis on human rights and individual initiative.
  • In contrast to liberalism, a rejection of laicity, and an emphasis on the fact that the individual is part of a community and has duties towards it.
  • In common with conservatism, conservative moral values (i.e. on issues such as marriage, divorce, abortion etc.), a view of the evolutionary development of society, an emphasis on law and order, and a rejection of communism.
  • In contrast to conservatism, open to change (e.g. in the structure of society) and not necessarily supportive of the social status quo.
  • In common with socialism, a strong emphasis on social solidarity (i.e. the welfare state, prioritizing alleviation of poverty, high taxes on the wealthy, etc.) and a willingness to restrain market forces.
  • In contrast to socialism, supports capitalism and a market economy and does not advocate class struggle.

History of Christian Democracy

Christian Democracy as a political movement was born at the end of the 19th century, largely as a result of the papal encyclical Rerum Novarum of Pope Leo XIII, in which the Vatican recognized workers' misery and agreed that something should be done about it, in reaction to the rise of the socialist and trade union movements. The position of the Roman Catholic Church on this matter was further clarified in a subsequent encyclical, Quadragesimo Anno, by Pope Pius XI in 1931. Christian Democracy has evolved considerably since then, and it is no longer a particularly Catholic ideology. In Germany, for example, the Christian Democratic Party emerged as a grouping dominated by Rhenish and Westphalian Catholics, but also encompassed the more conservative elements of the protestant population. Following World War II, Christian Democracy was seen as a neutral and unifying voice of compassionate conservatism, and distinguished itself from the far right. It gave a voice to 'conservatives of the heart', particularly in Germany, who had detested Adolf Hitler's regime yet did not agree with the left on many issues.

In Protestant countries, Christian Democratic parties were founded by more conservative Protestants in reaction to the political power of liberal tendencies within the Protestant churches. In the Netherlands, for instance, the Anti Revolutionary Party was founded in 1879 by conservative Protestants. It institutionalized early 19th century opposition against the ideas from the French Revolution on popular sovereignty. It held the position that government derived its authority from God and not from the people. This Burkean position is sometimes also called Christian Historian. It was a response to the liberal ideas that predominated in political life. The Swedish Christian Democratic Party, rooted in the Pentecostal religious tradition, has a similar history.

While Christian Democracy is of Roman Catholic origin, it has been adopted by many Protestant and Orthodox Christians as well. Some Christian Democratic parties, particularly in Europe, no longer emphasize religion and have become much more secular in recent years. Also within Europe, two essentially Islamic parties, the Democratic League of Kosovo and the Turkey's ruling Justice and Development Party (usually known by the Turkish acronym AKP, for Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi) have moved towards the tradition. The Democratic League of Kosovo is now a full member of the Christian Democrat International.

Though they do not identify with Christian Democracy for obvious religious reasons, Israel's Shas (Sephardic Orthodox party) and United Torah Judaism (Ashkenazi Orthodox party) could be classified as Christian Democratic parties, due to their combination of conservative social and religious policies with an emphasis on increased social spending. They also tend to be centrist and relatively flexible in terms of their positions on national security and the peace process.

Christian Democracy can trace its philosophical roots back to Thomas Aquinas and his thoughts about Aristotelian ontology and the Christian tradition. According to him, human rights are defined as the things that humans need to function properly. For example, food is a human right because without food humans cannot function properly. Modern authors important to the formation of Christian Democratic ideology include Emmanuel Mounier, Étienne Gilson, and Jacques Maritain.

Christian Democracy around the world

The international organization of Christian Democratic parties, the Christian Democrat and People's Parties International, is the second largest international political organization in the world (second only to the Socialist International). European Christian Democratic parties have their own regional organization called the European People's Party, which forms the largest group in the European Parliament. However, not all Christian Democratic parties in Europe are members of it. Some, such as the Union for French Democracy, have joined the centrist group called the European Democratic Party, which takes a strongly Europhile stance. Similarly, Italy's Margherita ("Daisy") party - a member of Prime Minister Romano Prodi's center-left coalition l'Unione - is a founding constituent of the EDP, while the Alleanza Popolare-UDEUR (also member's of Romani's l'Unione) caucus with the EPP-ED.

Christian Democracy in Europe

Christian Democracy has been especially important in Italy, inspired by Luigi Sturzo (see Democrazia Cristiana), Norway (see Christian Democratic Party of Norway), and Germany (see Christian Democratic Union and Christian Social Union). Major Christian Democratic influence can also be seen in the politics of Austria (ÖVP), Belgium (CD&V and CDH), Finland, France, Ireland (Fine Gael), Luxembourg, Malta, The Netherlands (Christian Democratic Appeal), Poland (Polish Peasant Party, part of Civic Platform and part of Law and Justice), Ukraine (Christian Democratic Union) Slovenia, Spain (People's Party), and Sweden (Christian Democrats). Christian Democracy is not very strong in the United Kingdom where the Conservative Party dominates conservative politics, although they do contain elements of Christian Democrat ideology and, as a party, are roughly comparable to Christian Democrat Parties throughout the rest of Europe. For example, they have been part of the European People's Party–European Democrats in the European Parliament, which contains many of Europe's major Christian Democrat parties.

Christian Democracy in Latin America

Christian Democracy has been especially important in Chile (see Christian Democrat Party of Chile), in a government coalition since 1990 with the socialdemocrats, and most recently in Mexico with the National Action Party of Vicente Fox.

Christian Democracy in Asia

The Philippines

In the Philippines, the influence of Christian Democracy as well as the Roman Catholic and Protestant clergy is very evident, especially in the People Power uprisings it has produced. The largely Roman Catholic country has elected two Christian Democratic presidents (Fidel V. Ramos, a Protestant, and Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, a devout Catholic, both from the ruling Lakas-CMD party). Filipino Christian Democrats have always focused on economic growth and development, stronger ties with the United States, creation of jobs, and strong cooperation between the executive and legislative branches of government. Christian Democrats in the country have been known for their advocacy of a shift from the present presidential system to a parliamentary form of government through constitutional amendments and through establishing peace talks with Muslim separatists and communist rebels.

What makes Filipino Christian Democracy distinct from others is its inclusion of Muslim leaders in its political alliance (see Lakas-Christian-Muslim Democrats Party). This is an example of Christian Democracy being "ecumenical" in its political agenda.

Christian Democracy in Australia and New Zealand

In Australia and New Zealand, two different national histories exist, related to conservative Catholic/Christian Democratic involvement in politics within both societies. In Victoria, the Catholic Australian Labor Party parliamentarians aligned with B. A. Santamaria were expelled from the party (against that party's rules). They formed a new party, soon to be known as the Democratic Labor Party (DLP). Later in 1957, a similar split occurred in Queensland, the resulting group joining with the DLP. The party also had sitting members from Tasmania and NSW for short periods of time, though it was much stronger in its initiating states.

The party agreed with the ruling conservative Liberal and Country parties on many issues, which caused it to preference them over the ALP. This decision kept the Liberals in government for many years as the DLP had great influence over its many followers' second preferences. A switch of alliegance to the ALP would have handed it government.

However, it was more morally conservative, militantly anti-communist and socially compassionate than the Liberals. This moved the Liberals in the first two directions, while allowing the ALP to be more socially liberal and socialist than it would have been if it had broader Catholic support. The DLP determined that communism, sexual sin and fetal murder were greater sins than not feeding and clothing your neighbour.[citation needed]

The DLP was defeated by the polarising federal election of 1974 that saw its primary vote cut by nearly two thirds, and the entry of an ALP government. While this government lasted barely a year, the DLP didn't regain its previous support in subsequent elections and disbanded in 1978.

Though his party was gone, Santamaria and his National Civic Council took a strong diametrically opposed stance to dominant neoliberal/New Right tendencies within both the ALP and Liberal parties throughout the eighties and early nineties.

A new Christian party that found its first strength in 1981 was the Christian Democratic Party. This Protestant party has very similar social policies to the DLP. Its base was and as of 2007 is very small in NSW and WA, and minuscule elsewhere. It has had one or two members of the NSW state parliament for most of its life.

Another Australian Christian party of note is the Family First Party. It has had two members of the SA parliament for most of its life, and from 2004 a Victorian senator. Its electoral support is very small in all states.

In 2006, the DLP experienced a parliamentary resurgence. Soon after the original party's dissolution, a few ex-members reformed it. They struggled through decades of Victorian elections, finally gaining a seat when the Victorian upper house was redesigned. Its electoral support is still very small in Victoria, and non-existent elsewhere. Its policies are the same as the old party, but without the focus on communism.

By contrast, New Zealand had a First Past the Post electoral system that imposed strong centralising and bipartisan pressures on its political configurations, which disadvantaged minor parties. For this reason, Catholics remained enmeshed within the New Zealand Labour Party, and like Santamaria, conservative Catholics opposed Labour and National New Right policies during the eighties and nineties. However, the New Zealand Labour Party never split as the ALP did in the fifties.

However, by the eighties, New Zealand Catholic voting patterns were diversifying. Class seemed to trump confessional adherence, as older Catholic sectarians died off, and became less able to enforce preferred economic and social policies through unified bloc pressure. Occupational and class divisions may have led to left/right bifurcation. Rural Catholics might therefore vote National due to occupational preferences as farmers, while urban working-class Catholics might have voted Labour, Alliance or Green, due to each party's commitment to stronger social policy expenditure, or commitment to peace movement and anti-war stances.

As a result, while conservative Catholic Future New Zealand List MP Gordon Copeland is currently aligned with Helen Clark's New Zealand Labour Party-led government over confidence and supply, he is still a diehard social conservative. Within the New Zealand National Party, Bill English has often voiced anxieties about the New Right direction of his party since the late nineties, consistent with what one would expect from a European Christian Democrat, but has failed to present a coherent alternative, and has served as prior Cabinet Minister and current shadow Cabinet Education spokesperson in Jenny Shipley and Don Brash's National-led coalition government and current National Opposition.

By contrast, Jim Anderton broke away from the Labour Party and was party leader of the New Labour Party and Alliance until left/pragmatist strains broke it apart in 2001-2. Since then, his Progressive Party has adopted social conservative stances against prostitution in New Zealand, euthanasia, and decriminalisation of marijuana, as one would expect from a left-wing Christian Democrat. However, he is also a strong supporter of increased expenditure on public health, social welfare and public education, which is also consistent with such a framework.

Due to the disaggregation of the New Zealand Catholic vote, then, some conservative moralist "Christian Democrats" might vote for Copeland and Future New Zealand, while other "Christian Democrats" might find Jim Anderton's centre-left social policy stances to be more compatible with their own approach to Catholic social ethics. Rural Catholic farmers might vote for English due to his occupational status as a farmer within a rural-dominated centre-right political party, rather than due to any particular confessional preferences.

Notable Christian Democrats

See also

References

  1. ^ Roberts and Hogwood, European Politics Today, Manchester University Press, 1997

External links

See: Christian politics (index) for articles related to this subject.
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