Ideology and ideological state apparatus

The French philosopher and Marxist Louis Althusser wrote the essay Ideology and ideological state apparatus (IISA) in response to the protests of the so-called Paris May in 1968. In the text, Althusser tries to establish the stability of the ruling order, including capitalist production relations, using the central concepts of ideology , Ideological State apparatuses and Oppressive state apparatus to explain. He wants to show how every individual as a subject is subjugated by ideology or voluntarily submits. This invocation , referred to as such by Althusser, lays the ideological basis of social reproduction.

The text, which first appeared in the French magazine La Pensée in 1970 , is, according to Isolde Charim , a fragment in which Althusser attempts to redefine the content of the concept of ideology. The article was actually designed as a chapter of the posthumously published book Sur la reproduction , "from which Althusser himself had 'extracted' his article for La Pensée in an editorial 'tour de force' ." Althusser wrote the article between January and April 1969; a short postscript is from April 1970. The essay can be seen as Althusser's most important contribution to a Marxist theory of the state .

Publication in German

The article IISA was first published in 1971 in the DKP- affiliated student magazine Facit in a translation made by the historian Peter Schöttler . This was largely adopted in 1973 in the anthology Marxism and Ideology . Four years later, a revised translation appeared in the context of the anthology Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate edited by Schöttler . Essays on Marxist Theory . In this book, Althusser's continuation of IISA from 1976, which is entitled Note sur les AIE in French, was also printed for the first time worldwide .

In 2010 the Hamburg VSA-Verlag also republished the essay IISA as part of the new edition of Althusser's collected works published by the philosopher Frieder Otto Wolf . In this edition, some changes have been made compared to the Schöttler version due to a thorough revision of the translation. The IISA article is now subtitled Notes on an investigation instead of Notes on an investigation . Likewise, the title of the continuation from Note on Ideological State Apparatus (ISA) was changed to Note on ISA .

In addition, IISA, together with the note and another article by Althusser in the new edition of the collected works, forms only the first half of a two-part volume on the ISA. In January 2012, the second half-volume was published under the title Über die Reproduktion , which contains the first German translation of other texts by Althusser on the subject of the ISA. These are entitled Note on the Church's Ideological Apparatus and The Superstructure - On the Reproduction of Production Conditions . Both essays were written by Althusser in 1969 and published in French for the first time in 1995 from his estate. Both half-volumes together form the fifth part of Althusser's collected works.

content

Basic assumptions and starting point

Based on Karl Marx , Althusser assumes that every social formation must guarantee the reproduction of its production conditions so that its own existence is secured in the long term. Therefore, both the productive forces - by which the means of production and the labor force are understood - as well as the production relations in and under which they are set in motion must be reproduced.

The reproduction of the means of production and the reproduction of labor cannot be understood in terms of its mechanisms at the enterprise level.

In order for the labor force to be reproduced, according to Althusser, not only material necessities such as clothing and food must be met, but also a certain technical and scientific qualification of the labor force according to the production conditions. This is the only way that they can be used in different places or positions within the social production process.

These qualifications, however, have to be reproduced themselves, which is guaranteed by the school system and other institutions under the prevailing capitalist conditions . By teaching reading, writing and arithmetic at school, each individual would be fundamentally qualified to occupy a corresponding position in production.

According to Althusser, this reproduction of labor also includes the reproduction of the submission of labor to the rules of the existing order. So the workers would be subjected to the prevailing ideology. At the same time, however, those who practice social exploitation and oppression would learn how to correctly deal with the prevailing ideology. Thus, according to Althusser, everyone involved in the production is permeated by the ideology in one way or another so that everyone can take on his or her task.

From the importance of reproduction for the class struggle, Althusser deduces the importance of the state for bourgeois rule.

Following these remarks, Althusser evaluates the classic Marxist model of base and superstructure as a metaphor. The social structure is a building with the base as the foundation. Above that there are two floors - the ideology and the legal-political, i. H. the law and the state . These two floors could not hold in place without the base. This metaphor shows that the economic basis ultimately determines the entire building and thus society. At the same time, however, the superstructures themselves would determine the basis, but only insofar as they are themselves determined by the basis. Althusser notes critically that this metaphor is only descriptive, but not explanatory. It creates the possibility of identifying various phenomena as oppression and always establishes a relationship with the state. He calls this metaphor a descriptive, i.e. descriptive, theory. He honors it as a theory by classifying its descriptiveness as a necessary initial stage of a theory that reveals the conditions and mechanisms of the state.

In the following, Althusser asserts that Marx and Lenin always understood the state in their texts only as a repressive apparatus that guarantees the rule of the bourgeoisie and the associated exploitation of the workers by the ruling class. In this interpretation, the state is first and foremost a state apparatus, consisting of courts, the police as well as prisons and the army as repressive force. The head of state, the government and the administration are above these instances. For Althusser, Marx and Lenin recognized the essence of the state with these observations. Accordingly, the state is a repressive state apparatus and thus a repressive executive and intervention power that is in the hands of the ruling class.

But with these statements Marx and Lenin would not have moved away from a determinative level of analysis. Althusser calls for something to be added to the Marxist theory of the state. In their political practice, the Marxist classics have always viewed the state as something more complex than what is presented in the Marxist theory of the state. Only Antonio Gramsci did not reduce the state in his writings to the repressive apparatus alone, Althusser notes in a footnote. With his thoughts on civil society, the institutions of the church belonging to it, as well as schools and trade unions, he decisively expanded the definition of the state. Althusser adds, however, that Gramsci did not manage to present his observations in a systematic manner, which is why they should be viewed as incomplete.

The Repressive Apparatus and the Ideological State Apparatus

Althusser developed the state theory of the Marxist classics further by introducing the Ideological State Apparatus (ISA), which exist alongside the Repressive State Apparatus (RSA).

According to Althusser, a number of different institutions belong to the ISA, which he names in a purely empirical list: "- the religious ISA (the system of the different churches), - the school ISA (the system of the different public and private schools), - the family ISA, - the legal ISA, - the political ISA (the political system to which the various parties belong), - the ISA of interest groups, - the ISA of information (press, radio, television, etc.), - the cultural ISA (Literature, Fine Arts, Sport, etc.) ”.

Althusser assigns the right to both the ISA and the RSA. The family is also not only assigned to the ISA, but, according to Althusser, also belongs to the area of ​​the reproduction of labor; it represents both a production and a consumption unit.

The RSA only exists in the singular and, according to Althusser, forms a unit. In addition, he should be assigned to the public sphere. The unity of the ISA, however, is not immediately apparent; the majority of them would belong to the private sector. For Althusser, the distinction between public and private falls under civil law. The state itself is above law, which is why it cannot be described as private or public. Rather, it is “the condition of any distinction between the public and the private”.

According to Althusser, the RSA functions first and foremost on the basis of the application of repression and only subordinate recourse to ideology. With the ISAs it is exactly the other way around. Through this dual mode of functioning one can understand "how constant, very subtle, openly expressed or tacit connections are established between the functioning of the (repressive) state apparatus and the functioning of the ideological state apparatus".

According to Althusser, the inner solidarity and unity of the numerous ISAs and their respective ideologies is brought about by the ruling ideology of the ruling class in power. The task of the ruling ideology is therefore to organize harmony between the RSA and the ISA as well as between the ISAs.

The ISAs can not only be used in class struggles, but are themselves to be seen as places in which the class struggle rages. On the one hand, they would partially serve as retreats for the once ruling class, which, however, has long since been ousted by power. At the same time, however, they served the oppressed and exploited classes to offer resistance.

The RSA acts as a kind of protective shield for the ISA and is a prerequisite for them to be able to take over their tasks and functions without any problems.

Althusser sees school as the most important ISA and dominant under capitalist conditions, alongside the family. He justifies this with the fact that the school equips the descendants of all social classes with knowledge in which the prevailing ideology is packed. In addition, the school would select the children and young people decisively. Part of the student body would leave school at the age of 16 to work as workers or farmers. Another part remains in the school for a certain period of time in order to then take on a social function as civil servants and employees. The smallest part of the students would eventually be trained to be carriers and "agents of exploitation (capitalists, managers), agents of oppression (military, police, administrative experts, etc.) or professional ideologues (priests of all kinds [...])". All three groups of students would be taught exactly those qualities and ideologies that they need for their respective tasks and positions.

Also, none of the other ISAs would dispose of the people for as long as the school, under whose influence the students find themselves every day.

Ideology and invocation

For Althusser, ideology in general exists for all times, regardless of the social structure. It "represents [...] not [the] existing relations of production [...], but above all the (imaginary) relationship of individuals to the relations of production and the relations derived from them."

An individual's actions are based on his belief in certain circumstances. Action and the underlying ideology are determined by the ISAs; every single ISA gives very specific patterns of action for the individuals.

For Althusser, each individual ideology exists only through the subject itself. At the same time, each ideology only exists for the subject. The meaning and purpose of ideology can also only be recognized through the respective subject.

Ideology has the function of "constituting" concrete individuals as subjects. The central mechanism necessary for the constitution of individuals to be subjects is invocation, referred to in French as "interpellation". Althusser cites an everyday situation as an example of the invocation. Someone is addressed with the words “Hey, you there!”. At that very moment, an individual becomes a subject. The individual recognizes himself by recognizing that he alone is addressed and meant. Althusser goes on to explain that “[t] he existence of ideology and the invocation of the individual as subjects are [one] and the same thing”. Individuals have always been subjects in their existence. Althusser underpins this with an example: In the event of an imminent birth in French society, the name and with it the unique existence of the child are already fixed in advance. Every child concerned would be born into an established familial, ideologically enforced order. The child becomes exactly what it is before it is born.

Althusser names the Christian religion as an exemplary functioning of ideology and invocation . In that religion addresses every believer directly by name as an individual, the latter is transformed into a subject. Althusser cites practices and rituals such as confession or the Lord's Supper as examples of this process. For this connection the existence of God as the SUBJECT is necessary, because in whose name every individual would be invoked for the ideology of religion.

It comes to the institution of the submission of the subjects to the SUBJECT, but at the same time every subject is given the opportunity to recognize themselves in the SUBJECT or to recognize themselves again. Every ideology has such a SUBJECT in its center.

The ideology in itself is sufficient for the subjects to function and to accept the existing order unquestioned. Except for the “harmful subjects” who provoke an intervention by the RSA.

For Althusser, the concept of the subject encompasses two dimensions that radically oppose each other. Althusser notes that in everyday language it comes to equating the subject with self-responsible action and at the same time seeing it as the author of this action. On the other hand, a subject could be in the state of submission and willingly accept this situation. According to Althusser, the individual is therefore called "as a (free) subject, so that he voluntarily submits to the orders of the SUBJECT, so that he (voluntarily) accepts his submission". Consequently, the subject alone performs all the practices and acts that underpin the state of his submission. Therefore Althusser can claim that there are “subjects only through and for their submission”.

Note about the ISA

This continuation of the problem was written by Althusser in December 1976. First printed worldwide in German in 1977, the French version did not appear until 1995 in the anthology Sur la reproduction .

The note is a reaction to the criticism of Althusser's original essay. In addition, Althusser deepens his reflections on the subject and revises some of his earlier statements.

He writes that the class struggle has primacy over the state apparatus, especially the ISA. This is guaranteed by ideology. With this argument, Althusser attempts to refute the accusation of functionalism directed against him.

He sees the ruling ideology as the result of the long-lasting class struggle. From the point of view of the bourgeoisie, this struggle encompasses several fronts:

• against previous ruling classes and their ideology
• against the ideology of the exploited working class and
• against the contradictions within the bourgeoisie itself, in order to establish the unity of its own classes

The latter struggle must be waged for all eternity, since it is not possible for the ruling class to overcome its own antagonisms.

Althusser also makes it clear that not every single political party is an independent ISA. Rather, he sees them as part of the political-ideological state apparatus. He equates this with the political system, which is usually based on the principle of parliamentary representation . The representation, for its part, exists on the basis of the ideology of human rights as well as freedom and equality with regard to the right to vote. However, this is an illusion, since all politics are always the politics of the ruling class. In addition, recourse to the separation of powers and other principles means sabotage of the system of representation.

If one were to designate each party as an ISA, in the eyes of Althusser the existence and operation of a revolutionary, communist party would be inconceivable. For Althusser, such acts on the basis of the proletarian ideology. At this point Althusser tries to show that the ruling ideology is not, as it appears in IISA, total and insurmountable. To overcome it, the party must carry the class struggle into all areas of society and evade participation in government. A final break with the ruling order and thus the ruling ideology must be brought about. However, this is not a process that is designed overnight, but rather for a long time. The fight must take place within the ISA itself. In the hands of the ruling class alone, however, the ISA is an instrument that enables the bourgeoisie to subdue the working class.

Althusser characterizes proletarian ideology as the fusion of the practical experience of the workers with the theory of Marxism developed by Marx and Friedrich Engels . The aim is a classless, communist form of society. But proletarian ideology, too, is based on the mechanism of invocation and in this respect is similar in character to other ideologies.

Reception and criticism

Nicos Poulantzas

The Greco-French state theorist Nicos Poulantzas made positive reference to Althusser's concept of the ISA and the RSA for the first time in his debate with the British Marxist Ralph Miliband . Here, in agreement with Althusser, he takes the view that the state consists of many apparatuses and institutions. It cannot be reduced to a repressive apparatus alone. In his remarks, Poulantzas largely follows Althusser's argument.

In his work Faschismus und Diktatur , published in German in 1973, Poulantzas takes a much more critical stance towards Althusser's concept. He accuses him of having presented the ISA's relationship to the class struggle only very abstractly and formally. The class struggle would not have the position it deserves. In addition, Althusser either greatly underestimated the economic role of the state apparatus or even ignored it in his theoretical explanations. Poulantzas is of the opinion that for Althusser the state apparatuses could only exert a certain influence in the economy through the reproduction of the relations of production. In its deliberations, the state is composed only of repression and ideology. Only the school apparatus is an exception, because it is responsible for the reproduction of labor.

As a result of this criticism, Poulantzas expanded the concept of the ISA and the RSA to include an economic apparatus. However, this cannot be described as the state apparatus, because its primary task is to exploit the masses of people. The state apparatus, however, would not fulfill this task. According to Poulantzas, the economic apparatus comprises the factories.

In his work State Theory, Poulantzas takes the view that the ideology of the ruling classes is embodied in the state apparatus. It is their function to work out the ideology, to indoctrinate it and to ensure its reproduction. The ISA would take on the task of reproducing the social division of labor as well as social classes and class rule. For Poulantzas as well as for Althusser, these ISAs include the school, the cultural apparatus and the information apparatus, i.e. the media. Poulantzas differs from Althusser insofar as he is of the opinion that ideology plays a decisive role in the organization of those apparatuses whose main function is the exercise of physical violence.

Poulantzas also criticizes Althusser in state theory . Here he raises the charge that Althusser himself, with his distinction between ISA and RSA, stopped at a pure description of the existing order. He restricts the state to the use of ideology or repression. In this respect, the state is only active in a negative way at Althusser and is not in a position to act positively in terms of the economic. For Poulantzas, this point of view decisively prevents an understanding of the role the state actually takes on in the constitution of the relations of production. As a result, the aforementioned economic apparatus is completely out of focus.

Contrary to Althusser's position, Poulantzas is of the opinion that the state also unfolds its effect in a positive way: “it creates, changes, produces something real”.

Other

Stuart Hall is of the opinion that Althusser's concept of ideology “paves the way to a more linguistic or 'discursive' ideology conception”. opened. However, his argument has functionalist traits. It is not possible without problems to explain “subversive ideas or ideological struggle” in their existence.

The British literary theorist Terry Eagleton comments critically of Althusser's conception of the invocation that it is also conceivable that the subjects react only partially, or perhaps not at all, to the ideological invocations. In this respect, Eagleton opposes Althusser's totalization of ideology with regard to its effect.

For Isolde Charim, the essay IISA creates “the theory of a specific ideological power”. IISA represents a rejection of all those positions in which subjects are seen as the bearers of a coming free form of society. In addition, Althusser's considerations made it possible to argue against the often proclaimed end of all ideologies. In her general reflections on Althusser, Charim shows that Althusser adopts the concept of authority from psychoanalysis.

In his article in the Historical-Critical Dictionary of Marxism from 2004 on Althusser's concept of the ISA, Rick Wolf states that this conception represents “an important contribution to cultural studies”. Althusser's approach differs from other perspectives in cultural studies in that the attempt is made here to connect cultural realities with the class structure of capitalism. Each side is also the cause and effect of the other. This relationship can be described with Althusser's concept of overdetermination .

As Jan Rehmann emphasizes, Althusser's conception of the ISA and the RSA is based on Antonio Gramsci's analytical separation into civil society and political society. Althusser's work would not have been possible without Gramsci's reflections on the integral state. For Rehmann, the idea of ​​the ISA as a possible retreat for the exploited working class is a clear reference to Gramsci and his idea of ​​positional warfare in society. According to Rehmann, Althusser's theorem of invocation is fundamentally based on Jacques Lacan's psychoanalysis .

The British political theorist Bob Jessop describes Althusser's attempt in the note on the ISA to counter the criticism of functionalism with reference to the primacy of class struggle as an “insincere rejection of functionalism”. It is a "mere gesture". Althusser fails to examine the various forms of class struggle on the basis of a concrete analysis grid to be developed. In addition, the majority of his statements on ideology remained on a descriptive level.

In their jointly written work on Althusser and Poulantzas, an author collective consisting of Jens Christian Müller and Sebastian Reinfeldt as well as Richard Schwarz and Manon Tuckfeld expands the ISA ensemble to include the so-called health ISA, which Althusser does not list. This specific ISA only emerged in the 1970s and 1980s and should be seen as the result of various social movements such as the ecology and women's movements. Here the “ideological field” of health and the associated ISA developed. The health system is formed by the Ministry of Family and Health, the health food stores and health food stores and the various health insurance companies. In addition, there is the medical apparatus made up of hospitals and doctors, as well as health education in schools and other things.

literature

Primary

• Althusser, Louis: Idéologie et appareils idéologiques d'Etat. Notes pour une recherche , in: La Pensée, No. 151 1970.
• Althusser, Louis: Marxism and Ideology , Berlin (West) 1973.
• Althusser, Louis: Ideology and ideological state apparatus. Notes for an investigation , in: Ideology and ideological state apparatus. Essays on Marxist Theory, Hamburg 1977, pp. 108–153.
• Althusser, Louis: Note about the Ideologische Staatsapparate (ISA) , in: Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate. Essays on Marxist Theory, pp. 154–168.
• Althusser, Louis: Note sur les AIE , in: Sur la reproduction, Paris 1995, pp. 253-267.
• Althusser, Louis: Ideology and ideological state apparatus. Notes for an investigation , in: Ideology and ideological state apparatus, 1st half volume: Michel Verrest Article about the student May; Ideology and ideological state apparatus; Note on the ISA, ed. by Frieder Otto Wolf, Hamburg 2010, pp. 37-102.
• Althusser, Louis: Note on the ISA , in: Ideology and ideological state apparatus, 1st half volume: Michel Verrest Article about the student May; Ideology and ideological state apparatus; Note on the ISA, pp. 103-123.
• Althusser, Louis: About reproduction , in: Ideology and ideological state apparatus, 2nd half volume: Five theses about the crisis of the Catholic Church; On the reproduction of the relations of production, ed. by Frieder Otto Wolf, Hamburg 2012.

Secondary

• Isolde Charim : The Althusser Effect. Draft of an ideology theory , Vienna 2002.
• Jens Christian Müller / Sebastian Reinfeldt / Richard Schwarz / Manon Tuckfeld: The state in people's heads. Connections to Louis Althusser and Nicos Poulantzas , Mainz 1994.
• Benjamin Scharmacher: How people become subjects. Introduction to Althusser's theory of invocation , Marburg 2004.
• Rick Wolf: ideological state apparatus / repressive state apparatus , in: Historical-Critical Dictionary of Marxism, Volume 6.1: Hegemonie bis Ideologie, Hamburg 2004, pp. 761–772.

Web links

• Translation of IISA from the Marxist library ( Memento from September 29, 2007 in the Internet Archive ) (PDF file; 207 kB)
• Jan Rehmann: Theory of Ideology (PDF file; 223 kB), in: Historical-Critical Dictionary of Marxism (HKWM) Vol. 6.I.
• Rick Wolff: ideological state apparatus / repressive state apparatus (PDF file; 141 kB), in: HKWM Vol. 6.I.
• Andrew Robinson: Althusser (part1, Ideology) + ( part2, Ideological Apparatuses ), in: Ceasefire Magazine, 2011.

Individual evidence

1. ↑ Charim, Isolde: The Althusser Effect. Draft of an ideology theory. Vienna 2002, p. 15.
2. ^ Althusser, Louis: Ideology and ideological state apparatus. 1st half volume, p. 15.
3. ↑ Wolf, Frieder Otto: Foreword. In: ders. (Ed.): Louis Althusser. Ideology and ideological state apparatus. Hamburg 2010, pp. 7–11, here 7. Cf. Montag, Warren: Louis Althusser. New York 2003, p. 64.
4. ^ Hirsch, Joachim / Kannankulam, John / Wissel, Jens : Die Staatstheorie des Western Marxismus. Gramsci, Althusser, Poulantzas and the so-called state derivation , in: diess. (Ed.): The state of civil society. On the theory of the state by Karl Marx. Baden-Baden 2008, p. 95.
5. ↑ See Facit. Journal of Marxist Students, No. 22/23, February 1971, pp. 43-56. The second part announced there was translated, but for political reasons it was no longer published.
6. ↑ See: Wolf, Frieder Otto: Preface , in: Louis Althusser: Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate. 1st half volume, Hamburg 2010, p. 9.
7. ↑ See: Louis Althusser: Ideology and ideological state apparatus. 1st half volume, p. 126.
8. ↑ See: Wolf, Frieder Otto: Foreword , p. 7.
9. ↑ See: Althusser, Louis: Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate. 1st half volume, p. 37 f.
10. ^ Althusser, Louis: Ideology and ideological state apparatus. 1st half volume, p. 39 ff.
11. ↑ See: Althusser, Louis: Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate. 1st half volume, p. 41 f.
12. ↑ See: Althusser, Louis: Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate. 1st half volume, p. 42.
13. ↑ See: Althusser, Louis: Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate. 1st half volume, p. 43.
14. ↑ See: Althusser, Louis: Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate. 1st half volume, p. 45 ff.
15. ↑ See: Althusser, Louis: Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate. 1st half volume, p. 50
16. ↑ See: Althusser, Louis: Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate. 1st half volume, p. 50
17. ↑ See: Althusser, Louis: Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate. 1st half volume, p. 47 f.
18. ↑ See: Althusser, Louis: Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate. 1st half volume, p. 48.
19. ↑ See: Althusser, Louis: Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate. 1st half volume, p. 51.
20. ↑ See: Althusser, Louis: Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate. 1st half volume, p. 53.
21. ↑ See: Althusser, Louis: Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate. 1st half volume, p. 53, footnote 13.
22. ^ Althusser, Louis: Ideology and ideological state apparatus. 1st half volume, p. 54 f.
23. ↑ See: Althusser, Louis: Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate. 1st half volume, p. 55, footnote 16.
24. ↑ See: Althusser, Louis: Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate. 1st half volume, p. 54, footnote 15.
25. ↑ See: Althusser, Louis: Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate. 1st half volume, p. 55 f.
26. ^ Althusser, Louis: Ideology and ideological state apparatus. 1st half volume, p. 56.
27. ↑ See: Althusser, Louis: Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate. 1st half volume, p. 56 f.
28. ↑ See: Althusser, Louis: Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate. P. 55.
29. ↑ See: Althusser, Louis: Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate. 1st half volume, p. 57 f.
30. ↑ See: Althusser, Louis: Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate. 1st half volume, p. 62.
31. ↑ See: Althusser, Louis: Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate. 1st half volume, p. 58 f.
32. ↑ See: Althusser, Louis: Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate. 1st half volume, p. 60.
33. ↑ See: Althusser, Louis: Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate. 1st half volume, p. 65.
34. ↑ See: Althusser, Louis: Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate. 1st half volume, p. 67 f.
35. ^ Althusser, Louis: Ideology and ideological state apparatus. 1st half volume, p. 68.
36. ↑ See: Althusser, Louis: Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate. 1st half volume, p. 68 f.
37. ↑ See: Ideology and ideological state apparatus. 1st half volume, p. 69.
38. ↑ See: Althusser, Louis: Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate, 1st half volume, p. 75.
39. ↑ Althusser, Louis: Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate, 1st half volume, p. 78.
40. ↑ See: Althusser, Louis: Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate, 1st half volume, p. 82 f.
41. ↑ See: Althusser, Louis: Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate, 1st half volume, p. 84.
42. ^ Althusser, Louis: Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate, 1st half volume, p. 85.
43. ↑ See: Althusser, Louis: Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate, 1st half volume, p. 327.
44. ↑ Althusser, Louis: Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate, 1st half volume, p. 89.
45. ↑ See: Althusser, Louis: Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate, 1st half volume, p. 90 f.
46. ↑ See: Althusser, Louis: Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate, 1st half volume, p. 92 ff.
47. ↑ See: Althusser, Louis: Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate, 1st half volume, p. 96.
48. ↑ See: Althusser, Louis: Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate, 1st half volume, p. 97.
49. ^ Althusser, Louis: Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate, 1st half volume, p. 98.
50. ^ Althusser, Louis: Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate, 1st half volume, p. 98
51. ↑ See: Althusser, Louis: Note about the ISA, in: Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate, 1st half volume: p. 103, footnote 1.
52. ↑ See: Althusser, Louis: Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate, 1st half volume, p. 103 f.
53. ↑ See: Althusser, Louis: Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate, 1st half volume, p. 104 ff.
54. ↑ See: Althusser, Louis: Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate, 1st half volume, p. 107 f.
55. ↑ See: Althusser, Louis: Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate, 1st half volume, p. 109 f.
56. ↑ See: Althusser, Louis: Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate, 1st half volume, p. 113.
57. ↑ See: Althusser, Louis: Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate, 1st half volume, p. 110 f.
58. ↑ See: Althusser, Louis: Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate, 1st half volume, p. 121 f.
59. ↑ See: Althusser, Louis: Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate, 1st half volume, p. 119 f.
60. ↑ See: Althusser, Louis: Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate, 1st half volume, p. 118.
61. ^ Poulantzas, Nicos: The problem of the capitalist state, in: Poulantzas, Nicos / Miliband, Ralph: Controversy over the capitalist state, Berlin 1976, pp. 19-22.
62. ^ Poulantzas, Nicos: Fascism and dictatorship. The Communist International and Fascism, Munich 1973, p. 322 and footnote 416.
63. ^ Poulantzas, Nicos: Faschismus und Diktatur, p. 325, footnote 419.
64. ^ Poulantzas, Nicos: Faschismus und Diktatur, p. 326 and footnote 420.
65. ↑ See: Poulantzas, Nicos: Staatstheorie. Political superstructure, ideology, authoritarian statism, Hamburg 2002, p. 58.
66. ↑ See: Poulantzas, Nicos: Staatstheorie, p. 59.
67. ↑ See: Poulantzas, Nicos: Staatstheorie, p. 63.
68. ↑ See: Poulantzas, Nicos: Staatstheorie, p. 60.
69. ^ Hall, Stuart: Ideology and Economy. Marxism without guarantee, in: Stuart Hall: Ideologie. Identity. Representation. Selected Writings 4, Hamburg 2004, p. 14.
70. ^ Hall, Stuart: Ideology and Economy. Marxism without guarantee, p. 15.
71. ↑ See Eagleton, Terry: Ideology. An introduction, Stuttgart / Weimar 2000, p. 170.
72. ↑ Charim, Isolde: The Althusser Effect, p. 17.
73. ↑ See: Althusser, Louis: Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate, 1st half volume
74. ↑ See: Althusser, Louis: Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate, 1st half volume, p. 24.
75. ↑ Wolf, Rick: ideologische Staatsapparate / repressiver Staatsapparat, in: Historisch -kritisches Wörterbuch des Marxismus, Volume 6.1: Hegemonie bis Ideologie, Hamburg 2004, p. 764.
76. ↑ See: Althusser, Louis: Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate, 1st half volume, p. 765.
77. ↑ Rehmann, Jan: Ideologietheorie, Volume 6.1: Hegemony to Ideology, Hamburg 2004, p. 736.
78. ↑ See: Althusser, Louis: Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate, 1st half volume, p. 736 f.
79. ↑ Jessop, Bob: Althusser, Poulantzas, Buci-Glucksmann - Further developments of Gramsci's concept of the integral state, in: Sonja Buckel / Andreas Fischer-Lescano (eds.): Hegemony armored with compulsion. Civil society and politics in the understanding of the state Antonio Gramscis, Baden-Baden 2007, p. 47.
80. ↑ Althusser, Louis: Ideology and ideological state apparatus, 1st half volume
81. ↑ See: Althusser, Louis: Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate, 1st half volume
82. ↑ See: Müller, Jens Christian / Reinfeldt, Sebastian / Schwarz, Richard / Tuckfeld, Manon: The state in the heads. Connections to Louis Althusser and Nicos Poulantzas, Mainz 1994, p. 76.
83. ↑ See: Althusser, Louis: Ideologie und ideologische Staatsapparate, 1st half volume, p. 78.