Yazidi marriage rules

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The marriage enjoys in Jesidentum a high priority and is seen as a bond for life, with its own philosophy and direction. Marriage is a fundamental norm since, according to the Yazidi tradition , a person does not fully realize himself until he is married.

Traditional Yezidism knows a number of marriage regulations, which are based on religion under the term " Hed û Sed ". The religious endogamy law called "Hed û Sed" is also often found in her sacred texts, the so-called Qewl . The choice of partner , which is restricted by the requirement of endogamy , is strictly regulated . Other specific marriage rules are the bride price , which is only symbolic, the practice of forced and arranged marriages , as well as the kidnapping of the bride and the pre-marriage virginity requirement .

Observance of the rules of marriage affects the life of the Yazidis differently. The Yazidi marriage regulations are currently in a process of change and are increasingly being called into question, especially in the diaspora communities.

Traditional wedding customs

The traditional wedding customs arose before the spread of Islam , which is why the Kurdish-Muslim customs hardly differ from them. Despite similarities, wedding traditions vary regionally within Yezidism. Yazidis usually marry young: men are allowed to marry from the age of 18, women from the age of 16. Yazidi weddings cannot take place in April or on a Wednesday , as these are considered sacred: April is the month of fertility ( Buka Salê , the bride of the year), and on a Wednesday Almighty God is said to meet the angel Melek Taus Sent earth.

engagement

Before the marriage ( Dawet ), the official engagement takes place, which is celebrated as part of two celebrations (the first Nîșanî , and the second Șêranî ).

The parents on both sides choose friends and relatives and invite them to the celebration as engagement witnesses. Usually the groom's parents and the witnesses gather in the bride's house and ask the girl's parents for their hand. Several witnesses then ask, to the exclusion of both parents, whether the bride and groom are sure that they want to get married and whether they chose each other of their own free will. If they answer yes to the questions, the witnesses emphasize the importance of marriage and the duties of the spouses with an engagement. In order to avoid future conflicts, parents and relatives are asked if they have no objection to the engagement. Then the bride names the gifts she will be wearing on the wedding day (usually gold necklace, rings or bracelets). Your mother is also entitled to ask for gifts. Negotiations on the bride price then begin. At the same time, sweets are distributed among the guests, and there is dancing and celebrating together.

Wedding ceremony

Two days before the wedding, the bride takes a hot bath, and from that moment on she is only allowed to wear white clothes. The bride, her relatives and her friends celebrate the henna night the next day , which is similar to traditional Muslim weddings. In the morning, the bride is dressed in her wedding dress with ornaments and a red veil by her bridesmaids, while she remains silent and meditative. When the bride and her mother cry, it is interpreted as a good omen, as the crying keeps evil away.

A peschimām ("chief"), who must come from the circle of Ādanīs, is responsible for the marriage. In his absence, another dignitary, usually the sheikh of the family, takes his place. In the case of the Yazidis in Armenia , however, only the “ brother in the hereafter” ( Birā-yē āchirat ) or the “ sister in the hereafter” ( Huschk-ā āchiratē ) are allowed to perform weddings.

The ceremony is very simple: the bride and groom stand in front of the peschimām, who is breaking a loaf of bread into two pieces. After they have eaten the bread, the wedding ceremony is complete. After a prayer, the Nikeh takes place, a ceremony in which the engaged couple are asked three times whether the marriage can be entered into with their will. According to Yazidi tradition, the marriage becomes binding when the dignitary has included the bride and groom and has assured their consent in the presence of two witnesses (usually the “brother in the hereafter” and the “sister in the hereafter”).

Course of the celebration

The wedding ceremony is followed by the wedding celebration, which is paid for by the groom. In the wedding procession , the villagers lead the bride into the groom's house together with the qawwāls , who play the religious Yazidi music (with drum and shabbaba ).

The mother-in-law gives the bride a glass of candy, which she has to hit against the threshold of the house as a good omen. So she enters her new home over the broken pieces and over the blood of a sacrificed sheep. The bridal chamber is set up in the groom's house. After the consummation of the marriage , old women and relatives gather to verify the bride's virginity. Traditionally, the bride is not allowed to leave the room for seven days. It is also mandated that certain women of low promise (such as a woman on her period, a woman from a family that has recently had a death, or a woman whose forty days of uncleanness after giving birth have not yet ended) are not allowed to approach the room. After the days of being locked in, the bride leaves the room and prepares a dish of dates and seven types of grain (wheat, lentils, oats, two types of beans and peas), which is ritually consumed with her friends. The wedding celebration continues in the meantime: all relatives and acquaintances celebrate with music and traditional dishes, the bride's dowry and gifts (mainly money) are shown to all guests, and men and women dance the dabke .

The tradition of days of confinement is no longer practiced within the diaspora communities. In addition, the young Yazidis are increasingly demanding to take an active part in the organization of their wedding. Nowadays, Yezidi weddings are celebrated in large wedding halls. In the diaspora and in their countries of origin, Yazidi brides mostly wear white wedding dresses, often with a red belt or a red veil.

Catechism of Sheikh Miran Ismail

The former spiritual head of the Yazidis, Sheikh Miran Ismail Bek Abdi Bek oghlu Nasli Rähan from Baghdad , who in 1908 compiled a list of information about the Yazidis for the Russian authorities in the Yerevan Governorate (also known as the "Catechism of the Yazidis"), mentions them there the following marriage regulations:

  • A Yazidis cannot kidnap another's legal wife; no Yazidis may help or give shelter to the kidnapper or the kidnapped. The abductee must be returned to her husband and the abductor must be brought to justice according to Yazidi law. If the abductee refuses to return to her husband's house, she is to be expelled from the Yazidis community. (§ 7)
  • No Yazidis may marry the wife of his father or mother brother, nor that of his brother; in the opposite case, proceed according to §7 .. (§ 8)
  • The Yazidis clergy are divided into three classes: 1. šex-e šex Husen, 2. šex-e šamsa, 3. šex-e šex-u Bakra. Each sheikh must choose a woman from his own class (§ 9)
  • The " Pîr " are divided into two classes: 1. Pîr-e Hosmamama and 2. Pîr-e Pîrafata and the remaining Pîr-e Omarxala and others. Each Pîr has to choose a woman from his class (§ 10)
  • If clergymen of the classes mentioned in § 9 and 10 marry girls from other classes, they lose the right to accept gifts from the merries, and the merries are not allowed to recognize them as clergy and must cast them out of their midst. (§ 11)
  • The simple Yazidis are called mridids ; They have no right to marry the daughters of the clerical classes, but only their own, in the event of a violation they expose themselves to strict measures. (§ 12)
  • No Yazidis may divorce their wife unless they can prove infidelity, in the presence of at least three witnesses. In the event of a violation, the guilty party will be severely punished (§ 14)
  • If a Yazidis betrothed his son and cannot pay the kalan, he has no right to leave the bride in her father's house for more than three years. (§ 15)
  • The kalan for a girl can not be higher than 100 rubles; whoever takes more, the rest will be taken away and handed over to the district kazi , the culprit will be punished. (§ 16)
  • The kalan for a widow cannot exceed 45 to 50 rubles; in the event of a violation, the guilty party will be punished (Section 17)

Endogamy

Yazidis practice strict endogamy ( Shariet ), namely, they only marry within their community. The requirement of endogamy also extends to members of the individual castes ( tariquet ), i.e. H. at the same time they practice what is known as isogamy .

Regulations for choosing a partner within the three marriage groups

The commandments of endogamy and isogamy are traced back to the holy Sheikh ʿAdī ibn Musāfir . He is said to have taught that the blood of the Yazidis should be kept holy and therefore pure. For this purpose, he strictly ordered that marriage outside the community was to be avoided, and also that the three castes (Sheikhs, Pîrs, Mirids) were not allowed to marry one another.

Samuele Giamil, then General Procurator of the Patriarch of Babylon the Chaldeans in Rome, translated a Syro-Chaldean text in 1900, in which it is mentioned that the Mīr is the only one who is exempt from the commandment of endogamy. The violation of this commandment is still a sin, but only a venial sin . In addition, it is also alleged here that a lay person who takes the daughter of a sheikh as a wife is breaking the law and must be publicly excommunicated. Moreover, one should not drink water from his house, eat or talk to him.

There are also strict marriage restrictions within the Pîr caste, as the four main groups (Hasan Maman, Pîr Afat, Pîr Haci and Pîr Jarwan) are not allowed to marry one another. The four main groups are each divided into different subgroups:

  • Hasan Maman with her subgroups Hasanelka and Khatibesi;
  • Pîr Afat with its subgroups Meme Reshan, Pîr Debes and Buwal;
  • Pîr Haci Ali with her subgroup Pîr Bahri;
  • Pîr Jarwan with her subgroups Esibiya Haci Muhamed, Omar Khalam and Qediban.

The Pîr branch of the Hasan Maman, which is at the head of the Pîr caste, used to be subject to an even stricter rule: marriage among its own subgroups (Hasanelka and Khatibesi) is also prohibited. Due to the small number of Pîr Hasan Maman's family and the resulting limited choice of partners, the Religious Council in Lalisch decided in 1968 that Pîr Hasan Maman and Pîr Hasanelka may mix with each other.

In addition, there were also certain marriage restrictions for the lay caste, which were based on the assignment to a certain sheikh caste, which took over the religious care for the respective Murīd . The simple population was divided into three groups, parallel to the individual sheikh groups (Ādanīs, Shamsānīs and Qatanīs), and they were originally not allowed to marry one another. As a result of the persecution to which the Yazidis were exposed, the marriage regulations within the Murid castes were relaxed in order to increase the choice of partners and to prevent the individual castes from becoming extinct.

Finally there was the rule that the Qewals were only allowed to marry within their own group, even though they were not actually a caste. Due to the declining number of the Qewals family over time, however, their marriage rules were relaxed by allowing them to marry members of the Murīden caste.

Origin and rationale

The mythological justification of endogamy can be traced back to the legend of Shahid bin Jarr . According to the story, Adam and Eve argued over which of them was the actual creator of their children. So they decided to undergo a test: Shahid bin Jarr (literally the “proof, son of the clay pot”) was consequently born from a clay pot (filled with their “seeds”) as proof. Later a Huri from paradise was sent to the boy, who was born so unusually , and the first Yazidis emerged from their descendants.

According to another version, there was also a female being in Adam's clay pot. She was later married by Shahid bin Jarr, and from this connection the Yazidi people descended. According to Eszter Spät, the “sister version” is the original and the figure of the Virgin from Paradise should be added to the myth later in order to resolve the incest problem . According to another old Iranian conception, the Yazidis descend only from Adam, who was an androgynous being, while the rest of humanity is considered to be the offspring of a sexual connection between Eve and Adam.

The different versions of the myth agree in the representation that the Yazidis have their own ancestry history. According to legend, both the descendants of Shahid and the other peoples of the earth should have got to know the "true religion"; however, the religion of the rest of the people was corrupted after a while. Therefore, according to this view, the Yazidis present themselves as heirs of the true religion and the tribe of true believers.

According to Spät, the myth of Shahid bin Jarr has an extraordinary social significance, since it serves as a kind of "theological justification" for the strict rules of endogamy. Endogamy forbids the marriage of a descendant of the exceptionally born "witness of the clay pot" with the descendants of the union of Adam and Eve, with the aim of preserving the purity of the "chosen people" and guaranteeing survival.

Historically, the practice of endogamy has acted as a strategic defense against Muslim oppression and conversions . In addition, the caste system introduced by the Yezidi reformer Sheikh ʿAdī and the associated marriage regulations were intended to strengthen solidarity and bonds between the Yazidis and ensure the survival of Yazidis.

According to other views, this regulation was an attempt to distance oneself from other more influential religions and to preserve their special position, since the rule of proselytizing and the forced conversion of those of different faiths is not prescribed for Yezidism.

Violations of endogamy

Violations traditionally result in exclusion from the community and in extreme cases can even lead to death. The view that marriage outside the Yazidi community is to be condemned and is even viewed as “pollution” is still widespread in the diaspora: exclusion from the family or from the community is still seen as an inevitable consequence. The same is true of caste marriage, which is still considered a sin.

Reported exceptional cases in the countries of origin can be found in the Afrin area . It is said that the region lost contact with the religious center in Lalisch as early as the first half of the 20th century . This led, among other things, to the fact that the rules of endogamy were no longer observed. In addition, members of the Sheikh castes and the Pîr casts are said to marry one another. Because of this, there is a widespread belief that marriages with Yazidis from this region should be avoided.

The marriage of a Yezidi woman to a non-Yezidi man is generally more disapproved than the marriage of a Yezidi man to a non-Yezidi woman. Cases have been reported of women who got married outside of their cultural background, were denied by their families or forced to divorce.

Endogamy in the Diaspora: Consequences and Criticisms

One consequence of the limited marriage possibilities due to strict endogamy is the downsizing of the Yazidi communities. In addition, isogamy - especially for the caste of dignitaries - represents a not inconsiderable problem. The partner restriction can even lead to the legally inadmissible practice of forced marriages.

Emancipation efforts within society are to be found above all among Yazidis socialized in the diaspora, who are no longer willing to accept their parents' marriage preferences. The practice of endogamy leads to tensions and conflicts within the family circle, which can sometimes escalate to a rupture (in extreme cases to murder). At the same time, however, some young Yazidis are of the opinion that exogamy should be condemned. They refuse to marry a spouse outside of the community, not because they think it is wrong, but because it can lead to a break with their parents and exclusion from the community. According to Kreyenbroek, there is a discrepancy here between the boys' “personal conscience” and the “norms of community”: for some, the family is ultimately more important than the love relationship.

On the other hand, some are of the opinion that the abolition of isogamy might be a suitable strategy to save the Yazidi community from extinction and even to enlarge it. With the same reasoning, other Yazidis even think that endogamy should be completely abolished, but at the same time recognize how utopian their point of view is. It is often argued against endogamy that this commandment is nowhere required or clearly prescribed in religious traditions or Qewls . This triggers more and more criticism and distancing, especially in the younger generation.

Bride price

Bride price as a cultural tradition

The Yezidi bride price ( Qelen ) is not with the Islamic dowry equate which serves to protect the woman in the divorce case. In the case of the Yazidis, the groom's parents pay the bride's family a sum of money, the amount of which has been agreed in advance. The custom serves as a kind of “compensation”, since the parents' house loses a fundamental labor force when the daughter moves into the groom's house. As far as the justification of the tradition is concerned, the religious sources do not give any indications of a bride fee to be paid. The bride price is not a specifically Yazidi matter, but is practiced by other cultures and in different countries. In the absence of specific theological regulations, it can be assumed that the practice of bride prices is a culturally determined tradition.

The bride price is not paid if it is a Berdel , ie an "exchange marriage". In the case of a Berdelî, two family friends arrange the marriage between their children. A double wedding then takes place: brother and sister of one family marry the brother and sister of the other family. The "swap marriage" is not a specific Yazidi custom, but is widespread among Kurds as well as Turks, although it is no longer practiced in the diaspora communities today.

Negotiation of the bride price

Before the engagement, the groom's father visits the parents of the future daughter-in-law. The negotiations on the bride price ( Qelenbirin ) begin here . The sheikh of the family and a Pîr accompany the negotiations. Once the bride price is fixed, the sheikh writes the agreement, affixes his seal, and implores the blessing of the angel peacock on the betrothed. The sheikh gives the bride some beads (berat) made from the earth of the saints graves of Sheikh ʿAdī. In return, she gives the Sheikh and the Pîr money or a gift. The time between the negotiation of the qelen and the wedding varies from a few days to a few years.

If the families cannot agree on the bride price, the negotiation can be broken off, which usually leads to a failure of the engagement. According to Drower, the bride price depends on the family's financial resources. According to Açıkyıldız, the bride's beauty and social class also play a crucial role in determining the qelen.

Conflicts about the amount of the bride price

Originally, the bride price did not cause any disputes among the Yazidis, as it was a relatively low price in the countries of origin or natural or precious metals. In view of the difference in the level of the Qelen, the clergy decided in 1968 to implement a regional separation when determining the amount: for the Jabal Sinjar area it was set at 220 dinars and in the Shaikhan region at 150 dinars, while in the Area of Baʿschiqa and Bahzānē the amount of 120 dinars could not be exceeded.

The conflicts over the bride price have intensified in Europe, as many families are demanding ever higher amounts due to an improvement in prosperity. In the German diaspora communities, for example, the amount rose from DM 5,000 to DM 10,000 in the 1980s to DM 10,000 to 80,000 in the 1990s. Kreyenbroek also reports on cases in which amounts of up to 700,000 euros have been paid.

Criticism of the bride price and the opinion of Mîr Tahsîn Beg

The practice of the bride price comes under increasing criticism in the European diaspora and at the same time leads to conflicts in the Yazidi communities. In particular, the tradition of the bride price leads to a religious and cultural alienation of young Yazidis as well as to disputes within families and to conflicts of loyalty. More and more young people refuse to pay the bride price or an increased bride price. In the literature there are other criticisms that a disproportionate bride price is to be condemned. For example, according to Chaukeddin Issa, the practice of the bride price for the Yazidis is unworthy and incompatible with their religious principles.

In addition, the bride price can pose a problem for integration : its payment violates certain human rights, such as individual freedom of marriage and the principle of equality for women. German dishes have also already dealt with the bride price. In 2011, for example, the higher regional court in Hamm rejected a lawsuit for repayment of the bridal money because of immorality .

In view of the conflicts and controversies about the bride price, the secular head of the Yazidis Mîr Tahsîn Beg has called for the abolition or restriction of the bride price. In the Yezidi magazine Lalish Dialog , he said:

“If bridal money is insisted on, the amount must have a symbolic value. In Iraq, according to a resolution of the religious council, the bride price is 75 grams of gold. In Iraq, the Esidis are therefore based on around € 7,000 (24K gold, editor's note). Our Çelka Esidis in particular have proven to be very stubborn in this regard and I find that very regrettable. [...] Regulation and approximation of my resolution is therefore desirable. Excessive demands for the bride price must be condemned by all Esidis. I would like a symbolic amount of € 3,000 from all Esidis. In my personal opinion, no bridal money should be charged, but I have to be realistic under the circumstances. Unfortunately, my word has little meaning with the Esidis from Germany, which is why everyone decides according to their own ideas. "

- Mîr Tahsîn Beg

Before that, Mir had even declared the bride price to be a sin. So within Yazidi, the practice of the bride price has sparked great controversy. Many families have gone over to no longer asking for a bride price. In this respect, it is assumed that the custom of the bride price will disappear in the next few years. In numerous cases, however, Qelen is still practiced secretly.

Forced and arranged marriages

Forced and arranged marriages are not a religious or traditional peculiarity of the Yazidis. They present themselves as regional and cultural phenomena and primarily characterize patriarchal family structures and traditional ideas of marriage. According to Gedik, there is a forced marriage if the bride and groom feel compelled to marry and despite their refusal there is no way to oppose them, as the parents or families try to exert psychological or social pressure on them by various means. According to Strasbourg, one speaks of an arranged marriage when the decision to get married is made in the context of a balance between self-determination and family orientation. A positive development with regard to the social, family and professional living conditions of the bride and groom can sometimes result from this.

However, it is not easy to draw a line. Forced marriages are typically common in sociocultural contexts where arranged marriages are also the common form of marriage. In Yazidi society, where the family is the top priority, the interests of the clan are taken into account through arranged marriages : this is not problematic in itself, but the right to free will to enter into marriage can be violated.

The situation today

In the countries of origin, marriages were - and still are - subject to the will of the family. In the European diaspora, however, forced marriages and arranged marriages are increasingly the exception. Although not totally opposed, such forms of marriage are heavily criticized by most (especially the youth). Over time, moreover, the attitudes of the adult Yazidis in Europe are changing, and more and more parents are trying to use less force on their children.

Forced marriages and arranged marriages cause various disputes. The children socialized in the Diaspora can get into great difficulties if their parents demand that they marry only certain members of the tribe, even if they have found a Yazidi partner. One consequence of this is the turning away from young Yazidis from their own religion and culture, which can lead to leaving home. In this case, Tagay speaks of trauma , which is extremely stressful for both sides.

The Mîr Tahsîn Beg was critical of this particular form of marriage. He demanded that the young Yazidis marry the person they love, but with respect for their parents' respect and appreciation. However, he emphasized that in the event of a forced marriage, the bride and groom have the right to refuse each other and to ask for help from advice centers and state institutions. The Yezidi leader recognizes the inadmissibility of such a form of marriage and emphasizes that a forced marriage is doomed to failure.

The kidnapping of the bride

As with Turks and Kurds , the Kurdish Yazidis also have a tradition of robbing the bride , which is not based on religion. In traditional society, abduction for marriage purposes can take place either as an involuntary forced abduction or as a voluntary or consensual “woman robbery”. The kidnapping usually takes place with the consent of the woman if the parents or even just one parent are against the intended marriage. By going underground, which usually only lasts for a few days, those willing to marry declare their intention and demonstrate against the will of their family. But it almost always represents the last resort to make a marriage possible.

This practice has a relatively large approval among Yazidis and is considered an honorable and acceptable act. In the event of a conflict, lovers seek approval and approval from dignitaries or elders of the community in order to convince the parents. If a kidnapping has taken place, the parents charge a higher bride price.

In recent times, the perception of bride kidnapping has changed. It is increasingly viewed as problematic: Forced abductions no longer take place. The number of consensual abductions has also decreased significantly. It can therefore be assumed that this tradition will no longer be practiced in the future.

The divorces

Yazidi marriages are for life: a divorce is possible in principle, but is frowned upon and avoided if possible. Since the maintenance of the family unit is seen as an existential task of every Yazidis, the divorce is the result of a long and complicated mediation process. Not only relatives but also religious dignitaries, as well as friends and the elders of the community try to avert divorce, especially when children are involved. A marital separation will only be approved if there are important reasons - such as infidelity, neglect or violence. Filing for divorce is permitted to both man and woman. Once the divorce has taken place, both partners are allowed to enter into a new marriage.

The divorce is carried out by a peschimām in the presence of several witnesses. The peschimām mediates between the conflicting parties and tries to find an acceptable compromise solution. According to the traditional ritual, the divorce works symbolically as follows: the man hands the woman three small stones and repeats the following saying three times: "From now on you are like my mother and my sister to me". The woman replies to the man: "From now on you are to me like my father and my brothers". Then, through the divorce verdict, they swear that they no longer consider each other as spouses. From now on they are no longer allowed to have sexual contact.

In the countries of origin, divorces are an exception. As a rule, those affected do not submit any official divorce proceedings, as traditionally registered marriages are considered unnecessary. In the diaspora and since the 1980s, the Yazidis have increasingly married before a state authority, or the marriage is often made up later. This guarantees more rights and benefits women in particular.

If you are widowed, there is no mandatory waiting period before you can marry again. Widows and widowers can remarry up to six times according to traditional custom.

Causes and consequences

Since the 1990s, the divorce rate among the Yazidis has generally increased. In the particular case of Germany, the Yazidi divorce rate has approached the divorce rate of natives. According to Savucu, the most divorced couples are those who get married either under family pressure or prematurely. The belief that the phenomenon of rising divorce rates is due to living in the diaspora is relatively common in conservative communities. The consequences of divorce can also be particularly detrimental to women: since they are no longer a virgin, finding another man is often more difficult.

The fact that many marriages are concluded between relatives can, in the event of a divorce, cause serious conflicts not only for the couple but also within the entire clan.

When children are involved, custody is negotiated by the intermediaries. According to tradition, custody is in principle given to the man; however, depending on the reason for the divorce, it is not possible to always adhere to this rule. When a spouse enters into a new relationship with a non-Yazidi, the children come into the care of the other partner. In the event that the parent is overwhelmed with the care, he or she is supported by the family and the community. The main thing is that the children remain members of the Yazidi community. According to Kurt, it automatically applies that the man has sole custody of the children; only if he rejects the children can the woman raise them.

Virginity before marriage

In the Islamic Orient and among Kurds in general, virginity plays an important role as a prerequisite for marriage. According to Yezidi custom, the bride should enter the marriage virgin. The commandment of virginity or chastity until marriage ( Keḉ (k) anti ) is often associated with the Yazidis with the value of honor and sometimes with the concept of purity .

In the traditional Kurdish context as well as among the Yazidis, honor ( Namus ) and shame (Şerm) are of central importance. The concept of shame has a broad meaning and includes all situations that can lead to shame . Accordingly, there are certain rules for probation and for the protection of chastity that women should adhere to. The man's honor, which is defined by the sexual integrity of the woman in the family, also depends on this. Accordingly, according to traditional morals, a Yazidis is obliged to protect the honor of his family and his tribe.

The virginity of the bride is checked after the wedding night by examining the traces of blood on the bed linen. A Yezidi man can only understand himself to be “properly” married if the wedding is carried out correctly. Otherwise, the woman's lack of virginity can also be considered a reason for divorce. It is also reported that some Yazidi women felt compelled to undergo a "minor surgical operation" shortly before their first sexual intercourse.

The rule of chastity is not mentioned in the Yazidi religious texts and is therefore not to be regarded as religiously conditioned. However, the chastity command for Yezidi women is a disadvantage that cannot be neglected, because firstly, although it applies equally to both sexes, it is more demanded from women and only very seldom checked from men, and secondly, it is often for a deflowered Yezidi woman difficult to find again a man of her choice within the Yazidi community.

Attitude in the diaspora

Among the Yazidis socialized in the Diaspora, the virginity requirement has lost its relevance. However, the requirement is still largely observed within traditional families. However, many German Yazidis see the practice of virginity before marriage as a “relic from the old days”.

Monogamy and polygamy

Yazidis are basically monogamous . The polygamy as an exception and is not appreciated, although it is not prohibited. The number of women who are theoretically allowed to marry men is limited to three to five. It can happen that a man marries one more time (up to six times is allowed) because of the childlessness of his wife. According to other sources, the man can marry another woman if she needs help with the household because of the large number of small children.

Marriage-like relationships

In the Yazidi regions of origin, a marriage-like relationship (“marriage without a marriage certificate”) almost never takes place. In the European diaspora it sometimes happens that a married man seeks a second wife and lives with her in a marriage-like community. It can also happen that the “second wife” lives under one roof with the husband's family. Such relationships, which are particularly disadvantageous for women, can be very conflictual and are preferably avoided.

literature

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Individual evidence

  1. ↑ a b Savucu: Yeziden in Germany . 2016, p. 218f
  2. ↑ Sefik Tagay , Serhat Ortac: The Eziden and the Ezidentum - history and present of a religion threatened with extinction . (PDF) In: State Center for Political Education, Hamburg. 2016, p. 47 , accessed on May 14, 2019 .
  3. ↑ Nadia Bousrouf, Ralf Frassek: Between Frankfurt, Marrakech and Kabul . Books on Demand, 2016, ISBN 978-3-7412-5701-8 ( google.de [accessed May 14, 2019]).
  4. ↑ Philip G. Kreyenbroek, Khalil Jindy Rashow, Khalīl Jindī: God and Sheikh Adi are Perfect: Sacred Poems and Religious Narratives from the Yezidi Tradition . Otto Harrassowitz Verlag, 2005, ISBN 978-3-447-05300-6 ( google.de [accessed on May 14, 2019]).
  5. ↑ Kreyenbroek: Yezidism Europe. 2009, pp. 227-233
  6. ↑ Düchting: The children of the angel peacock . 2004, p. 428
  7. ↑ Dulz: The Yazidis in Iraq . 2001. p. 52
  8. ↑ Düchting: The children of the angel peacock . 2004, p. 423
  9. ↑ Issa: The Yezidism . 2008, p. 105
  10. ↑ Kreyenbroek: Yezidism Europe. 2009, p. 31
  11. ↑ Kurt: The Lost Grandchildren of Adam . 1999. Chapter One: The Engagement
  12. ↑ a b c Drower: Peacock Angel . 1941, p. 19f.
  13. ↑ Issa: The Yezidism . 2008, p. 105.
  14. ↑ Kreyenbroek: Yezidism in Europe . 2009, p. 31
  15. ↑ Düchting: The children of the angel peacock . 2004, p. 428
  16. ↑ Savucu: Yeziden in Germany . 2016, p. 151
  17. ↑ Düchting: The children of the angel peacock . 2004, p. 429f.
  18. ↑ Drower: Peacock Angel . 1941. pp. 21-24. Düchting: The children of the angel peacock . 2004, pp. 429-431
  19. ↑ a b Kreyenbroek: Yezidism in Europe . 2009, p. 32
  20. ↑ Açıkyıldız: The Yezidis . 2010, p. 101
  21. ↑ Yazidi Wedding in Iraq (2016) , Yazidi Wedding in the USA (2016) , Yazidi Wedding in Germany (2016) , accessed on August 31, 2017
  22. ↑ Dirr: Some things about Yezidis . 1918, pp. 571f.
  23. ↑ Issa: The Yezidism . 2008, p. 110
  24. ↑ Düchting: The children of the angel peacock . 2004, p. 424f.
  25. ↑ Giamil: Monte Singar . 1900, p. 46
  26. ↑ Issa: The Yezidism . 2008, p. 177
  27. ↑ Issa: The Yezidism . 2008, p. 106
  28. ↑ a b Issa: The Yezidism . 2008, p. 108
  29. ↑ Ralph WH Empson speaks in his book of four clay pots filled with blood from the foreheads of Adam and Eve. Empson: The Cult of the Peacock Angel . 1928, p. 47. In some versions also “sweat from the forehead”. Düchting: The children of the angel peacock . 2004, p. 631
  30. ↑ Late: Shahid bin Jarr . 2002, p. 27f.
  31. ↑ Late: Shahid bin Jarr . 2002, p. 29.
  32. ↑ Spuler-Stegemann: The angel peacock . 1997, p. 4f
  33. ↑ Düchting: The children of the angel peacock . 2004, p. 632f.
  34. ↑ Late: Shahid bin Jarr . 2002, p. 29
  35. ↑ Düchting: The children of the angel peacock . 2004, p. 425
  36. ↑ Savucu: Yeziden in Germany . 2016, p. 187f.
  37. ↑ Issa: The Yezidism . 2008, p. 107.
  38. ↑ Düchting: The children of the angel peacock . 2004, p. 424
  39. ↑ Kreyenbroek: Yezidism in Europe . 2009, pp. 159-165 and pp. 189ff.
  40. ↑ Kreyenbroek: Yezidism. 1995. p. 106ff. See also Düchting: The children of the angel peacock . 2004, p. 424 and Issa: Das Yezidentum . 2008, p. 107
  41. ↑ Kreyenbroek: Yezidism in Europe . 2009. p. 107ff.
  42. ↑ Savucu: Yeziden in Germany . 2016, p. 187f .; Spuler-Stegemann: The angel peacock . 1997, p. 6f.
  43. ^ Ackermann: Yeziden in Germany . 2003, p. 168
  44. ↑ Kreyenbroek: Yezidism in Europe . 2009, p. 166f.
  45. ↑ Kreyenbroek: Yezidism in Europe . 2009, p. 169 and p. 189ff.
  46. ↑ Düchting: The children of the angel peacock . 2004, p. 425 and p. 577f.
  47. ↑ Savucu: Yeziden in Germany . 2016, p. 210ff.
  48. ^ Kartal: Yeziden in Germany . 2007, p. 247
  49. ↑ Hayri Demir: Bridal money in discussion ( Memento of the original from December 1, 2017 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. , accessed on August 30, 2017. Savucu: Yeziden in Germany . 2016, p. 210f. @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.ezidische-akademie.de
  50. ↑ Savucu: Yeziden in Germany . 2016, p. 210 and ibid. Footnote 711
  51. ↑ Kurt: The Lost Grandchildren of Adam . 1999. Chapter One: The Engagement.
  52. ↑ Açıkyıldız: The Yezidis . 2010, p. 100f.
  53. ↑ Savucu: Yeziden in Germany . 2016, p. 210ff.
  54. ↑ a b Issa: The Yezidism . 2008, p. 106
  55. ↑ a b Düchting: The children of the angel peacock . 2004, p. 433f.
  56. ↑ Savucu: Yeziden in Germany . 2016, p. 212
  57. ↑ Kreyenbroek: Yezidism in Europe . 2009, p. 47
  58. ^ Serif Tagay: Yeziden in Germany . P. 6
  59. ^ Serif Tagay: Yeziden in Germany . P. 6
  60. ↑ Savucu: Yeziden in Germany . 2016, p. 212f.
  61. ↑ Interview with Mîr Tahsîn Beg - The secular head of the Esids . In: Religious and cultural newspaper Laliş-Dialog . Article dated December 10, 2013. [accessed August 31, 2017]
  62. ↑ Düchting: The children of the angel peacock . 2004, p. 581
  63. ↑ Savucu: Yeziden in Germany . 2016, p. 213f.
  64. ↑ Düchting: The children of the angel peacock . 2004, p. 434
  65. ↑ Schulz: The special traditional rules of choosing a partner for the Yezidi . 2009, p. 65
  66. ^ Gedik: Forced marriage among migrant families in the Federal Republic . 2004, p. 320
  67. ^ Strasbourg: marriage . 2006. p. 29f.
  68. ↑ Schulz: The special traditional rules of choosing a partner for the Yezidi . 2009. p. 66
  69. ↑ Savucu: Yeziden in Germany . 2016, p. 214f.
  70. ^ Tagay: Yeziden in Germany . P. 6
  71. ↑ Interview with Mîr Tahsîn Beg Part II . In: Religious and cultural newspaper Laliş-Dialog . Article dated December 10, 2013. Article dated May 21, 2014, accessed September 9, 2017
  72. ↑ Savucu: Yeziden in Germany . 2016, p. 219
  73. ↑ Kreyenbroek: Yezidism in Europe . 2009, pp. 66-71
  74. ↑ Savucu: Yeziden in Germany . 2016. p. 219f.
  75. ↑ Issa: The Yezidism . 2008, p. 108f.
  76. ↑ Savucu: Yeziden in Germany . 2016, p. 208
  77. ↑ a b Kurt: The Lost Grandchildren of Adam . 1999. Chapter One: The Divorce.
  78. ↑ Savucu: Yeziden in Germany . 2016. pp. 208f.
  79. ↑ Düchting: The children of the angel peacock . 2004. p. 433
  80. ↑ Savucu: Yeziden in Germany . 2016. p. 221
  81. ↑ Schulz: The special traditional rules of choosing a partner for the Yezidi . 2009. p. 72
  82. ↑ Schulz: The special traditional rules of choosing a partner for the Yezidi . 2009. p. 73
  83. ↑ Schulz: The special traditional rules of choosing a partner for the Yezidi . 2009. p. 71
  84. ↑ Issa: The Yezidism . 2008, p. 109
  85. ↑ Savucu: Yeziden in Germany . 2016, p. 215f.
  86. ↑ Kreyenbroek: Yezidism in Europe . 2009, p. 39
  87. ↑ Savucu: Yeziden in Germany . 2016, p. 216
  88. ↑ Savucu: Yeziden in Germany . 2016. p. 217
  89. ↑ Savucu: Yeziden in Germany . 2016, p. 217
  90. ↑ Kreyenbroek: Yezidism in Europe . 2009, p. 32 and p. 20
  91. ↑ Savucu: Yeziden in Germany . 2016. p. 218
  92. ↑ Cf. Düchting: The children of the angel peacock . 2004, p. 431f.
  93. ↑ Savucu: Yeziden in Germany . 2016, p. 221