Mahadev Govind Ranade

Mahadev Govind Ranade

Mahadev Govind Ranade ( Hindi महादेव गोविंद रानडे Mahadeva Govinda Ranade ) (* 18th January 1842 ; † 16th January 1901 ) was an Indian judge , author and social reformer , which mainly related to the formation of the Indian National Social Conference in Bombay significant Influenced the Indian national movement of the late 19th century.

Ranade statue on the edge of the Oval Maidan, on the side to Churchgate Station, Mumbai

Origin and professional career

Mahadev Govind Ranade was born as the child of a simple but by no means poor Brahmin family from the subgroup of the Citpavan Brahmins in Niphad, a small village in the Nasik district in Maharashtra , about 200 kilometers northeast of Bombay . He spent his childhood in the former marathic princely city of Kolhapur in the southwest of Maharashtra , where he first received primary education at a Marathi elementary school, then an English education at the Kolhapur English School until 1856. In 1857, at the age of fourteen, he switched to Elphinstone High School, in 1858 he began to study law at the newly established Elphinstone College in Bombay. Three years later he was one of the first 21 students to take their exams there. In 1862 he obtained his BA ( Bachelor of Arts ) here, in 1864 his MA ( Master of Arts ), and in 1866 he graduated with honors from the Government Law School with an LL.B. ( Legum Baccalaureus , Bachelor of Laws ). The scholar, orientalist and social reformer RG Bhandarkar was one of his fellow students. From 1861 Ranade taught history, geography, arithmetic, economics, logic and English at Elphinstone College. From 1862 he also taught the Marathi language . In 1866 the University of Bombay made him its first Indian Fellow .

English education undoubtedly had a decisive influence on Ranade's life and career as a reformer. He had a perfect command of the English language, and with English literature a whole new world of ideas opened up to him. He was aware of the great importance of European education. He also saw more advantages than disadvantages for India in British colonial rule :

"The important thing about any body of knowledge is that it should tell us what we are, what our duty is, what we are to do in this world, what our rights are, and such like matters. This is the knowledge we ought to seek after, no matter wether it originated in our own country or in a foreign country. Now that knowledge has been more or less discovered by the European learning, whereas even in the flourishing times of our Indian learning there is no trace of it ... the English rule should be regarded as a fortunate occurrence for India. "

After a brief activity as a judge in the British Protectorate of Kolhapur from September 1867, Ranade was appointed Assistant Professor of English and History at Elphinstone College in Bombay in March 1868. In addition to his teaching activities, he held various judicial functions at the High Court in Bombay until he was finally appointed a judge in Pune by the government of Bombay in 1871 after passing the bar exam . As an extremely conscientious judge, who attached equal importance to every judgment and was meticulous about taking into account all sources, he earned himself a high reputation.

In January 1878 Ranade, meanwhile the head of the social reform movement in Maharashtra and thus a thorn in the side of the British , was transferred to Nasik by the new governor of Bombay, Sir Richard Temple . In March 1881, however, he was appointed Subordinate Judge and returned to his beloved city of Pune. In 1884 he was appointed judge at the Small Courses Court in Pune, whereupon bitter complaints against his appointment arose in the Anglo-Indian press, because such high positions in the judiciary were usually filled with Englishmen from the Indian Civil Service . Even more vehement criticism arose when Ranade took his seat on the Bombay High Court in 1893 after the death of the social reformer KT Telang . Although everyone agreed on his suitability, he had earned a high reputation everywhere through his diligence and meticulous working methods. However, it was mainly his strong involvement in the national movement that delayed his appointment. When he finally got the post, all of India celebrated him, in Maharashtra he was even considered the "uncrowned king".

engagement

religion

In 1867 the Prarthana Samaj (roughly "prayer round ") was founded in Bombay , which Ranade joined in the same year. The group had set itself the goal of spreading the principles of an enlightened theism based on the Vedas . The model of the Prarthana Samaj was the Brahmo Samaj , which was founded by Ram Mohan Roy in Calcutta in 1828 . In contrast to him, however, the members of the Prarthana Samaj campaigned for an elimination of social grievances. Although a Citpavan Brahmin himself, Ranade turned against caste prejudices, emphasized the accidents of birth and the importance of regional and national unity, including the Muslims.

economy

Ranade was convinced that the concepts of European economists could not be applied to India, since the people here can not act freely as individuals due to the strong influence of caste and family. Instead of free competition, he therefore advocated state influence, India must open itself to foreign investors so that industrialization in the country could be advanced.

In 1890, Ranade founded the Industrial Association of Western India in Pune with the aim of bringing India one step closer to economic independence . In the meantime, even garments from abroad were cheaper than those specially produced, the same fate had overtaken raw materials such as wool, silk and oil. As a remedy, he therefore called for government subsidies.

Unlike most other Indian nationalists, Ranade did not see Britain's colonial rule over India as the cause of the country's poverty. Rather, he named the main reasons for poverty: 1. Dependency on agriculture, 2. Lack of investment capital for new industries (especially iron), 3. Outdated credit system, 4. Overpopulation in some regions, 5. Lack of willingness to take risks in the population, 6. Incompatibility of the traditional social structure of Indian society with the requirements of a mobile economy.

Historiography

Another important field of activity Ranade was writing history. Together with KT Telang he wrote a history about the Marathas in the 17th century, which could not be completed because of Telang's death. Only the first part, "Rise of the Maratha Power", was published as a summary of a series of essays in 1900, a year before Ranade's death. With this work he pointed for the first time to a more recent Indian past, which is worth being proud of, instead of looking for a "golden age" in earlier times like the other Indian historians before him. With the description of the Hindu power of the Marathas, which in the 17th century spread over almost the entire Indian subcontinent, he introduced a new perspective into Indian historiography. According to his interpretation, the English wrested power on the Indian subcontinent not primarily from the Mughal rulers, but from the Marathas, who had successfully freed themselves from the yoke of Muslim rule. Even with a good dose of Maratha patriotism, the work is sober and wise in its judgment. The excellent characterization of the Marathi ruler Shivaji (1617–1680), whom Ranade considered to be a first-rate founder of an empire and statesman, is to be regarded as merit . The awakening of Maharashtra was a first example of nation building in India, since it was not an aristocratic movement but one that was supported by the entire population. The religious currents of the Marathas, which Shivaji promoted, with their criticism of traditional rites, compared Ranade with the Reformation movement in Europe. The first part of his work ("Rise") was supposed to be followed by two more ("Progress", "Fall" "), but they did not materialize because of Ranade's death.

Ranade valued Shivaji's government councilor, the Ashta Pradhan , as a constitutional element that could be compared with the council of the viceroy in India. Later historical research has shown, however, that Ranade had read the past too uncritically from the current point of view and attached much greater importance to the Ashta Pradhan than it was due to it. Because the council met only very irregularly, if at all. But when Ranade presented his interpretation, it hit the nerve of the time. It was widely accepted as evidence that Indians were able to form a constitutional and representative government early on without the help of Western role models.

His historical work earned Ranade the title "Father of the Marathon History"

politics

the initial situation

With increasing contact with the western world, part of Indian society began to question its own customs and values. The following topics in particular became the core of the public debate: child marriage; Ban on remarriage for widows; Marriages with large age differences (young girls and old men); System of dowry; Denial of education for women; Division of society through the caste system; Untouchable. In particular, the issue of child marriage and the resulting problem of the early widowhood of women came into public focus in 1884 through two publications by Malabaris .

In the early 1880s, a political conflict arose between two camps of the national movement in Pune, Maharashtra state. There was general agreement about the need to defend Indian institutions against the British. However, there were differing views on the vehemence with which they should be defended. A polarization developed between the moderates around Ranade and the more radical ones around Bal Gangadhar Tilak , which became particularly clear on questions of social reform. Disagreements arose primarily over two questions. The first was whether Hindu society should be reformed along the lines of Western liberalism, or whether the old values ​​should not be revived. The first opinion was held by Ranade, the second the more recent direction of the independence movement around Tilak.

The goals of the social reform movement

Ranade saw the primary goal of the reform movement in improving women's rights. Around 1880 the public debate shifted from the subject of forced widowhood to that of child marriage, as this was the main cause of early widowhood. Both camps were striving for the same goal, namely that of self-government ( swaraj ), and there was also agreement that India could only legitimately claim independence if it proves that it can remedy the grievances of its own society. The following quote from Tilak sums it up:

"If we want that we should be proficient in the art of self government, the first qualification we should show is the ability to manage our own business among ourselves, and particularly that business which will be better regulated by ourselves than by the passing of an act or resolution. ... Let our people, therefore, form associations, frame rules, and restraints for themselves and do all they can to check ... this evil custom [of child marriage]. "

As a professor at Elphinstone College in Bombay and as a judge serving the Bombay Presidency , Ranade could not afford open opposition to colonial rule. Instead of a political revolution, he sought a social reform of Indian society. He did not think much of a revival of the old customs, as sought by the Orthodox reformers around Tilak.

Ranade was convinced that a reform of society is only possible if it affects all of its areas at the same time, from the political to the social and religious to the economic area. In his opinion, the individual areas of social life influenced each other:

“Like the members of our body, you cannot have strength in the hands and the feet if your internal organs are in disorder; what applies to the human body holds good of the collective humanity we call the society or state. It is a mistaken view which divorces considerations political from social and economical, and no man can be said to realize his duty in one aspect who neglects his duties in the other directions. "

Ranade considered the picture of the living body to be correct because it could not be revived. Likewise, it is not advisable to revive old customs. Because the fact that they have been changed over time shows that they were flawed. Contrary to the more radical faction around Tilak, which advocated a revival of the old customs, Ranade was more concerned with a complete overhaul of the old customs, a reform according to Western standards. His basic thesis was therefore: "Revival is impossible".

Sarvajanik Sabha

In 1870, just a year before he was called to Pune, the Sarvajanik Sabha was founded there, which Ranade soon joined. In this society he found a forum for expressing his burning social conscience. Ranade soon took over the leading position and would become the heart and soul of the company for the next 22 years. The Sabha played a vital role in the political awakening of West India as well as in forming public opinion on political, social and economic issues. Ranade used it as a platform to make the British government aware of social grievances in the Indian population. When, for example, Premier Gladstone appointed the Parliamentary Committee in 1871 to clarify India's financial situation, the Sarvajanik Sabha responded with its own report in 1873. While the Parliamentary Committee was dissolved at the end of Gladstone's tenure, Ranade published his comprehensive studies in 1877 finally in the four-volume "A Revenue Manual of the British Empire in India".

Under Ranade's cautious leadership, the Sarvajanik Sabha always offered constructive criticism. After the devastating famine on the Deccan in 1877, he not only found criticism for the British government, but also praised its famine relief . With this clever diplomacy he gained a high reputation, under Ranade the Sabha developed into a comparatively influential body. However, in 1897 - Ranade had already given up his responsibility - it was to gamble away its reputation and influence through thoughtless and heated actions.

Ranade created an important mouthpiece for himself with the "Quarterly Journal of the Sarvajanik Sabha", which appeared for the first time in 1878 and to which he himself contributed the main part. The aim of the newspaper was to report on the work and the progress made by the Sabha, to offer an independent platform for the exchange of views and thus to initiate the debate on political and social issues of the time.

Indian National Social Conference

But Ranade's most significant contribution to social reform in India was undoubtedly his work in connection with the Indian National Social Conference. With the founding of the Indian National Congress in 1885, a discussion platform had already been created that was supposed to deal with political as well as social issues. Hardly anyone denied that social reforms were necessary. But already at the first session of the congress, the majority said that social issues should not be part of his agenda in the future. The main fear was that the political independence movement would be split over the issue of social reform. In fact, in the very heterogeneous Indian society, it was naturally much more difficult, if not impossible, to come to a common denominator when it came to social issues. In future, these questions should therefore be discussed separately in a “class congress”. Congress President Dadabhai Naoroji , himself convinced of the need for social reforms, justified this at the second congress in Calcutta in 1886 with the fact that social questions could only be solved most effectively within the individual classes and castes. Malabari's Notes had split the Hindus into supporters and critics of a social reform movement. A joint treatment of both areas, as Ranade aimed at, was now impossible. Ranade and Ragunatha Rao in particular campaigned for the treatment of social issues . However, instead of allowing an open break with Naoroji and Congress, they founded the Indian National Social Conference in 1887 at the third session of Congress in Madras .

The aim of the conference was to strengthen and bundle the forces of the reform movement. For this purpose, representatives of various associations and movements should be brought together at their meetings, which fought against social grievances and were previously scattered all over India. This unification of the social reform movements in India was the greatest achievement of the conference. Through them, the topic gained a much wider audience; together with the congress, the Social Conference made a decisive contribution to the development of national consciousness in India. The forum of the Indian National Social Conference made it possible to spread social-reformatory ideas to a far larger audience than was previously possible. Above all, however, this form of publicity had not previously existed in India. The Social Conference allowed private individuals to communicate with the public for the first time. This created a space for discussions, the protagonists of which for the first time did not come from the ruling classes. Since its inception, the Indian National Social Conference has met annually directly after the Congress. Ranade remained the dominant figure in the all-Indian social reform movement for the first 13 years.

The fact that the results of the discussions were only advice to the local reform groups and lacked any binding character could not diminish the importance of the conference, and otherwise it would not have worked anyway. The INSC met annually in December for several days in one of the provincial capitals, immediately following the sessions of the Congress. The same tent (pandal) that the INC also used served as the conference venue. The several hundred participants were made up of delegates from the congress and interested parties from the area. A local prominent person was elected President each year. Like Congress, the conference also excluded religious issues from its agenda in order to avoid division among its supporters. They included representatives of various reformed religious groups ( Prarthana Samaj , Brahmo Samaj and Arya Samaj ) as well as various caste organizations. That unity succeeded in social issues and that religious differences remained in the background, was only possible because the conference, according to its self-image, was a component of the political movement and thus secular. Every reformer could make his belief in national progress his own, regardless of his social and religious background.

Ranade's aim to stimulate self-confidence in the Indian population by remedying social grievances was successful in just a few years. In a circular on the occasion of the eighth session of the Social Conference, which took place in Madras in 1894, Ranade and some outstanding personalities from all over the country stated that India was slowly but surely developing a national consciousness, especially under the current invigorating influences.

The center of the movement arose in Pune, in 1889 549 people had already committed themselves to reform here, including people of high social rank. The Social Conference was open to people of all religious affiliations; in addition to Hindus, Muslims and Christians also took part in the committee. Ranade also sent letters in all directions to encourage people to follow his example and to found similar social reformation organizations in their hometowns. Even if he categorically rejected violence in order to achieve his goals, that did not mean that he lacked the will to assert himself. The opening speeches, which he gave annually at the beginning of the meeting, were reminiscent of "situation reports" by a general who kept his eyes fixed on the ultimate goal. At the same time, it was important to him not to let impatience and exaggerated enthusiasm from his own ranks get out of hand. It becomes clear that he pursued his goal with extreme pragmatism. In one of these opening speeches he made fun of everyone who verbally agreed that reforms were desirable but did not take any concrete steps in this regard.

Instead of formulating goals that were not practical, the Indian National Social Conference came up with very specific solutions. She dealt with a wide variety of current social questions and problems in all areas of society. Ranade himself was in constant contact with people from all parts of the country in order to mutually coordinate joint reformatory programs. The following brief outline is intended to show the variety of ideas and topics that the participants dealt with. The reforms focused on improving the situation of women. Education was to be made possible for them, although it was not yet clear what kind of education they should receive.

One of the most important approaches in this area has been the proposal to allow widows, mostly young widows who married as young girls, to remarry. However, this concern was severely hampered by the caste rules . Therefore, this problem should be approached cautiously, involving orthodox caste members in the decision-making process. In addition, the minimum age for marriage was set, according to which boys were not allowed to marry before the age of 16 and girls not before the age of 10. Ranade saw a way to raise the age at marriage in the fact that universities should make their honors and awards conditional on not marrying while studying.

The reforms also affected the upbringing and education of children and young people. Children who had previously had no education for reasons of poverty or simply the ignorance of their parents should be given the opportunity to attend school for at least four or five years so that they can learn the most elementary knowledge. At least in larger villages and cities, schools should be housed in their own buildings.

The failure of the social reform movement

But despite all the successes, Ranade did not succeed in filling the growing cracks that ran right through the national movement. After 1890 the moderates around Ranade became an independent faction in the social and political conflict in Maharashtra. Constant friction between different factions made the political climate increasingly difficult. On the one hand, there was conflict between radical social reformers and militant Orthodox Hindus. Second, there was growing communal tension between Hindus and Muslims, and finally there was growing hostility between the Hindu nationalists and British rule.

Because of Ranade's openness towards the West, especially the English, more radical reformers, but also fellow campaigners from within his own ranks, met him with a lot of open criticism and hostility. Little by little he lost control of the movement in Pune. In the early 1990s he had to painfully realize that he was unable to control the individual factions as he had been able to before.

The change of Pandita Ramabai , who had been his closest supporter in the educational reform for over a decade, was also disheartening for Ranade . The pioneer for women's education moved her school to Pune in November 1890. When one day the suspicion that she had long held against her could be proven that she forced Christian teachings on her students and tried to convert them, Ranade had to be particularly hard hit.

Unrest between Hindus and Muslims in the spring of 1895 made it clear that the conflict between radicals and moderates would no longer be as easy to resolve in the future as it was before. The influence of the moderates around Ranade and the Social Conference increasingly waned in favor of the Congress around Tilak. Tilak campaigned for the Social Conference to be separated from the Congress. To this end, he initiated a survey as to whether the Social Conference should continue to use the conference tent, the pandal. The vote, however, ended with a clear commitment to the conference, which finally moved Tilak to resign.

In mid-October of the same year, Ranade faced two challenges. On the one hand, the Conference threatened to be ousted by the Congress. In Ranade's eyes this meant a serious weakening of both institutions. On the other hand, if the close relationship between Congress and Conference was maintained, there was a risk that the political organizations could break down into two rival groups. Indeed, after a further formation of the opposing forces around the Congress and the increasing violence of some radical Hindus, Ranade was forced to give in towards the end of 1895 in order to prevent further violent unrest. Although the local committee had recently voted clearly against a separation in an election, Ranade announced on December 1 that he was giving up his attempts at mediation and taking the Conference out of its close ties with Congress. De facto, the two bodies had already moved away from each other anyway, so this decision was only the last formal consequence. Ranade had to realize with frustration that all his efforts to keep the Congress and Conference closed had finally failed.

With the founding of the Deccan Sabha in Pune in November 1896, the moderates under Ranade's leadership tried to continue their policy even after the Indian National Social Conference had ended. But the political initiative was now held by the younger opposition around Tilak. Ranade and his colleagues lost more and more of their popular support. Tilak's radical demand for independence, on the other hand, was far more attractive and successfully lured away supporters from the moderates. If Ranade was the first to turn Pune into a political center, it was also he who suffered the most from attacks on his work. It was much more difficult for the social reformers to set an example of their personal goals than was possible for the political reformers. Many bowed to social conventions in personal decisions, which made the social reform movement as a whole lose credibility. On the one hand, Ranade's decision in 1873 to follow his father's will and to marry a much younger, just 11-year-old girl at the age of 31, should be mentioned here. Telang faced even greater criticism when he married his two ten- and eight-year-old daughters in 1893.

Compared to the national political movement, which grew stronger especially in the last decade of the 19th century, the social reform movement completely lost its integrative power when its high-ranking representatives of the British government expressed public support. Because that gave her the smell of many reformers that she was actually anti-nationalist. Pointing out the social grievances of one's own society without playing into the hands of the arguments of the “degenerate, backward Hindu society” that the British continually put forward, was a tightrope walk that the extremely heterogeneous Indian society was unable to cope with.

With the dwindling influence of social reform ideas, Ranade finally abandoned the political stage and Pune and withdrew to Bombay. Little by little he lost his optimism in the face of the reform movement that had slipped from him in Pune. In mid-1899, he wrote to his student Gokhale , dejected , that a friend had written to him from Pune under such psychological tension

"Which makes me despair of Poona, and induces me more than before to think of permanently settling here rather than be witness to such a change as that has come over Poona. ... I am speaking of the moral change which gives me more pain than anything I have felt during my last thirty years of residence in Poona. "

Just a year and a half later, in early 1901, Mahadev Govind Ranade died in Bombay.

Works

• MG Ranade: Rise of the Maratha Power and other Essays, Reprint of the 1st ed. 1901, Bombay 1961.
• B. Chandra: Ranade's Economic Writings, New Delhi 1990.
• CY Chintamani (Ed.): Indian Social Reform. Being a collection of essays, addresses, speeches, & c., With an appendix, part II. Madras 1901.

literature

• BR Ambedkar: Ranade, Gandhi and Jinnah. Address delivered on the 101st birthday celebration of Mahadev Govind Ranade, held on the 18th January 1943 in the Gokhale Memorial Hall, Poona, Bombay 1943.
• SR Bakshi: Struggle for Independence. Mahadev Govind Ranade, New Delhi 1992 (Indian Freedom Fighters; 41).
• V. Grover: Mahadev Govind Ranade, New Delhi 1991 (Political Thinkers of Modern India; 3).
• CH Heimsath: Indian Nationalism and Hindu Social Reform, Princeton 1964.
• PJ Jagirdar: Mahadeo Govind Ranade, New Delhi 1972.
• N. Jayapalan: Indian Political Thinkers. Modern Indian Political Thought, New Delhi 2003.
• J. Kellock: Mahadev Govind Ranade. Patriot and Social Servant, Calcutta 1926, Reprint New Delhi 2003.
• BM Malabari: An Appeal from the Daughters of India [on Infant Marriage], London 1890.
• BM Malabari: Infant Marriage and Enforced Widowhood in India, Bombay 1887.
• TV Parvate: Mahadev Govind Ranade. A Biography, London 1963.
• RP Tucker: Ranade and the Roots of Indian Nationalism, Bombay 1972.
• VP Varma: Mahadeva Govinda Ranade, in Idem: Modern Indian Political Thought, 6th ed., Agra 1978, pp. 155-171.
• SA Wolpert: Tilak and Gokhale: Revolution and Reform in the Making of Modern India, Delhi [et al] 1989.

Individual evidence

1. ↑ VG Hatalkar: MG Ranade. In: SP Sen (ed.): Historians and Historiography in Modern India. Calcutta: Institute of Historical Studies 1973. pp. 165-184; AR Kulkarni: Maratha Historiography . New Delhi: Manohar 2005, pp. 199–223, here p. 212: a chitpavan brahman by caste
2. ↑ See J. Kellock: Mahadev Govind Ranade. Patriot and Social Servant, Calcutta 1926, Reprint New Delhi 2003, pp. 8-9.
3. ↑ See Kellock, pp. 12-13.
4. ↑ See Kellock, p. 10.
5. ↑ Quoted from Kellock, p. 11.
6. ↑ See Kellock, pp. 14-15.
7. ↑ See Kellock, pp. 20-21.
8. ↑ See Kellock, pp. 60-69.
9. ↑ Hatalkar, Ranade , p 166
10. ↑ See RP Tucker: Ranade and the Roots of Indian Nationalism, Bombay 1972, pp. 57-59.
11. ↑ "... the virtues of learning, piety, and service to the state [are] not a brahmin monopoly, and they were achieved through hard work, not the coincidences of birth"; Ranade, cit. after Kulkarni, Maratha Historiography , p. 212 (original in English)
12. ↑ See V. Grover: Mahadev Govind Ranade, New Delhi 1991 (Political Thinkers of Modern India; 3), p. 85.
13. ↑ On Ranade's economic views, cf. VP Varma: Mahadeva Govinda Ranade, in Idem: Modern Indian Political Thought, 6th ed., Agra 1978, pp. 163-167.
14. ↑ See Kellock, p. 181; On Ranade's publication cf. MG Ranade: Rise of the Maratha Power and other Essays , Reprint of the 1st ed. 1901, Bombay 1961.
15. ↑ See Varma, pp. 160-161.
16. ^ "What Protestantism did for civil liberty in Western Europe was implemented on a smaller scale in India"; Ranade, cit. after Hatalkar, Ranade , p. 174
17. ↑ Hatalkar, Ranade , p. 166 f.
18. ↑ Hatalkar, Ranade , S. 179
19. ↑ See Kellock, pp. 72-73. The memoranda that Malabari sent to 4,000 influential Englishmen and Indians in August 1884 under the title Notes on Infant Marriage and Enforced Widowhood was published in book form a few years later, cf. BM Malabari: Infant Marriage and Enforced Widowhood in India, Bombay 1887, and BM Malabari: An Appeal from the Daughters of India [on Infant Marriage], London 1890.
20. ↑ See Tucker, p. 207.
21. ↑ See Tucker, pp. 207-208.
22. ↑ Quoted from Tucker, p. 208.
23. ↑ Quoted from Kellock, p. 80. Original in CY Chintamani (Ed.): Indian Social Reform. Being a collection of essays, addresses, speeches, & c., With an appendix, part II. Madras 1901, pp. 127-128.
24. ↑ In his speech at the Indian National Social Conference in Lucknow, Ranade emphasized: “In a living organization, as society is, no revival is possible. The dead and the buried or burnt, are dead, buried and burnt once for all, and the dead past cannot, therefore, be revived except by a reformation of the old materials into new organized beings. If revival is impossible, reformation is the only alternative open to sensitive people ”, quoted from N. Jayapalan, Indian Political Thinkers. Modern Indian Political Thought, New Delhi 2003, p. 37.
25. ↑ See Kellock, p. 22.
26. ↑ See Kellock, pp. 26-27.
27. ↑ See Kellock, p. 28.
28. ↑ See CH Heimsath: Indian Nationalism and Hindu Social Reform, Princeton 1964, pp. 187–190.
29. ↑ See Kellock, pp. 78–79.
30. ↑ See Grover, pp. 61–62.
31. ↑ See Tucker, pp. 216-217.
32. ↑ See Heimsath, pp. 191–194.
33. ↑ See TV Parvate: Mahadev Govind Ranade. A Biography, London 1963, p. 156.
34. ↑ See Grover, p. 62.
35. ↑ See Tucker, p. 219.
36. ↑ See Parvate, pp. 157–158.
37. ↑ See Parvate, pp. 159-160.
38. ↑ See Kellock, p. 85.
39. ↑ See Parvate, pp. 161–162.
40. ↑ See Tucker, p. 239.
41. ↑ See Tucker, p. 249.
42. ↑ See Tucker, pp. 250-251.
43. ↑ See Tucker, p. 257.
44. ↑ See Heimsath, pp. 210–216.
45. ↑ See Tucker, pp. 264-265.
46. ↑ See Tucker, p. 269.
47. ↑ See Tucker, p. 271.
48. ↑ See Kellock, pp. 50–53.
49. ↑ See Heimsath, p. 221.
50. ↑ On the change in the national movement in the 1890s to a purely political one, disregarding the social side, cf. Heimsath, pp. 223-229.
51. ↑ Quoted from Tucker, p. 305.