Phalaphala

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Phalaphala is a side-blown natural horn in southern Africa , which consists of the horn of an antelope species , preferably a sable antelope or a great kudu . The antelope horns used to be the insignia of a ruler, they were used in ceremonies and as signaling instruments for calling out to meetings, in case of danger or in war. The Venda and Pedi in South Africa call the sable antelope and their horns phalaphala , the Setswana in South Africa and Botswana lepapata , the Swazi and Zulu impalampala or mpalampala and the Tsonga mhalamhala . Another name for the sable antelope horn on Xitsonga is shipalapala . The Bantu-language word component phala generally refers to wind instruments that are used for signal transmission or ritual.

distribution

Traditional Shona healer in Zimbabwe with a kudu horn .

African horns or natural trumpets are blown from the side in the vast majority. In southern Africa, cross-blown horns like the kudu horn are or were widespread among the Bantu , but not among the Khoisan . Among the very old wind instruments of the nomadic ǃKung there are only signal whistles made of animal horn, bone or an ostrich quill and a vessel flute made of a small fruit bowl. An unusual exception is the horn of a billy goat ( Oryx gazella ) blown lengthways by the Himba who also used to live as nomads and belong to the Bantus speakers in the north of Namibia . The trumpet, called onjembo erose , consists of a 45 to 70 centimeter long, straight horn with a spherical bell modeled from beeswax ( erose ). Himba men blow their horns while tending cattle, sing praising songs for their cattle and play a mouth bow for their own entertainment . Longitudinally blown trumpets in southern Africa are so rare that Percival Kirby (1934), who wrote the most extensive complete representation of traditional South African musical instruments to date, attested a Zulu bamboo trumpet of European origin. A 60 to 120 centimeter long, thin bamboo tube has a curved cow horn as a bell at the end. With the name icilongo for this trumpet, the shape of which is reminiscent of a Roman lituus and with which several overtones can be produced, the Zulu also refer to every European brass instrument.

In many regions, African trumpets or horns are a symbol of masculinity, as well as messengers of death, and they are among the cults of cattle farmers. In East and Central Africa there are some horns and trumpets blown lengthways, none of which have finger holes. According to the very old tradition, they either serve to distort the voice during initiation rituals (to let a spirit speak) or belong to the regalia of the ruler, at whose court they are used in representative music. In the first case, the instrument is not a trumpet, because the lips do not make the air vibrate according to the principle of the upholstered pipe , but rather around vessels that look like trumpets, into which the player sings, hums or speaks and makes use of the natural resonance of the vessel . Calabash Mirlitons , which are put together to form ensembles like wind instruments, function accordingly.

Representative music still includes the seven royal ntahere ensembles, each consisting of seven cross-blown ivory horns from Asante in Ghana. Ceremonially blown longitudinal trumpets in northern Africa like the long metal trumpets kakaki in the Islamic north of Nigeria are influenced by Arab culture. In the ensembles with longitudinally blown calabash trumpets waza in the Sudanese-Ethiopian border area, each instrument contributes a note to the melody line like the pipe of a pan flute . Parallel musical phenomena - such as the amakondere two-tone horn ensemble and the enzamba cross- horns in Uganda - were part of the court music of the former empires in the intermediate seas, where they probably came in the 16th century with Nilots from Sudan , and can be found in the ensembles with several Single-tone reed flutes ( nanga ) among the Venda in South Africa.

Antelope horn with glued-on wooden bell and blowing hole on the side of the Bambara in Mali .
Cross-blown ivory horns ( odu-enyi or odu-okike ) in eastern Nigeria . An ensemble with ivory horns is part of the Igbo's inauguration of a traditional dignitary (Nze).

In Uganda, eggwara refers to both a longitudinally blown instrument made of two conical bottle gourds, one inside the other, for the Baganda as well as a trumpet blown transversely for the Busoga. Both instruments are covered with an animal skin. The Buganda eggwara was a ritual instrument played only by male court musicians. Such cross-blown horns made of wood, bottle gourds or animal horns were common in East Africa under the names amakondere (Uganda), amakondera ( Rwanda ) or makondere . The Buganda cross horn ensembles consisted of several instruments between 80 and 150 centimeters in length. What they all had in common was a decorative wrapping with animal skin.

During the times of the Swahili rulers, the huge cross horn siwa , which was one of the ruler's insignia and ritual instruments, was blown in the Afro-Arab courts of the Kenyan and Tanzanian coasts . Siwa were artfully crafted from ivory , bronze or wood. An ivory specimen from the island of Pate , dated around 1690, is 2.15 meters long. A smaller, more easily portable horn used by the Swahili on the East African coast was the mbiu , a cross-blown buffalo or cattle horn . It was used on less formal occasions to announce the arrival of a personality.

A trumpet up to three meters long made from a slender bamboo tube with an animal horn bell, corresponding to the South African icilongo , which in this case is blown across, is known in southern Ethiopia as a dinke . The blowhole is in the lower quarter of the instrument held vertically upwards when playing. The player holds the cross trumpet hura made of a wooden tube, also found in southern Ethiopia, sideways. Examples of cross-blown antelope horns in East Africa are iholere with the Bashi in eastern Congo, nsembu nsia with the babembe in eastern Congo (which could also be made of wood), the ngombe used in possession rituals of the Baganda in Uganda , the gees – oogoodir of the Somali and angari and bulu with Berta in Ethiopia and Sudan. The cross horns baragumu in Kenya and Tanzania, emouo among the Maasai in Kenya, olukia in western Kenya and tori in northern Uganda are made of multi-curved kudu horns .

Cattle or goat horns are used much less frequently than antelope horns. The cross-blown natural horns differ mainly in the shape of the horn. Almost all of them have a blow hole a little away from the pointed end. The main difference is that some horns are closed at the pointed end, so that the tone can only be changed (without overblowing) by inserting the hand into the lower opening; other horns have the pointed end cut off and the player can cover this opening with a finger or thumb. When the end hole is open, the tone is about a second or third higher. Depending on the species, the transverse horns are usually between 20 and 90 centimeters long.

Apart from the presumed origin of some natural trumpets and kettle drums of palace music from the Arab tradition, little is known about the age of the ritually used African wind instruments. The oldest report on African wind instruments - on musical instruments in southern Africa in general - comes from Vasco da Gama , who was received by around 200 Africans on his first voyage to India on December 2, 1497 in Mossel Bay east of the Cape of Good Hope . Four or five played wind instruments of different lengths and others danced. The gathering was probably khoikhoi blowing reed flutes. When the Portuguese seafarers had reached the East African coast on their onward journey, they were received by the king on April 15, 1498 at what is now Malindi . Several wind instruments sounded, including two man-high ivory horns blown from the side. The Portuguese missionary Frei João dos Santos († 1622) reports from his trip to the Kingdom of Kiteve in what is now Mozambique in 1586 in the work Etiópia Oriental e Vária História de Cousas Notáveis ​​do Oriente about xylophones ( ambira ), which sounded pleasant to him, and large animal horns called parapandas , the sound of which he found terrible and terrifying. Parapandas is another spelling of the names phalaphala and mpalampala, which are common today .

Design and style of play

Sable antelope in Mokala National Park in South Africa
African ivory horn with a rectangular blow hole that is located in the curve of the bow and not on the side of the bow as is the case with the South African antelope horns.

In South Africa, the horns of the sable antelope (Hippotragus niger), of the great kudu (Strepsiceros), less often of the billy goat (Oryx gazella) and only where there were no wild animals, ox horns were used.

Phalaphala of the Venda and Pedi

For the Venda in the Transvaal Province , the phalaphala was part of all ceremonial occasions. Percival Kirby (1934) describes its production from the horn of a sable antelope. The length of the hollow interior of the horn washed with hot water was measured and marked on the outside. The side blowhole was then cut close to the end of the tube as a rectangle with rounded corners about 2.5 centimeters long and 1.3 centimeters wide. In the past, to make the horn lighter, the grooves on the outer surface were carefully ground flat. Later the old craftsmanship was neglected and the surface was only partially smoothed. In the case of roughly worked horns, the natural fluting was left entirely. Some horns have notches at the tip for decoration. To protect the funnel opening from tearing, a strip of animal skin was wrapped around it. With a ribbon tied at both ends, the phalaphala could be hung around the shoulder and carried.

Kudu horns or gauntlet horns made in the same way are commonly used by the Venda to name kwatha, the general word for animal horns . A one-meter-long copy made from a kudu horn produces the notes d and es 1 as well as (not used) b 1 . A sable antelope horn used by Pedi around 1830 has a smooth surface and snakeskin wrapped around the end of the funnel. With a length of 60 centimeters along the curve line, it brings out the fundamental and overtone bb and bb 1 . Three other examples of sable antelope horns from the 19th century produce h and h 1 .

In Percival Kirby's collection there is an unusual specimen about 115 centimeters long, apparently made of wood for lack of animal horns. A straight, slightly tapered wooden stick was cut in half lengthways in the middle. Both halves were hollowed out in the middle except for a short piece at the pointed end and then placed on top of one another. In order to connect the two parts firmly and airtight, cylindrical strips of skin - probably sections from the leg of an antelope - were drawn one after the other while wet over the two halves, so that they were pressed together after drying. The production method was transferred from the small Venda flute nanga ya davhi ("flute made of wood") to a larger scale and corresponds in principle to the production of the alpine alphorn or the Ukrainian trembita . For additional protection and decoration, the instrument was covered with diagonal copper and brass wire windings. The wooden horn produces the two tones c and c 1 .

The phalaphala used as a signaling instrument traditionally did not belong to individuals but to the community of a settlement ( kraal ). There was a horn blower appointed by their leader who used the horn to call the members to community tasks if necessary or to summon the dancers from several kraals to the chief's kraal to perform the reed flute dance tshikona, which is cultivated as a national dance . In times of war fighters were also called to arms with the horn. Hugh Arthur Stayt described a special use of the phalaphala in 1931: The first appearance of Sirius as the morning star at the beginning of the southern winter was the sign to begin with the harvest. The man who first noticed the star known as nanga ("horn") climbed a hill and blew the phalaphala to spread the news, whereupon the chief gave him a cow as a gift.

The traditional religion of the Venda included the cult of the rain deity Mwali, whose name is linguistically interchangeable with Mwari, the related fertility deity of the Shona, presented as male and female. The Tshivula, a western group of the Venda, organized a rain-making ceremony on a certain mountain in the 19th century in times of drought, based on an oracle. The makhdazi , the chief's elder sister, who had a special social position, carried a pot of water. A man accompanied her up the mountain while he blew phalaphala . When they reached the top, they selected a large stone and rolled it to the edge. Then they poured the water over the stone and let it fall so that it crashed down below. The phalaphala was blown again, the two went back to their home and it should rain on the same or next day.

The Pedi in Limpopo Province used phalaphala similar to the Venda. The chief's horn player and standard bearer, called mazietsa, summoned the men to join the war and made the women go to safety in the mountains. For safety reasons, the residents of the settlements used to live within earshot of one another. The clans knew the tone of their phalaphala and its signals . The horn was taken into the war and blown at dawn, whereupon the opponents also let their horns sound and the battle could begin. The victorious fighters blew the horn on their return home, but if one of their important men had been killed in battle, the horns were not blown even if they had won.

In times of peace, the phalaphala was used by the Pedi to call young people to initiation school ( koma ). A man blew the boys, a woman the girls. The signal tones were not sustained for a long time, as in a shofar , but played with a strong vibrato and at times with quickly repeated individual hits.

Lepapata in Botswana

Lepapata or lepatata is what the Batswana and North Sotho speakers (Pedi) in Botswana call a sable antelope horn . The lepapata of the Batswana was only used ritually on important occasions: at a circumcision ceremony, as a signaling instrument in war and when hunters had killed a lion or leopard, which resulted in a celebration. The chief received the animal hide and gave the hunter a cow as a gift.

Elizabeth Wood studied music in Botswana in the mid-1970s. At that time men accompanied their war songs with the wooden pipe motlhatswa , which is made from a hollowed branch, and with the sable antelope horn lepatata . She heard two lepatata when songs of war were sung at an election campaign for the ruling party. Other traditional wind instruments in Botswana are the goat bone flute lengwane , the cross-blown horn of an impala lenaka la phala and the kudu horn lenaka la tholo . The kudu horn was previously kept in the pasture and used by cattle herders as a signaling instrument.

In the early 1950s, young Pedi workers in Sekhukhuneland, a region in the Transvaal, organized an uprising against the introduction of a Bantustan administration by the South African apartheid regime . They called their organization Sebatakgomo , which later became Fetakgomo , as a community in Limpopo Province is called today . The word sebatakgomo is made up of sebatak , "predator" (lion or leopard), and kgomo , "cow" and is a saying that includes "a predator threatens the herd of cattle" and sends an emergency call with the meaning: A large one Danger threatens the settlement and all men are urged to assemble in defense. The sebatakgomo call was blown with the antelope horn at night because it could be heard particularly far. The antelope horn is compared to the old tradition of the Jewish shofar in terms of its importance for maintaining the community. The call of the lepatata had to be obeyed . Among the Batswana the saying was: pilediwa ea lwelwa ("respond to a call without hesitation").

Mhalamhala of the Tsonga

Tsonga women's ceremonial dance with tubular drums moropa and a horn mhalamhala .

In Xitsonga , antelopes and their horns are called mhalamhala ; an older name given by Percival Kirby (1938) for the sable antelope horn is shipalapala . Antelope horns were also used by the Tsonga in Mozambique and the northern Transvaal to call members of the community together. For this purpose, the tones were repeated at an approximate octave interval d – d 1 after short pauses. Regardless of the quality of manufacture, the animal horns are generally only of limited use for music. In theory, they should be able to produce the natural tone series with their conical bore; However, the uneven and relatively short tubes mean that only the first two notes in the series are blown. In 1937, Percival Kirby found a tsonga that had previously appeared on a radio broadcast from Kruger National Park with a kudu horn shipalapala and had produced four overtones. On a second instrument, made very carefully by this musician, Kirby was able to produce five overtones (des – d 1 –as 1 –des² – f 2 ). This series of overtones also forms the melodic basis for the playing of the flute ensembles and the mouth bows . According to Thomas F. Johnston (1985), the second and third overtone (the octave and the following fifth ) of a kudu horn can be generated easily and the fourth overtone (second octave) with difficulty. With three tones, the horn can be used to imitate the three heights of the Xitsonga tonal language high-medium-low and thus transmit simple messages.

To this day, the Tsonga use kudu horns in the initiation rites ( khomba ) of the girls as a signaling instrument and ritual object. The head of the girls' school, who is often the chief's wife ( nkulukumba ), takes care of the jointly owned horn . For the leader the horn represents a symbol of authority and for the girls the horn has a sexual (phallic) meaning due to its snake shape. In the shielded initiation hut ( nhanga ), older women practice their role as future young housewives, who do housework, subordinate themselves to the older women of the household and subordinate themselves to the older women of the household, with music, performing instructions and physical impositions (including taking drugs) Man is supposed to satisfy sexually. At its core, the three-month initiation is a fertility ritual that takes place after the girl's first menstruation in the non-working season following the harvest between May and October. The music, dances and rituals, in which the mhalamhala plays an essential role, are kept strictly secret from men and as yet immature girls.

Impalampala of the Swazi and Zulu

The name for the sable antelope horn is with the Swazi , the Zulu in the province of KwaZulu-Natal and with the Ndebele impalampala or mpalampala . The impalampala , blown only by men, belongs to the general tradition of courtly ceremonial instruments and was used in big game hunts. Since sable antelopes and kudu ( umqanhxa ) were placed under protection in the first decades of the 20th century , their horns were very difficult to obtain. As a substitute for antelope horns, cattle horns were used, which, according to Percival Kirby (1934) , were called upondo . Alfred Thomas Bryant (1949), on the other hand, referred to a cattle horn blown at its tip or at the side, with which warm-sounding signal tones were sent, as iMpalampala .

With the decline of the tribal wars, the impalampala lost its function as a signal transmitter for the Zulu people. In the 1930s it was probably still used occasionally in hunting, but it was mainly used by young men to meet for socializing (drinking beer).

Among the Swazi, both the sable antelope horn and the kudu horn were called impalampala . The ritual instrument was only blown by men at the ruling houses in peacetime to call the population to a ceremony and to announce a community hunt. Cattle herders used the horn to round up the cattle of the royal herds.

More animal horns in South Africa

Historical recording of a Bomvana initiation dance with masked initiators ( abakweta ), during which cattle horns were blown in the past.

Cattle horns only emit one tone because the short tube makes the fundamental tone so high that even the first overtone can no longer be produced. The Bomvana of the Xhosa in the Eastern Cape Province call the cattle horn butyu . It is one of the boys' initiation rituals ( abakweta ), during which they are circumcised .

The Xhosa called the cattle horn , which was used instead of the former antelope horn , isigodhlo , as the king's homestead was called, which consisted of the huts of his wives and children. Judging by the name, the community with the horn was called to the king. A phrase in a dictionary from 1899 reads: wavutela ngesigodhlo ("he blew the horn").

In the 1930s, the isigodhlo was blown by boys while they were playing. Venda boys blew to notify each other, tshihoho . These were trumpets made from a small antelope horn, from a calabash, or from a piece of wood that they had cut in half, hollowed out inside, put back together and wrapped with strips of bark. The trumpets made from these materials are side-blown miniature forms of the phalaphala . Because no overtones can be produced with the tsihoho , the Venda formed with the lips in addition to the fundamental tone some sound effects in different pitches, which were amplified by the tube. Venda boys could assign the sounds to the pitches of individual syllables and communicate on simple things.

The Herero in Namibia used to use an ohiva , probably laterally blown horn of the billy goat for ritual purposes. In the Herero language means ohiva flute (from plants pipe or bark that is played when herding) or trumpet. The horn was blown to warn the population of great danger, but not to allow the warriors to gather for combat.

With the Tsonga, every chief clan had a large wooden drum ( muntshintshi ) believed to be magical , which was beaten on ceremonial occasions, and an ensemble of horns, which consisted of ten horns of sable antelopes or impalas and was called bunanga . The horns were carefully made by special craftsmen and tuned to different pitches. The name of the ensemble is derived from nanga , "flute, horn" (plural tinanga ). According to a description by the Swiss missionary Henri-Alexandre Junod (1912), the ten musicians formed around two drum players. When the bass drum player started with a slow, constant beat, the ten wind players walked in a circle and performed certain facial expressions and body movements. When the pace got faster, they danced towards the middle, only to line up again in a circle. In a fixed order, the player with the lowest horn formed the top, followed by the other players according to their pitch up to the wind player with the highest horn at the end. The description of the bunanga ensemble is reminiscent of the national reed flute dance of the Venda, tshikona , in which male musicians perform a set of over 20 differently tuned single-tone flutes ( nanga ) made of plant reed and play a melody. The ensemble has a range of four octaves. The small flutes in the upper octave are called phalana , which means “small phala ”, while the other flutes / pitches have their own names. The leading tone of the flute ensemble is called phala .

A photograph by the Irish-born, South African photographer Alfred Martin Duggan-Cronin (1874–1954), published in 1928, is entitled "The Phalaphala Dance". It shows ten hornblowers in a row and in front of them two standing drummers with conical tubular drums murumba between their legs and in the middle a large kettle drum ngoma , next to which a girl kneels with a wooden mallet in her hand. What is very unusual about Duggan-Cronin's photography is that women blow their horns here. A musical relationship between the horn players depicted and the Venda flute ensemble is hardly conceivable, because the horns all look similarly large and therefore should not have been able to play melodically. Junod, who heard the bunanga ensembles in 1891 and 1908, wrote a melody consisting of four notes with intervals of thirds and fifths in an imprecisely sustained rhythm. It is not clear whether the bunanga ensembles could play other notes.

Others

Phalaphala is the title of an orchestral work by the South African composer Priaulx Rainier from 1961 and Phalaphala FM is the name of a South African radio station that was founded in 1965 as a station for the Venda homeland.

literature

  • Percival R. Kirby : The Musical Instruments of the Native Races of South Africa. (1934) 2nd edition: Witwatersrand University Press, Johannesburg 1965
  • Andrew Tracey: Phala and Phalaphala. In: Laurence Libin (Ed.): The Grove Dictionary of Musical Instruments. Volume 4. Oxford University Press, Oxford / New York 2014, p. 63

Web links

  • Pedi playing upon a phalaphala. Percival Kirby Photographic Collection, University of Cape Town (Sable antelope horn, photograph by William Paul Paff, reproduced in Percival R. Kirby, 1965, plate 26 B)
  • A Venda playing upon a phalaphala made from gemsbok horn. Percival Kirby Photographic Collection, University of Cape Town (billy horn, photograph by Percival Kirby, reproduced in Percival R. Kirby, 1965, plate 28 A)
  • Kwatha, phalaphala. Percival Kirby Photographic Collection, University of Cape Town (polished kudu horn, object corresponds to photography Paff, kudu horn of the Tsonga, in Percival R. Kirby, 1965, plate 27 A 1)

Individual evidence

  1. ^ Daniël G. Geldenhuys: South Africa (Republic). II. Traditional music. 1. San. In: MGG Online , November 2016 ( Music in the past and present , 1998)
  2. ↑ Gordon D. Gibson: The Himba Trumpet . In: Man , Vol. 62, Nov. 1962, pp. 161-163.
  3. ^ Percival R. Kirby, 1965, p. 81
  4. ^ Sibyl Marcuse : A Survey of Musical Instruments. Harper & Row Inc., New York 1975, p. 818
  5. ↑ Klaus P. Wachsmann : The primitive musical instruments. In: Anthony Baines (ed.): Musical instruments. The history of their development and forms. Prestel, Munich 1982, p. 46
  6. ↑ Alfons Michael Duration : Tradition of African Wind Orchestras and the Origin of Jazz. ( Contributions to Jazz Research , Volume 7) Akademische Druck- und Verlagsanstalt, Graz 1985, p. 56
  7. ↑ See Joseph S. Kaminski: Asante Ntahera Trumpets in Ghana. Routledge, New York 2012; Ders .: Asante Ivory Trumpets in Time, Place, and Context: An Analysis of a Field Study. In: Historic Brass Society Journal , Volume 15, 2003, pp. 259-289
  8. ↑ Paul Van Thiel: Amakondere and enzamba . music.africamuseum.be ( Royal Museum for Central Africa in Tervuren)
  9. ^ Gerhard Kubik : East Africa. Music history in pictures. Volume 1: Ethnic Music, Delivery 10. Deutscher Verlag für Musik, Leipzig 1982, p. 84
  10. ↑ Sam Kenneth Iheanyi Chukwu: Taxonomy of Igbo Musical Instruments: An Organological Case Study of Ihitte-Uboma Instrumental Resources . (PDF) Master's thesis, University of Nigeria, Nsukka, September 1999, p. 57
  11. ↑ Timkehet Teffera: Aerophone in the instruments of the peoples of East Africa. (Habilitation thesis) Trafo Wissenschaftsverlag, Berlin 2009, p. 285f
  12. ↑ Timkehet Teffera, 2009, p. 311
  13. ↑ Timkehet Teffera, 2009, p. 346
  14. ^ Gerhard Kubik: East Africa. II. Music cultures. 5. Region 5: East African coast. In: MGG Online , November 2016 ( Music in the past and present , 1997)
  15. ↑ Mbiu . Grinnell College, Musical Instrument Collection
  16. ↑ Timkehet Teffera, 2009, pp. 321, 327
  17. ^ Alan P. Merriam: Musical Instruments and Techniques of Performance among the Bashi. (1955) In: Ders .: African Music in Perspective. Garland Publishing, New York 1982, p. 172
  18. ^ Bertil Söderberg: Musical Instruments Used by the Babembe . In: The African Music Society Newsletter , Volume 1, No. 6, September 1953, pp. 46–56, here p. 54
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  20. ^ Bernhard Ankermann : The African musical instruments . (Inaugural dissertation to obtain a doctorate from the Philosophical Faculty of the University of Leipzig) Haack, Berlin 1901, p. 41 f. ( archive.org )
  21. ↑ Simha Arom : African Polyphony and Polyrhythm: Musical Structure and Methodology. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 1985, pp. 46f
  22. ↑ George McCall Theal : Records of South-Eastern Africa. Collected in Various Libraries and Archive Departments in Europe . Volume 7. Government of the Cape Colony, 1901, pp. 202 f. Textarchiv - Internet Archive (English translation of the Portuguese text by Frei João dos Santos)
  23. ^ Percival R. Kirby, 1965, p. 76
  24. ↑ Percival Kirby, 1965, pp. 73-75
  25. ↑ Hugh Arthur Stayt: The Bavenda. International Institute of African Languages ​​& Cultures. Oxford University Press, London 1931, p. 227
  26. ^ AG Schutte: Mwali in Venda: Some Observations on the Significance of the High God in Venda History. In: Journal of Religion in Africa , Volume 9, No. 2, 1978, pp. 109-122, here p. 120
  27. ↑ Percival R. Kirby, 1965, pp. 77f
  28. ^ Percival R. Kirby, 1965, p. 78
  29. ↑ Elizabeth Nelbach Wood: Traditional Music in Botswana . In: The Black Perspective in Music , Volume 13, No. 1, Spring 1985, pp. 13-30, here pp. 18, 24, 29
  30. ↑ Elizabeth Nelbach Wood: A Study of the Traditional Music of Mochudi. In: Botswana Notes and Records , Volume 8, 1976, pp. 189–221, here p. 217
  31. ↑ D. Wadada Nabudere: Afrikology and Transdisciplinarity: A Restorative Epistemology . Africa Institute of South Africa, Pretoria 2012, p. 47
  32. ↑ Thias Kgatla: Songs of the harp from xylophone to African: Cries of deliverance. Section: The shofar and African lepatata (kudu horn) . In: Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae , Volume 40, No. 2, Pretoria, December 2014
  33. ↑ Reginald Botshabeng Monyai: The Batswana's belief system as a Product of Their Indigenous Proverbs . In: Proceedings of International Conference on Languages ​​2013 ICL2013 “Solidarity through Languages” , (PDF) Phuket, Thailand, 16. – 17. November 2013, pp. 134–140, here p. 137
  34. ^ Percival Kirby: A Note on the Shipapapala of the Tonga. (PDF) In: South African Journal of Science , Volume 35, December 1938, pp. 361-363
  35. ^ Thomas F. Johnston: Meaning and function in Shangana-Tsonga musical instruments. (PDF) In: Africa Insight , Volume 15, No. 4, 1985, pp. 283-287, here p. 286
  36. ^ Thomas F. Johnston: The Secret Music of Nhanga Rites. In: Anthropos , Volume 77, Issue 5/6, 1982, pp. 755-774, here pp. 756, 771
  37. ^ Percival R. Kirby, 1965, p. 79
  38. ^ Alfred Thomas Bryant : The Zulu People as They Were Before the White Man Came. (1949) Shuter & Shooter, Pietermatritzburg 1967, p. 221
  39. ↑ Patricia Davison: Some Nguni Crafts. Part 2: The Uses of Horn, Bone and Ivory . The Annals of the South African Museum, Cape Town 1976, p. 101, archive.org
  40. ↑ Patricia Davison, 1976, p. 116
  41. ↑ John Maclean: A compendium of Kafir laws and customs: including genealogical tables of Kafir chiefs and various tribal census returns . J. Slater, Grahamstown 1906, p. 101, Textarchiv - Internet Archive
  42. ↑ Percival R. Kirby, 1965, pp. 79f
  43. ^ Percival R. Kirby, 1965, p. 84
  44. ^ Henri-Alexandre Junod : The Life of a South African Tribe. Imprimerie Attinger Freres, Neuchatel 1912, p. 404, Textarchiv - Internet Archive
  45. ↑ See Andrew Tracey, Laina Gumboreshumba: Transcribing the Venda Tshikona Reedpipe Dance. In: African Music: Journal of the International Library of African Music , Volume 9, No. 3, 2013, pp. 25-39
  46. ^ Arthur Morris Jones : Venda Note-Names. In: African Music , Volume 3, No. 1, 1962, pp. 49-53, here p. 49
  47. ^ Alfred Martin Duggan-Cronin : The Bantu Tribes of South Africa. Volume 1. Deighton Bell and Alexander McGregor Museum, Cambridge / Kimberley 1928, panel XVII; illustrated in Percival R. Kirby, 1965, plate 30 B.
  48. ↑ Percival R. Kirby, 1965, pp. 85f