Shanghai dialect

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Shanghai dialect

Spoken in

China
speaker 12 to 14 million
Linguistic
classification
Official status
Official language in -

The Shanghai dialect , also known as Shanghai or Shanghai , belongs to the Wu - dialect group of Chinese .

status

The Shanghai dialect has no official status. The administrative and educational language in Shanghai is standard Chinese . Despite its originally relatively high local prestige, the Shanghai dialect seems to be losing ground. There is a traditional form of opera in the Shanghai dialect ( hùjù沪剧), but no modern pop music , for example . The Shanghai dialect has been used sporadically in broadcasting since the 1990s . In 1995 there was a television movie about the Cultural Revolution in the Shanghai dialect that was broadcast nationwide. With the influx of people from other parts of China and the influence of standard Chinese, the vocabulary and syntax of the Shanghai dialect are changing rapidly. Many linguists see it as a hard-to-analyze mishmash and typically consider the Suzhou and Wenzhou dialects to be representative examples of the Wu dialects, although these dialects have far fewer speakers. For many younger people in Shanghai, standard Chinese became the first language at the end of the 20th century .

Typical errors in standard Chinese, as they are made by Shanghai dialect speakers, the lack of distinction between are [⁠ n ⁠] and [⁠ ŋ ⁠] at the end of a syllable and between [ ʦ ʦʰ s ] and [ tʂ tʂʰ ʂ ] on syllable beginning and the replacement of diphthongs by monophthongs ( [⁠ ɛ ⁠] and [⁠ ɔ ⁠] instead of [ ai ] and [ au ]).

Phonetics and Phonology

In the Shanghai dialect, the historical tripartite division of plosives and affricates (simple – aspirated – voiced) and the historical dichotomy of fricatives (voiceless – voiced) are preserved as syllable-sound consonants .

The voicing is in the word-initial than breathy phonation (voice breathy) of the following vowel in the word inside the voicing of the consonants realized itself.

Consonants

The Shanghai dialect has the twelve plosives p pʰ bt tʰ dk kʰ ɡ kʷ kʷʰ ɡʷ , the glottic closure ʔ , the four nasals m n ɲ ŋ , the nine fricatives fvsz ɕ ʑ h ɦ hʷ , the five affricates ʦ ʦʰ ʨ ʨʰ ʥ , the two approximants w j and the liquid l .

Vowels

The Shanghai dialect has the vowels i ɪ y ʏ ɛ ə ø a ɔ ɤ o u ʊ , where [ ɪ ʏ ə ʊ ] are allophones of / iy ɛ u / (/ iy ɛ / → [ ɪ ʏ ə ] / _ [ ŋ ʔ ] / ⁠ u ⁠ /[⁠ ʊ ⁠] / _ [⁠ ŋ ⁠] ). For speakers under their mid-forties, the syllable endings [-a ŋ ] and [-ɔ ŋ ] coincide with [-ã ŋ ].

Syllable-forming consonants

In Shanghai dialect the three syllabic consonants Mn ɹ before, wherein [⁠ ɹ ⁠] an allophone of / i / and only after the initial vowel apico-alveolar ʦ ʦʰ sz occurs.

Diphthongs

There are the following “actual” diphthongs in the Shanghai dialect : / ja jɔ jɤ ej /, in addition the combinations [jɛ jʊ] occur, since after the palatal initials ɕ ʑ ʨ ʨʰ ʥ a j is inserted ( → j / [+ coronal –Front] _v, if v ≠ [ ɪ iy ʏ ]); the “actual” diphthongs appear after both palatal and non-palatal sounds.

Syllable structure

The Shanghai dialect has three different syllable structures : (K) V, (K) VS and (K) VN, where K stands for a consonant, V for a vowel, syllable-forming consonant or diphthong, S for the glottic closure ʔ and N for the velar nasal ŋ .

Sound system

The Shanghai dialect, like all Chinese dialects, is a tonal language . Popular representations sometimes say that the Shanghai dialect has only two tones, and in fact the difference between a high and a low register is particularly pronounced. Scientific representations, however, usually describe five to seven phonologically distinctive tones for monosyllabic words . Some of the historical tone categories have collapsed; the shades of the Shanghai dialect are represented here with numbers (1 – low, 5 – high): yīnpíng陰平 51; yīnshǎng陰 上 34; yīnqù陰 去, yángpíng陽平, yángshǎng陽 上 and yángqù陽 去 13; yīnrù陰 入 5 and yángrù陽 入 12, where syllables that have one of the two tones end in a glottic closure.

Syllables with voiced obstruents in their initial sound have tones that begin low (tone course 12 with glottic closure at the end of the syllable and tone course 13); Syllables with voiceless obstruents, on the other hand, carry tones that do not begin low (tone course 5 with glottic closure, as well as tone courses 51 and 34) This distinction between voiced and voiceless initial sounds does not apply to the sonorants ( mn ɲ ŋ wjl ), which are combined with every tone course occur.

When the syllables follow one another, complicated tone changes ( sandhi ) occur; With polysyllabic words one can observe four different tone patterns or courses:

Tone pattern example lexical tone of
the first syllable
monosyllabic two-syllable three-syllable four-syllable five-syllable
I. tʰi 51天 "Heaven" HM / 51 51 5-1 5-3-1 5-3 ↑ -3 ↓ -1 5-4-3-2-1
II tʰi 34体 "body" MH / 351 34 3-4 3-5-1 3-5-3-1 3-5-3 ↑ -3 ↓ -1
III di 13地 "Earth" TH / 151 13 1-3 1-5-1 1-5-3-1 1-5-3 ↑ -3 ↓ -1
IV tʰiʔ 5铁 "iron" H / 451 5 4-5 4-5-1 4-5-3-1 4-5-3 ↑ -3 ↓ -1
V diʔ 1敌 "enemy" TH / 12 12 1-12 (1-3) 1-1-12 (1-5-1) 1-1-1-12 (1-5-3-1) 1-1-1-1-12 (1-5-3 ↑ -3 ↓ -1)

In this description of the tones , H stands for high, M for middle and T for low register. The arrows indicate an increase or decrease in the pitch. According to this analysis, only the lexical tone of the first syllable is relevant in polysyllabic words; it determines the tone progression for the whole word or even a whole phrase.

grammar

The grammar of the Shanghai dialect is similar to that of other Chinese dialects. The sentence order is usually subject - verb - object , with two objects, however, the direct object - in contrast to standard Chinese - usually comes before the indirect object.

Audio samples

The Tatoeba audio sample collection project also includes a selection of sentences in Shanghai dialect to listen to on its website.

See also

literature

  • Eric Zee, Liejiong Xu: Shanghai. In: Graham Thurgood, Randy J. LaPolla (eds.): The Sino-Tibetan Languages . Routledge, London / New York 2003.
  • Mantaro J. Hashimoto [橋本 萬 太郎]: A Guide to the Shanghai Dialect . Princeton University 1971.
  • Shunde Jin: Shanghai Morphotonemics . Indiana University Linguistics Club, Bloomington 1986.
  • Jin Shunde: Toward a Systematic Account of Shanghai Tonal Phonology. In: Wang Jialing, Norval Smith (eds.): Studies in Chinese phonology . Mouton de Gruyter, 1997.

website

Footnotes

  1. a b c d e Zee / Xu 2003, p. 131.
  2. ^ Jos Gamble: Shanghai in Transition. Changing perspectives and social contours of a Chinese Metropolis . Routledge Shorton, London / New York 2003, p. 88.
  3. ^ Jos Gamble: Shanghai in Transition. Changing perspectives and social contours of a Chinese Metropolis . Routledge Shorton, London / New York 2003, pp. 102, 143.
  4. Jerry Norman: Chinese . Cambridge University Press 1988, p. 249;
    Ping Chen: China. In: Andrew Simpson (ed.): Language and National Identity in Asia . Oxford University Press 2007; here p. 158f .;
    S. Robert Ramsey: The Languages ​​of China . Princeton University Press 1987, p. 90;
    Jos Gamble: Shanghai in Transition. Changing perspectives and social contours of a Chinese Metropolis . Routledge Shorton, London / New York 2003 pp. 82-84, 97;
    Hanchao Lu: Beyond the Neon Lights. Everyday Shanghai in the Early Twentieth Century . University of California Press 2004, pp. 53-55.
  5. ^ Ping Chen: Modern Chinese. History and Sociolinguistics . Cambridge University Press 1999, p. 42.
  6. Jerry Norman: Chinese . Cambridge University Press 1988, p. 200.
  7. Zee / Xu 2003, p. 133.
  8. cf. Jerry Norman: Chinese . Cambridge University Press 1988, p. 201.
  9. a b c Zee / Xu 2003, p. 134.
  10. Jerry Norman: Chinese . Cambridge University Press 1988, p. 201;
    Jerry Norman: The Chinese Dialects: Phonology. In: Graham Thurgood, Randy J. LaPolla (eds.): The Sino-Tibetan Languages . Routledge, London / New York 2003; here p. 78.
  11. Jerry Norman: Chinese . Cambridge University Press 1988, p. 202.
  12. a b c Zee / Xu 2003, p. 136.
  13. Hashimoto 1971, p. 11.
  14. Other representations: yīnpíng 53; yīnshǎng 55; yīnqù 44, yángpíng 12, yángshǎng and yángqù 15; yīnrù 5 and yángrù [illegible]. In: Hashimoto 1971, p. 11; or: yīnpíng 42; yángpíng , yángshǎng and yángqù 24; yīnshǎng and yīnqù 35; yīnrù 55 and yángrù 23. In: Jerry Norman: Chinese . Cambridge University Press 1988, p. 202.
  15. Zee / Xu 2003, pp. 131f.
  16. Hashimoto 1971, p. 11f.
  17. San Duanmu: Wordhood in Chinese. In: Jerome Lee Packward (ed.): New Approaches to Chinese Word Formation. Morphology, Phonology and the Lexicon in Modern and Ancient Chinese. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin / New York 1998; here p. 168; Jin 1997, p. 125.
  18. Zee / Xu 2003, pp. 138ff .;
    S. Robert Ramsey: The Languages ​​of China . Princeton University Press 1987, pp. 93f .;
    Jerry Norman: Chinese . Cambridge University Press 1988, p. 162;
    Yuen Ren Chao: Contrasting Aspects of the Wu Dialects (1967). In: Anwar S. Dil (ed.): Aspects of Chinese Sociolinguistics. Essays by Yuen Ren Chao . Stanford University Press 1976, p. 42.