Hlinkas Slovak People's Party

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Hlinkas Slovak People's Party ( Slovak : Hlinkova slovenská ľudová strana , HSĽS for short, German also Hlinka Party ), until 1925 only Slovak People's Party ( Slovenská ľudová strana , SĽS) was a Slovak political party . Their supporters were generally referred to as Ludaks (Slovak: Sg. Ľudák , Pl. Ľudáci , German about People's Party ). From 1906 to 1913 it first existed as a sub-faction within the Slovak National Party , after which it existed from 1913 to 1945 as an independent party. From 1938 to 1945 it was the dictatorial unity party of the initially autonomous country of Slovakia (within the Czecho-Slovak Republic ) and then of the Slovak state . Their party leaders were the Catholic priest Andrej Hlinka (1913–1938) and, after a year-long vacancy, the Catholic priest and theologian Jozef Tiso (1939–1945).

The party, which came from political Catholicism, united several ideological currents and wings. Overall, the Ludaks are classified by historians as nationalist , Catholic , clerical , anti- socialist and anti-Jewish . Within the Kingdom of Hungary , the Ludaks opposed the Magyarization policy , within Czechoslovakia they fought against the state doctrine of Czechoslovakism and centralized administration and demanded autonomy for Slovakia . The party, which had been the strongest political force in the Slovak part of the country since 1925 and was part of a Czechoslovak government from 1927 to 1929, radicalized itself in the second half of the 1930s towards authoritarianism and totalitarianism . At the 1936 party congress, the motto “One Nation, One Party, One Leader!” Was adopted.

The subsequent one-party dictatorship of the Ludaks (Slovak: Ľudácký režím ) from 1938 to 1945 in the initially autonomous and later independent Slovakia had some characteristics of contemporary fascist regimes, but a clear classification as "( clerical ) fascist" is controversial among historians. The people linked to the ideology of the Hlinka party are called Neoludaks .

Designations

  • 1913–1925: Slovak People's Party (Slovak: Slovenská ľudová strana , SĽS)
  • 1925–1938: Hlinkas Slovak People's Party (Slovak: Hlinkova slovenská ľudová strana , HSĽS)
  • 1938–1945: Hlinkas Slovak People's Party (- Party of Slovak National Unity) (Slovak: Hlinkova slovenská ľudová strana - Strana slovenskej národnej jednoty , HSĽS-SSNJ)

The short form Hlinka party , which is common in German-speaking countries, was also used by the Ludaks themselves.

Party leader

Party leader Term of office
Andrej Hlinka 1937.jpg
Andrej Hlinka 		1913-1938
Jozef Tiso.jpg
Jozef Tiso 		1939-1945

history

Emergence

The founding process of the party took several years. At the turn of the century, apart from the short-lived Slovak Social Democratic Party (1905–1906), there was only one party in Austria-Hungary that specifically advocated the interests of the Slovaks : the Slovak National Party . Various Slovak personalities who disagreed with the policies of the Slovak National Party, but still wanted to advance Slovak interests, decided on December 14, 1905 in Žilina to found the Slovak People's Party, whose formal establishment was not yet possible. Other personalities, including the Catholic priest Andrej Hlinka, joined the provisional party in early 1906. The National Party and Ludaks had different party programs, which were, however, partly identical. Despite the usual election manipulation in Hungary at the time, the Slovak People's Party won six seats and the National Party one of a total of 415 seats in the Hungarian parliamentary elections of 1906.

The Ludaks consisted mainly of former Slovak members of the Hungarian People's Party ( Néppárt , founded in 1895) and resigned members of the Slovak National Party. Their party program contained calls for national , Catholic- religious and liberal reforms, such as freedom of expression and universal suffrage .

In 1912 the Ludaks rejected the then strong Czech- Slovak orientation of the National Party and passed a declaration similar to that in 1905, again without any formal effects. On July 29, 1913, the Ludaks finally founded the Slovak People's Party in Žilina as an independent Slovak political party of Austria-Hungary.

Party chairman was Andrej Hlinka, other leaders were Ferdinand Juriga and František Skyčák .

The Ludaks under Andrej Hlinka (1913–1938)

Portrait of Andrej Hlinka (1937).

During the First World War , the Ludaks and the Slovak National Party ceased their political involvement in order to prevent any pretext for allegations of activity against the Austro-Hungarian state. However, the party took part in the establishment of the (second) Slovak National Council, which met from October 1918 to January 1919.

After the establishment of Czechoslovakia , the Ludaks resumed their activities on December 19, 1918 in Žilina. On October 17, 1925 they were renamed after their party leader Andrej Hlinka in the Slovak People's Party Hlinkas (HSĽS). Although the Slovaks were promised extensive autonomy status in the Pittsburgh Agreement prior to the establishment of Czechoslovakia , this was never realized in pre-war Czechoslovakia (1918-1939). The Ludaks demanded this autonomy and resisted centralization of the state . The party also turned against "Czechoslovakism" (the definition of Slovaks and Czechs as a common ethnic group), atheism and Protestantism, thus consolidating its extremely conservative , strictly Catholic and anti-communist image. Hlinka on the election victory of the Czechoslovak Social Democrats in 1920:

"I will work 24 hours a day until Slovakia changes from a red Slovakia to a white and Christian Slovakia."

The German church and religion critic Karlheinz Deschner characterizes the Hlinkas party in his work Church and Fascism as anti-Semitic , conservative and Catholic (p. 68, whereby it is not specified to which period of the existence of the party this characteristic should refer). However, Hlinka herself was praised by a Slovak Jewish newspaper for its friendliness towards Jews and in 1936 commented on the subject as follows:

“I am not an enemy of the Jews , the political party of which I am the leader is not anti-Semitic. Anti-Semitism is not our program. As a Catholic pastor, I am aware of the great moral, religious and historical importance of Judaism for all civilized humanity, especially for Christianity. "

Anton Maegerle even describes the party as clerical-fascist for the German Federal Agency for Civic Education .

Their main constituency consisted of Slovak farmers, mainly because of the Ludaks' criticism of the Czechoslovak land reform of 1920–1929. With 17.5% of the votes cast in Slovakia, it was the third largest party in the parliamentary elections in 1920, in which it participated together with the Czech People's Party under the name "Czechoslovak People's Party". With the regional elections in 1923, the party became the largest party in Slovakia and in the Slovak part of Czechoslovakia received 34.4% in the parliamentary elections in 1925 and 30.3% in 1935.

In the latter case, it formed the “autonomy bloc” with the Slovak National Party, which, however, dissolved again after the election. As outspoken opponents of Prague centralism , the Ludaks were mostly in the opposition . Only once they were member of the government, when she joined the Czechoslovak government coalition on 15 January 1927 but after a controversial trial of the due treason accused Ludaken member Dr. Vojtech Tuka resigned the Slovak People's Party Hlinkas on October 8, 1929 from the government. The state association of Czechs and Slovaks, in the sense of a Czecho-Slovak Republic, was not fundamentally questioned by the Ludaks until 1938. A possible return to Hungary or a confederation of autonomous Slovakia with Poland were only considered in small, influential groups within the party.

The party's chief ideologist and later President of the Slovak State , Jozef Tiso, described as the “ object of the HSĽS's political endeavors [...] nothing other than the Slovak people - as an independent and self-sufficient people [...]. This people should be helped to become morally and economically independent [...]. The political program of the HSĽS was not only about material interests, but also about intellectual, cultural and higher ideal objectives. Indeed, the policy of the HSĽS had only the national interest of the Slovak people in mind. “It was only when the aging Andrei Hlinka slowly lost control of his party from 1937 onwards and the governments of neighboring countries assigned the Ludaks a significant role in the smashing of Czechoslovakia that these groups were able to publicly propagate their goals. During the twenty years of the First Czechoslovak Republic , the Hlinka party demanded above all the recognition of Slovak national individuality - that is, the Prague central government should move away from Czechoslovakism - as well as cultural autonomy and self-government for Slovakia within the framework of Czechoslovakia.

After Andrej Hlinka's death at the age of 74 on August 16, 1938, the post of party leader remained vacant for a year, and in 1939 Jozef Tiso officially became Hlinka's successor at the party leadership.

The Ludaks under Jozef Tiso (1938–1945)

Portrait by Jozef Tiso (1936).

Autonomy and the establishment of a dictatorship

After the Czech part of Czechoslovakia had to cede the Sudetenland to Germany as a result of the Munich Agreement , the Executive Committee of the Hlinka Party, together with almost all Slovak parties, declared Slovakia's autonomy within Czecho-Slovakia on October 6, 1938 . Prague accepted this and on the same day appointed Jozef Tiso as Prime Minister of the autonomous Slovakia. In the following Slovak governments, the Ludaks were the dominant party. When on November 8, 1938, in the course of the Vienna arbitration, the Slovak part of Czechoslovakia lost around a third of its territory to Hungary, the members of all parties in Slovakia (i.e. the Slovak members of the Czech parties in Slovakia) united with Hlinka Party and formed the Slovak People's Party Hlinkas - Party of Slovak National Unity (HSĽS-SSNJ). The Slovak National Party joined the Ludaks on December 15th.

With the immediate ban on social-democratic , communist and Jewish parties, the authoritarian tendency of the new party immediately became noticeable, which also received 97.3% of the votes (72% of which 72% in the Slovak election (farce) for the autonomous Slovak parliament of December 1938 Candidates from the original Hlinka party left). From January 31, 1939, following the ethnic principle, all parties except the HSĽS-SSNJ, the German Party and the United Hungarian Party, representing the interests of the respective minorities, were banned.

Slovak state

After the proclamation of independent Slovakia on March 14, 1939, the Ludaks were the leading party in the authoritarian state that was dependent on National Socialist Germany . The parliamentary elections scheduled for 1943 were canceled without further ado.

From 1939, however, an internal conflict arose. The conservative-moderate wing, led by the party chairman and Slovak President Jozef Tiso, wanted to create an authoritarian and clerical corporate state . This wing held the decisive positions of power in the country, the party and the clergy. The rival wing of "Slovak National Socialism" influenced by National Socialism , however, was extremely anti-Semitic and demanded the expulsion of all Czechs and the establishment of a radical-fascist state. The main promoters of this policy were Prime Minister Vojtech Tuka and Interior Minister Alexander Mach . Supporters were found primarily in the so-called Hlinka Guard ( Hlinkova garda ), the paramilitary association of the Hlinka party.

With the capture of Slovakia by Czechoslovak troops and the Red Army in May 1945, the party dissolved. Numerous party members were persecuted during communist rule.

symbolism

The "Autonomist Flag" was made by the illustrator Ľudovít Ilečko based on proposals from representatives of the Hlinka party. A red double cross with the same frame was depicted on a blue cloth with a white circle. In the original version the cross frames touched the edges of the white circle, in the later versions they were also shortened. The flag first appeared on June 3, 1938 in the party newspaper Slovák and was already used en masse on June 5, 1938 at the large Ludak demonstration on the 20th anniversary of the Pittsburgh Treaty.

  • Historic flag? Original "Autonomist Flag" introduced by the Ludaks in 1938

  • Dominant variant from 1939.

  • Historic flag? The Ludaks' red double cross with two crossbars of equal length.

  • Historic flag? The Ludaks' red double cross became part of the presidential standard

  • Historic flag? The symbol of the Ludaks on the 50 kroner banknote

  • Historic flag? The symbol of the Ludaken 1000 kroner banknote

Ideological classification of party and system of rule

The ideology of the Ludaks and in particular their dictatorial system of rule from 1938 to 1945 were and are occasionally referred to as "Slovak fascism" or - due to the close connection between the regime and the Catholic clergy - as "Slovak clerical fascism" . Representatives of this assessment, such as the German fascism researcher Wolfgang Wippermann, point to the parallels that exist with other fascist parties and regimes, such as the creation of paramilitary party militias (Rodobrana, Hlinka-Garde), the establishment of a dictatorship based on a state party, and the nationalist, anti-communist and anti-Semitic Objective of the Hlinka party.

Whether these features as decision-making criteria justify a classification of the Hlinka party or its regime as a whole as “fascist” is a matter of dispute among experts. A distinction is made in particular between the work of the Hlinka party before and after the establishment of the Slovak state and between the individual political wings. According to the assessment of the Polish fascism researcher Jerzy W. Borejsza, the term “clerical fascism” applies more to the Slovak state system after 1939. However, Borejsza counters the explanatory approach of other historians that the party before 1939 was more of a conservative-national than a clerical-fascist party, that in his opinion the Ludaks were much more similar to the party model of the Italian PNF or the German NSDAP than that of the traditional parties of the Polish, Czech or Romanian right. The Slovak state , which was established in 1939, had a "much more fascist character than Ion Antonescu's Romania, which from 1942 was mainly based on terror and dictatorship" .

The American fascism researcher Stanley Payne, on the other hand, in his standard work History of Fascism denies both the Hlinka party and the Slovak state any fascist character. Payne sees the independent Slovakia under Tiso "to some extent as a more backward, more right-wing and clerical version of Vichy " . He describes the Ludaks as a "Catholic nationalist-populist movement" , as "extremely religious and politically moderate right-wing authoritarian" . Payne also records the ideological development of the party, which developed from an initially “quasi-democratic Catholic populist party” to a “moderately authoritarian Catholic party” and later “more radically” during the Second World War right drifted ” . Payne differentiates between supporters of the Tiso wing ( “clerical conservatives” ) and those of the Tuka wing ( “proto-fascist radicals” ). The American fascism researcher Robert Paxton writes that the Hlinka party “was more clerical and authoritarian than fascist” .

In his 1983 monograph, Wolfgang Wippermann also assigned the attribute “fascist” to the paramilitary Hlinka Guard, but rejected it for the Slovak regime as a whole or the party:

“Since the“ Hlinka Guard ”was influential, but was ultimately kept out of power, the Tiso regime can be viewed as a clerical authoritarian dictatorship that was largely dependent on Germany. Therefore, the Slovak satellite regime cannot be called a fascist dictatorship and equated with the Croatian Ustaše state. While the fascist party ruled in Croatia with the approval of Germany and the Catholic Church, Tiso was able to keep the fascist "Hlinka Guard" largely out of power with the support of the Catholic Church and the Third Reich. "

In his monograph, published in 2009, Wippermann sees the Hlinka party as “shaped by a fundamentalist Catholic” and “extremely nationalist” . He describes your system of rule under Tiso here (citing the arguments mentioned in the first paragraph) as a “fascist regime” . Roger Griffin, on the other hand, in his standard work "The Nature of Fascism" classifies the one-party dictatorship of the Ludaken as a "collaborative and essentially parafascist (para-fascist) regime" , defining "parafascism" as "a form of authoritarian and ultra-nationalist conservatism, who adapts external signs of fascism, but rejects its call for a genuine social and ethical revolution ” .

The historian Roland Schönfeld rejects the classification of the Slovak state as "fascist" in his book on Slovak history , the Austrian economic historian Hannes Hofbauer describes it as a "Slovak variant" of the "corporate-state Austrofascism " .

Historians who have submitted detailed monographs on the Hlinka party and its activities in the Slovak state particularly emphasize the nationalist and Catholic ideology of the Ludaks. For the American historian James R. Felak, who dealt with the Hlinka party from 1929 to 1938, the Ludaks were primarily “nationalist, autonomist and Roman Catholic” throughout the interwar period . According to Felak, these definitive traits are also emphasized in the slogans “For God and Nation” and “Slovakia for the Slovaks” . The Israeli historian Yeshayahu A. Jelinek , who devoted a work to the Hlinka party during the time of the Slovak state from 1939 to 1945, identifies four interrelated elements in the ideology of the Hlinka party: the Catholic religion, nationalism, and the inclusion of socio-economic issues and right-wing authoritarianism . For the Ludak regime in the Slovak state, Jelinek used the term “clerical fascism” in various works, but has been rejecting it since 1992 because of a lack of analytical sharpness. Ernst Nolte, in turn, differentiates between the individual party wings. While he rejects the term fascism for Hlinka and Tiso, he describes the group of radicals around Tuka as “Slovak fascists” . According to Nolte, the history of the Slovak state can be described as an "undecided struggle between the conservative-moderate and the fascist-extremist wing of the People's Party" .

With regard to the two main camps within the Hlinka party, which are usually labeled with the two labels “moderates” and “radicals” in the literature, the German historian Tatjana Tönsmeyer sees the first wing with its main representative Tiso as rather conservative, “moderate “But only insofar as he wanted to achieve autonomy for Slovakia within the framework of the Czechoslovak state. In contrast, according to Tönsmeyer, the radical wing of the party under Vojtech Tuka can be described as “fascistophile” and wanted the immediate separation from the Czech part of the country to proclaim sovereignty under German or Polish protection. According to Tönsmeyer, however, the ascriptions "radical" and "moderate" tend to obscure rather than enlighten. In fact, the similarities would predominate:

“The entire HSĽS was nationalistic through and through. Since she placed the nation above the state and saw herself as the only legitimate representative of the nation, there was no room for pluralism or democracy in her understanding of politics. She could accept both as long as she saw the interests of the Slovak nation that she had formulated protected under these conditions. In fact, however, the absolutization of the Slovak nation that it pursued corresponded to an authoritarian understanding of the state. What both wings of the HSĽS had in common was who they viewed as their political opponent: The party can be consistently described as anti-socialist and anti-Jewish. However, they were only characterized by hostility towards the Czechs in the second place: anti-Czech tones were a product of Slovak nationalism, especially in the first republic, when the Ludaks were unable to enforce their demands in the common state. In the Slovak state itself, after the expulsion of Czech employees and civil servants, this topos was much less virulent. Hostility towards the Czechs served as a means of mobilizing the population, but was not primarily part of the ideology of the HSĽS, but an expression of nationalism. "

See also

swell

  • Jörg K. Hoensch (Ed. And Introduction): Documents on the autonomy policy of the Slovak People's Party Hlinkas. R. Oldenbourg Verlag, Munich / Vienna 1984, ISBN 3-486-51071-1 .

literature

Monographs

  • James R. Felak: "At the Price of the Republic": Hlinka's Slovak People's Party, 1929–1938 (= Series in Russian and Easteuropean Studies, no. 20), University of Pittsburgh Press, 1994, ISBN 0-8229-3779- 4 .
  • Jörg K. Hoensch : Slovakia and Hitler's Ostpolitik. Hlinkas Slovak People's Party between Separation and Autonomy 1938/1939. Böhlau Verlag, Cologne / Graz 1965.
  • Yeshayahu A. Jelinek: The Parish Republic: Hlinka's Slovak People's Party, 1939-1945. East European quarterly, Boulder (Colo.) 1976.
  • Thomas Lorman: The Making of the Slovak People's Party: Religion, Nationalism and the Culture War in Early 20th-Century Europe. Bloomsbury Academic, London / New York 2019, ISBN 978-1-3501-0937-7 .
  • Eliška Hegenscheidt-Nozdrovická: “Slovakia for the Slovaks!” The separatist currents in Slovakia between 1918 and 1939. Diplomatica Verlag, 2012, ISBN 978-3-8428-7210-3 .

Contributions from collective works

  • Jörg K. Hoensch: The basics of the program of the Slovak People's Party before 1938. In: Hans Lemberg, et al. (Ed.): Studia Slovaca. Studies on the history of the Slovaks and Slovakia. (Publications of the Collegium Carolinum, Volume 93), Oldenbourg Verlag, Munich 2000, ISBN 3-486-56521-4 , pp. 155-198.
  • Jörg K. Hoensch: The Slovak People's Party Hlinkas. In: Hans Lemberg, et al. (Ed.): Studia Slovaca. Studies on the history of the Slovaks and Slovakia. (Publications of the Collegium Carolinum, Volume 93), Oldenbourg Verlag, Munich 2000, ISBN 3-486-56521-4 , pp. 199-220.
  • Jörg K. Hoensch: Slovakia: “One God, One People, One Party!” The Development, Aims, and Failure of Political Catholicism. In: Richard J. Wolff, Jörg K. Hoensch (Eds.): Catholics, the State, and the European Radical Right, 1919-1945. (= Atlantic Studies on Society in Change, No. 50) Boulder, CO: Social Science Monographs, New York 1987, ISBN 0-88033-126-7 , pp. 158-181.
  • Róbert Letz: Hlinkova slovenská ľudová strana: Pokus o syntetický pohľad [= Hlinka's Slovak People's Party: attempt at a synthetic consideration]. In: Róbert Letz, Peter Mulík, Alena Bartlová (eds.): Slovenská ľudová strana v dejinách 1905–1945 [= The Slovak People's Party in History 1905–1945]. Matica slovenská, Martin 2006, ISBN 80-7090-827-0 , pp. 12-108. (Slovak)
  • Ondrej Podolec: HSĽS v pozícii štátnej strany (1938–1945) [= The HSĽS in the position of a state party (1938–1945)]. In: Róbert Letz, Peter Mulík, Alena Bartlová (eds.): Slovenská ľudová strana v dejinách 1905–1945 [= The Slovak People's Party in History 1905–1945]. Matica slovenská, Martin 2006, ISBN 80-7090-827-0 , pp. 273-282. (Slovak)

Comparative research on fascism

Overview representations and further literature

  • Hannes Hofbauer, David X. Noack: Slovakia: The arduous way to the west. Promedia Verlag, Vienna 2012, ISBN 978-3-85371-349-5 .
  • Ivan Kamenec : The Slovak state, 1939–1945. In: Mikuláš Teich, Dušan Kováč, Martin D. Brown (Eds.): Slovakia in History. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge et al. 2011, ISBN 978-0-521-80253-6 , pp. 175-192.
  • Vojtech Kárpáty: Slovenská politická symbolika 1939–1945. [= The Slovak political symbolism 1939–1945.] In: Peter Sokolovič (Ed.): Od Salzburgu do vypuknutia Povstania. Slovenská republika 1939−1945 očami mladých historikov VII [= From Salzburg to the outbreak of the uprising. The Slovak Republic 1939–1945 in the eyes of young historians VII.] ÚPN, Bratislava 2009, ISBN 978-80-89335-21-3 , pp. 31–47. (Slovak)
  • Vojtech Kárpáty: Symbolika Hlinkovej gardy [= The symbolism of the Hlinka Guard.] In: Pamäť národa, 4/2012, pp. 3–24. (Slovak)
  • Natália Krajčovičová: Slovakia in Czechoslovakia, 1918–1938. In: Mikuláš Teich, Dušan Kováč, Martin D. Brown (Eds.): Slovakia in History. Cambridge University Press 2011, ISBN 978-0-521-80253-6 , pp. 137-156.
  • Ľubomír Lipták: The political system of the Slovak Republic 1939–1945. In: Erwin Oberländer (Ed.): Authoritarian Regime in East Central and Southeast Europe 1919–1944. Verlag Ferdinand Schöningh, Paderborn 2017, pp. 299–336.
  • Gregor Mayer, Bernhard Odehnal: Deployment. The Right Danger from Eastern Europe. Residenz Verlag, St. Pölten / Salzburg 2010, ISBN 978-3-7017-3175-6 .
  • Jan Rychlík: Slovakia. In: David Stahel (Ed.): Joining Hitler's Crusade: European Nations and the Invasion of the Soviet Union. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge / New York 2018, ISBN 978-1-316-51034-6 , pp. 107-133.
  • Roland Schönfeld: Slovakia. From the Middle Ages to the present. Verlag Friedrich Pustet, Regensburg 2000, ISBN 3-7917-1723-5 .
  • Tatjana Tönsmeyer : The Third Reich and Slovakia 1939-1945. Political everyday life between cooperation and obstinacy. Schöningh, Paderborn 2003, ISBN 3-506-77532-4 .
  • Sabine Witt: Nationalist Intellectuals in Slovakia 1918–1945. Cultural practice between sacralization and secularization. (= Order systems. Studies on the history of ideas in the modern age, Volume 44) Walter de Gruyter, Berlin / Munich / Boston 2015, ISBN 978-3-11-035930-5 .

Web links

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ Elena Mannová: The collective memory of the Slovaks and the reflection of the past structures of rule. In: Johannes Feichtinger, Urula Prutsch, Moritz Csáky (eds.): Habsburg postcolonial. Power structures and collective memory. (= Memory - Memory - Identity , Vol. 2) Studienverlag 2003, pp. 189–196.
  2. ↑ other German spellings: Slovak People's Party Hlinkas , Slovak Hlinka People's Party .
  3. ↑ See The Hlinka Party: History, Ideology, Organization, Culture, Economy, Social Policy. Publishing house of the General Secretariat of the Hlinka Party, Bratislava 1943.
  4. ↑ a text signed by 31 prominent Slovak historians ( memento of the original from June 20, 2009 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice.  @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.postoy.sk
  5. ^ Anton Maegerle , right at the edge in Eastern Europe. An overview of Eastern European right wing parties
  6. ↑ Jörg Konrad Hoensch , Studia Slovaca: Studies on the history of the Slovaks and Slovakia , p. 206 ( Memento of the original from December 29, 2011 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and not yet checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. . @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / books.google.at
  7. ↑ Hoensch, Studia Slovaca , p.166 .
  8. ↑ Hoensch, Studia Slovaca , p.221 .
  9. ↑ Martin Lacko: DVOJKRÍŽ DESÍ SVETOOBČANOV. In: extraplus.sk, December 21, 2017, accessed on December 27, 2018. (Slovak)
  10. ^ Mayer, Odehnal: Aufmarsch. P. 175.
  11. ^ Borejsza: Schools of Hatred. P. 203; Tönsmeyer: The Third Reich and Slovakia , pp. 95–96.
  12. ↑ See Wippermann: Faschismus. P. 143.
  13. ^ Borejsza: Schools of Hatred. P. 203.
  14. ^ Payne: History of Fascism. P. 377 and 570f.
  15. ^ Payne: History of Fascism. P. 493.
  16. ^ Payne: History of Fascism. P. 377.
  17. ^ Payne: History of Fascism , p. 495.
  18. ^ Paxton: Anatomy of Fascism. P. 167.
  19. ^ Wippermann: European fascism , p. 174f.
  20. ^ Wippermann: Faschismus , p. 142.
  21. ^ Wippermann: Faschismus , p. 143.
  22. ^ Griffin: The Nature of Fascism. P. 130f. u 240.
  23. ↑ Schönfeld: Slovakia , p. 104.
  24. ^ Hofbauer, Noack: Slovakia , p. 50.
  25. ↑ Felak: At the Price of the Republic. P. 39.
  26. ^ Jelinek: The Parish Republic. P. 80.
  27. ↑ Cf. the overview of the different assessments of historians on the term “clerical fascism” in relation to the Hlinka party in Tatjana Tönsmeyer: Das Third Reich and Slovakia 1939–1945. P. 96, footnote 8.
  28. ↑ Nolte: The fascist movements. DTV, 9th edition, Munich 1984, p. 248ff.
  29. ^ Tönsmeyer: The Third Reich and Slovakia 1939-1945. P. 94.
  30. ^ Tönsmeyer: The Third Reich and Slovakia 1939-1945. P. 95.