Since its emergence around 1930, the term clerical fascism (and more rarely also clericofascism ) has particularly referred to a rapprochement between church officials and conservative , mostly Catholic parties , fascist parties or governments in some European and Latin American states . Fascist regimes are referred to as clerical- fascist if the clergy played a central role in building, organizing and maintaining them. Fascism research rejects the term today because it differentiates between political religion and theocratic ideologies.
|Groupings and (their) regimes, which are sometimes assigned to clerical fascism|
|country||Party / movement||Flag / symbol||ideology||Party leader||existence||Regime phase||annotation|
Joris Van Severen
|The Verdinaso was merged into the Flemish National Association in 1941 .|
|France ( Vichy regime )||
|1940-1944||1940-1944||The Vichy regime had no leading party or organization but was led by an ad hoc coalition of conservatives, fascists and neoliberals.|
|Greece (August 4th regime)||Liberal Party
Ethniki Organosis Neoleas
|Ireland||Army Comrades Association||Eoin O'Duffy||1932-1934|
|Kingdom of Yugoslavia||Yugoslav National Movement Zbor||Dimitrije Ljotić||1935-1945|
|Independent state of Croatia||Ustasha||Ante Pavelic||1929-1945||1941-1945|
|Federal State of Austria||Patriotic front||
|Portugal||National Union||Estado Novo||
Antonio de Oliveira Salazar
Corneliu Zelea Codreanu
|1927-1941||1940-1941||Supported by the Romanian Orthodox Church .
During the regime phase the Romanian state party in a coalition with the military under Ion Antonescu .
|Slovakia||Hlinka party||Christian totalitarianism / Slovak National Socialism||
|Spain||Movimiento Nacional||Franquism||Francisco Franco||1937-1977||1937-1977|
|Ukraine||Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists||
|Kingdom of Hungary||Unity party||Miklós Horthy||1921-1944||1921-1944||According to Roger Griffin , Horthy's regime was neither fascist nor dominated by the clergy, which is why the term clerical-fascist is incorrect.|
B) Outside Europe
|Groupings and (their) regimes that are partially or clearly assigned to clerical fascism|
|country||Party / movement||Flag / symbol||ideology||Leader / Leading Personality||Regime (participation) / existence||annotation|
|Brazil||Ação Integralista Brasileira||Brazilian integralism||Plínio Salgado||1932-1937||Until 1937 there was a cooperation between the Integralists and President Getúlio Vargas .|
Italy is a special case
The term “clerical fascists ” (clerico-fascisti) presumably comes from Italian politics: In the mid-1920s, for example, the former members of the Catholic Partito Popolare Italiano (PPI) who left their party and became mediators between the fascist state and of the Catholic Church. However, the regime of Benito Mussolini cannot simply be assigned to clerical fascism. The complex relationship between state and church in 19th-century Italy makes it difficult to make simple assignments. Since the Risorgimento , church and state had fought each other openly, frequently and intensely, but as early as 1922 with the election of Pope Pius XI, who was initially benevolent towards fascism . the Vatican indicated that it would not oppose a Mussolini government. This decision in favor of fascism was also supported by large parts of the clergy, for example the Archbishop of Milan hoisted fascist flags on his cathedral. The Vatican also recognized the role of fascism in overthrowing the left.
After Mussolini took over the government, there was a gradual rapprochement that led to mutual recognition (riconciliazione) of state and church with the Lateran Treaty in 1929 . In this treaty, the Vatican finally renounced the restoration of the papal state and recognized the Kingdom of Italy as a sovereign state with the capital Rome, but received unrestricted power over the newly established state of Vatican City as well as ample compensation amounting to 750 billion lire and a billion in government bonds . The treaty also contained a concordat in which Catholicism was elevated to the status of the state religion, religious instruction was made compulsory, civil divorce was prohibited and the Italian legal system was adapted to canon law. For the Catholic Church this was an agreement that was intended to initiate a re-Christianization of Italy and thus clearly emphasized the status of the religion; for Mussolini it was an advantageous compromise that gave his regime unprecedented acceptance.
The dictator himself was initially more anti-clerical and in 1920 still described religion as nonsense and religious people as sick. Among other things, he said: "With the insults of the priests I decorate myself like with a fragrant wreath of flowers." He even announced Christianity in his text There is no God a merciless cultural war. But a change was already recognizable in 1921 when he suddenly praised the universality of Catholicism and Pius XI. after his election as Pope praised him as an extraordinary man under whom relations between the Vatican and Italy could improve decisively. The Vatican, for its part, also tried to approach fascism, as parts of the curia viewed it as an important ally in the struggle against socialism , communism and liberalism .
An important indicator for the official approval of the fascist course by the Vatican was the request to the Italian clergy not to alliance with the Partito Popolare Italiano (PPI), a Christian Democratic, Catholic, anti-fascist party, but to become neutral declare what amounted to supporting Mussolini, who had taken power on October 28, 1923. Mussolini, in turn, now cooperated even more intensively with the Vatican. So he abolished freedom of expression and freedom of the press , gave back confiscated church and monastery property and reintroduced religious education . He also made a financial contribution by saving the Vatican from bankruptcy by restructuring the ailing bank Banco de Roma .
The Vatican, now under pressure to act, restricted the activities of the PPI even further as a kind of consideration and pushed for the overthrow of the party chairman and declared Mussolini opponent Luigi Sturzo , who emigrated to Great Britain in 1924 ; Furthermore, he forbade the entry of Catholic priests into the party, which de facto meant its dissolution.
The entanglements between the Vatican and the fascist Italian state had thus reached a quality that did not mean that there were no more conflicts. One example was the question of youth education , which almost broke with Mussolini. Since for Mussolini the education of the youth was an integral part of the fascist ideology, conflicts arose with the Catholic and Catholic-dominated youth associations, which were a thorn in Mussolini's side; the Vatican, on the other hand, did not want to reveal its influence on youth. So in 1932 a compromise was reached that was passed off as a victory by both sides: The youth groups of the Catholic Action were dissolved; all other Catholic youth organizations were spared. Thus the youth organizations of the Catholic Action could continue to exist under the guise of other groups and carry out a cautious re-Christianization, while on the part of the fascist state the “main enemy” in youth education could be successfully fought and the remaining Catholic youth organizations were not allowed to be politically active. Despite this rift and Mussolini's confession that fascism was essentially based on pagan principles, the support of parts of the Italian clergy for Mussolini continued; they actively helped with the conquest of Abyssinia (Ethiopia) and with military aid to Italy in the Spanish Civil War .
Mussolini's policy of expansion, with the aim of restoring a new Roman Empire , also enjoyed the popularity of parts of the clergy. After Italy entered the Second World War, on June 10, 1940 , the Italian episcopate sent a message of greeting to Mussolini and King Victor Emanuel III. In it he spoke of a "holy war" in which the Italian Catholics should be an example for all Catholics in the world.
During the Second World War, the church gradually began to distance itself from fascism and finally, in 1944, found that democracy was the preferred form of government. In particular, modern, open-minded representatives of the curia sometimes thought that they could see a future-oriented program in the new state thinking of fascism. However, to the extent that Italian fascism approached totalitarian positions, it met with criticism from Catholicism. This was not yet supported by well-founded democratic convictions, but began with freedom of conscience and the rights of the church.
The Estado Novo in Portugal (1933–1974)
In Portugal , the church and an authoritarian system were closely networked in the 1930s. Opinions differ widely as to whether this system should be classified as fascist or even clerical fascist. Stanley Payne Portugal , for example, denies any fascist character and describes the António de Oliveira Salazar regime as a “Catholic corporate regime”, which was similar to the Austrian Dollfuss regime. In his new state model, which he himself referred to as Estado Novo (Portuguese: “New State”), often also called Salazarism because of its personalization , was based, like Austrian Austrofascism, on the corporate state model of Italian fascism. The regime tried hard to give itself the appearance of a democratic state and therefore left some elements of the republic untouched, even if these are to be regarded as mere copies.
With the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War, a “fascistization” of the Salazar regime is noticeable. Like other fascist states, he founded the Mocidade Portuguesa (Portuguese youth), a youth organization and a paramilitary militia, the so-called Legião Portuguesa ( Portuguese : Portuguese Legion), both of whom adopted the fascist greeting ; whereby the Mocidade was predominantly led like a Catholic youth group, the Legião however clearly behaved like a fascist party police. However, he never strived for total fascism, which he denigrated as "pagan Caesarism" , and he also firmly rejected the fascist "new state" , in which there were no moral and legal restrictions. He also fought against the national syndicalist so-called blue shirts, who openly sympathize with Italian fascism and wanted to transform Portugal into a fascist state.
After the end of the Second World War, as with its Spanish neighbors, a de-fascistization can be determined again, although this was less radical than that in Spain, since Salazar was far less oriented towards fascism than Franco.
Although Salazar himself was an ardent Catholic, he behaved rather cautiously towards the Catholic Church, in contrast to Franco and Dollfuss, nevertheless, as in Spain, Catholicism was an important pillar of the regime. The Concordat concluded in 1940 is indicative of Salazar's ambivalent attitude towards the Church. Religious instruction was reintroduced in schools, albeit on a voluntary basis; the church property confiscated in 1910 was not returned and the civil marriage and divorce were maintained, and the official separation of church and state was not shaken. Despite the Concordat, which was not exactly advantageous for the church, it largely supported the Salazar regime, since his model of the corporate structure of the state was probably more compatible with Catholic social teaching than other models. In contrast to Franquism, political influence was also limited to religious matters and education; Despite his commitment to Catholicism, Salazar consciously pushed the church out of state organizations so that it could continue to act alone and without possible church resistance.
Francoist Spain (1936–1977)
Even before the Spanish Civil War, Pope Pius XI supported. the anti-republican forces and demanded a “holy crusade” to eliminate the “Red Spanish murder regime” . With the outbreak of the civil war, he even propagated the global fight against Bolshevism ; "Fire" , the Pope said, "of hatred and persecution" had been ignited in Spain and would not take "appropriate" action against all "direct divine and human institutions." Went even further the Vatican Jesuit magazine La Civilta Cattolica , the described the army in the “fascist putsch” as “a hundred times blessed and glorious” and finally called for a “sweeping away of the barbarians without a fatherland and without God” . But Francisco Franco also made use of the Catholic Church, so he always hoisted his own flag as well as that of the Vatican over his headquarters in Burgos and even described himself as a “tool of providence.” After the victory of the nationalists, the newly elected Pope congratulated Pius XII. Franco on April 1, 1939 with the following words:
“ By raising our hearts to God, we rejoice with Ew. Your Excellency on the victory so longed for by the Catholic Church. We hope that once peace is restored, your country will revive the old Christian traditions with renewed energy. "
Franco was only too happy to follow the Pope's request, having declared during the civil war that he wanted to build the Spanish state “according to the principles of Catholicism” , which were “the real principles of the fatherland” . Franco renewed the Concordat of 1851, with which the Spanish clergy regained more influence, elevated Catholicism to the state religion, abolished freedom of the press, freedom of speech and freedom of assembly and banned all parties, with the exception of Falange, which was expanded to become the state unity party.
With the so-called nacional-catolicismo (Spanish: national Catholicism) propagated by Franco , the dovetailing of the Catholic Church with the regime went even further. So the dictator gave back all its privileges to the Spanish Church and even guaranteed them in the constitution. Catholicism was now the only community, apart from the party itself, of course, which was allowed to hold public meetings and processions. In the Francoist state, Catholic officials were elevated to high government positions and were also represented in community assemblies, the so-called Cortes. The Basic Law of 1958 states, among other things:
“ The Spanish nation boasts of a reverence for God's law according to the only true teaching of the holy Catholic, Apostolic and Roman Churches, and the faith inseparable from national consciousness that will inspire their legislation. "
In 1953, the Franco regime decided to conclude a new concordat with the Vatican, primarily not so much to close Franco's ties with the Catholic Church as to break away from international isolation that captured Spain after World War II. Franco had remained largely neutral during the Second World War, but especially in the early stages of his regime, he had sympathy for Mussolini and Hitler. The Vatican, for its part, made use of this intention and concluded an extremely advantageous agreement for its circumstances, so in addition to the confirmation of the old privileges, it was now also given all agents in education and all censorship powers. Further concessions were extensive tax exemption , the preservation of churches and monasteries, and the state's remuneration of priests, and civil marriage and divorce were also prohibited. In return, Franco secured the influence on the Spanish clergy by giving him a say in the filling of dioceses and other church offices.
Even before the end of the Second World War, Franquism began to break away from some fascist elements and to develop in the direction of an authoritarian Catholic-conservative dictatorship, which was certainly also connected with the events in Stalingrad in 1943, when the Axis powers suffered a decisive defeat for the first time had. After the Second World War, Franco began, as Payne writes, to “defascist” his system, even if some elements, such as those of Italian-fascist corporatism, were retained.
The church and its organization also began to distance themselves increasingly from Franquism, already before Franco's death it demanded a revision of the 1953 Concordat, which Franco did not comply with.It was only after his death in 1975 that the messed up situation began to move, and it finally became 1979 deleted about two thirds of the agreements.
The Hlinka party, which had already had a decisive influence on the political life of the Czechoslovak Republic for twenty years, began on the initiative of the lower clergy as a representative of the interests of Slovak Catholicism. An inept personnel policy of the Czechoslovakian government in Kramář , which could give the appearance of a preference for the Protestant part of the population, and its ordinances in the area of church politics pushed the Slovak clergy into an aggressive opposition. The Hlinka party and its supporters, the so-called "Ludaks" (derived from Slovak. Ľudáci , German People's Party ), have been the strongest political force in Slovakia since 1925, but never received more than a third of the Slovak electoral vote within Czechoslovakia.
Your two party leaders, Andrej Hlinka and Jozef Tiso , were Catholic clergymen who stood under the slogan "For God and Nation" (Slovak. Za Boha a národ ). The Hlinka party also advocated an ecclesiastical school system and demanded a leading role for the Catholic Church in Slovak society. In addition, the party was nationalist, anti-socialist and anti-Jewish and had an authoritarian understanding of the state: "Since it placed the nation above the state and saw itself as the only legitimate representative of the nation, there was no room in its understanding of politics for either pluralism or democracy . " In the autumn of 1938 the Ludaks took over the autonomous Slovak state government and until December 1938 enforced a one-party dictatorship in which only the political representatives of the German and Hungarian minorities remained.
Within the Hlinka party, two wings gradually emerged, vying for power; The conservative-moderate wing, led by the party leader and President Tiso, wanted to create an authoritarian and clerical corporate state, while the radical, headed by Prime Minister Vojtech Tuka and later Minister of the Interior Alexander Mach , openly tried to enforce the ideology and practice of National Socialism . Nevertheless, Hitler preferred the moderate wing under Tiso, from which he hoped a greater guarantee for the maintenance of stability in the state. The Ludaks tried with their organizations - the Hlinka youth and the Hlinka guard - to dominate the whole of life in the Slovak state. From the beginning, the Catholic Church played an extremely important role in the Slovak state. Clergymen held important positions in the political life of the state: in addition to President Tiso, who was a Catholic pastor, other priests were active in the state parliament and in the state council, while others in turn held important positions at the Gau and district level. The new constitution explicitly referred to the principles of Christian natural law as the basis of the state. Thus the Catholic clergy was one of the pillars of the regime.
All of this earned Slovakia the verdict of clerical fascism in later Marxist, but also non-Marxist literature. For example, Gerhard Besier writes that Tiso wanted to protect Slovakia from liberalism , socialism and capitalism by dismantling parliamentary democracy in favor of a "clerical-fascist" order. However, this finding is controversial among historians. Thus keeping Tatjana Tönsmeyer its significance for "questionable" and Stanley Payne , as well as Roland Schonfeld and Wolfgang Wippermann speak Slovak regime and the Hlinka party basically a "clerical-fascist" or "fascist" character from. Robert Paxton writes that the Hlinka party "was more clerical-authoritarian than fascist" .
Ustaša regime in Croatia (1941–1945)
The so-called Ustaša - hrvatska revolucionarna organizacija ("Uprising - Croatian Revolutionary Organization") was founded in 1929 by Ante Pavelić in Croatia in what was then the Kingdom of Yugoslavia as an ultra-nationalist movement as part of the royal dictatorship of Alexander I. From the beginning, the Catholic identity played a decisive role alongside uncompromising Croatian nationalism, so it was understood as a historical bulwark of the Christian West against oriental nomads and Ottoman invaders as well as against "Eastern" Slavic tyranny and communism . After the assassination attempt on the king in 1934, the movement increasingly oriented itself towards an openly fascist ideology, mixed with peasant romanticism and a Croatian variant of "national Catholicism". After the defeat of Yugoslavia in 1941, Pavelić was appointed by Italy and Germany as head of state of the satellite state Independent State of Croatia (NDH), in which he established a one-party regime with him as a mystical leader. He found a large following among the urban underclass as well as Croatian intellectuals and the nationalist-oriented Catholic priesthood, although the Ustasha was officially not a Catholic movement, even the Vatican refused to recognize him. However, this did not prevent the Croatian clergy from participating in the new state; the order of the Franciscans deserves special mention, with a large number of monks even actively involved in ethnic cleansing, which was primarily directed against Orthodox Serbs, Roma and Jews , participated.
“ To kill all Serbs in the shortest possible time. This is our program. "
They were more tolerant towards the Bosnian Muslims, and even some paramilitary units were created with Bosniaks , and it was secretly hoped that sooner or later the Muslims would convert to Catholicism. From 1942, attempts were also made to bind the Serbs who had not yet been murdered or expelled to the new state by setting up their own autocephalous Croatian Orthodox Church in order to give the Serbs in Croatia an acceptable identity.
From the very first day of its administration in Zagreb, the Ustaša government placed great emphasis on good relations with the Catholic Church. Archbishop Stepinac and the high clergy did not fail to show sympathy for the Independent State of Croatia, in which they saw a bastion of Catholicism, and with their authority they also covered the regime, whose acts of violence they criticized, if at all, only very considerately . Relations with the Vatican remained problematic because, contrary to Stepinac's recommendation, it did not formally recognize the new state. Pavelić, however, was pleased that the Vatican sent the Benedictine Giuseppe Ramiro Marcone to Zagreb as a permanent delegate in the summer of 1941 under the title of papal “visitor”, who was de facto active there as nuncio .
For example, while Robert Paxton classifies the Ustasha as fascist, other historians have doubts about it. So called Stanley Payne , the Ustasha movement in its early years as a terrorist and Aufständischenorganisation which at best proto-fascist was and was led by Pavelić until 1936 to an open fascist and anti-Semitic position. Also Arnd Bauerkämper believes that the Ustasha was identified as präfaschistisch or semi-fascist terror despite her rightly, as their dual function prevented the task force and political police the formation of a party.
Weimar Republic and Austria until 1933
In the Weimar Republic , the KPD used the term as a polemical battle term specifically against the cooperation of the Catholic Center Party with right-wing extremist parties. In Austria and some Romance countries, too , the term was primarily directed against Catholic alliances with rising fascist parties. With anti-Semitic propaganda they tried to win over sections of the bourgeoisie who had previously voted for Christian conservative parties.
time of the nationalsocialism
After the Nazi seizure of power in Germany, the Austrofascists in Austria tried harder to avert a threatened occupation by Germany by adopting methods of the National Socialists such as autocratic centralism , an authoritarian state structure and economic management, as well as the internment of political opponents in concentration camps .
The movement of German Christians addressed in the area of German Protestantism against the traditional denominational structures, which after Hitler's first steps to integrate then the DC circuit was of the Protestant churches buoyancy. She strove for a synthesis of Protestant Christianity with National Socialist, anti-Semitic and racist ideology and since June 1933 has won church leadership positions in parts of the German Evangelical Church .
Critical church historians identify the actual clerical fascism in the continued willingness of high-ranking Lutheran church leaders such as Otto Dibelius , Hans Meiser and Theophil Wurm to work with the Nazi regime and to come to terms with the DC church leaders. Since they basically affirmed the state's Jewish policy, they did not contradict either the gradual disenfranchisement and expropriation of Judaism as a whole or the exclusion of baptized Jews from the Church.
The Catholic Church initially remained aloof from the Nazi system . But on July 20, 1933, Pope Pius XI. With the Nazi regime, abolished the Reich Concordat, in which the Catholic Church received far-reaching promises from Hitler not to affect its previous privileges . With the military chaplaincy, Hitler secured valuable support from the church for his war plans. After the contract was signed, pastoral letters regularly called for Hitler's support; public opposition to it would therefore have been directed against the bishops and the Pope. This had ambivalent consequences: There was no massive protest against the persecution of Jews and the disabled among the Catholics either among the Protestants. Only individual bishops like Clemens August Graf von Galen used their position to - at times successfully - protest against euthanasia .
After 1945, the Vatican helped former National Socialists to escape criminal prosecution abroad ( see Rattenlinien ). To what extent the Pope knew and supported this practice is controversial.
Related uses of the term since 1945
Sometimes a relationship between Christian doctrines and forms of organization and fascism, for example with regard to the leader principle in Catholic Caesaropapism or authoritarian, “ sect-like ” structures in groups of Christian fundamentalism, is now called Christian fascism .
The theologian Dorothee Sölle used the term Christofascism on the one hand for the "television religion", which has created new forms of indoctrination with electronic mass media, on the other hand for the fundamentalist US American right and its opposition to the Latin American liberation theology .
In Brazil under Getúlio Dornelles Vargas, Bishop Carlos Duarte Costa split off the Catholic Apostolic Church of Brazil from the Catholic Church , to which he attributed the infallibility dogma , celibacy , the use of Latin in the liturgy and "clero-fascism" too closely Vargas accused.
After the war, the relationship between churches and fascism was reassessed. Karlheinz Deschner and other critical researchers of church history often speak of clerical fascism, where religious intolerance led to particularly obvious crimes against humanity , such as in times of the Inquisition and the persecution of witches .
Such references to the spiritual closeness and practical solidarity between Christians and fascists can, however, also relativize a concrete definition of fascism. This also applies - regardless of external parallels - to the ahistorical transfer of the term to Islamist regimes such as today's Iran , which sees itself as an Islamic republic or theocracy ( Islam fascism ) .
Since 1957, the propaganda of the GDR worked to defame the political system of the Federal Republic by using the term “clerical fascism” and thereby deny its democratic legitimacy.
- Astrid Bötticher, Miroslav Mareš: Extremism. Theories - Concepts - Shapes. (Textbooks and handbooks in political science) Oldenbourg Verlag, Munich 2012, ISBN 978-3-486-59793-6 , p. 221.
- Roger Griffin: The 'Holy Storm'. 'Clerical Fascism' through the Lens of Modernism. In: Matthew Feldman et al. a .: Clerical Fascism in Interwar Europe , Routledge, New York, 2008, pp. 1–15, on p. 3.
- Aristotle A. Kallis: Fascism and Religion - The Metaxas Regime in Greece and the 'Third Hellenic Civilization'. Some Theoretical Observations on 'Fascism', 'Political Religion' and 'Clerical Fascism'. In: Matthew Feldman et al. a .: Clerical Fascism in Interwar Europe , Routledge, New York, 2008, pp. 17-34.
- John Pollard: 'Clerical Fascism'. Context, Overview and Conclusion. In: Matthew Feldman et al. a .: Clerical Fascism in Interwar Europe , Routledge, New York, 2008, pp. 221-233, on p. 222.
- The historian Ernst Hanisch rejects the term “clerical fascism” as useless for the Austrian corporate state because it is not theoretically reflected at all and classifies it as a political battle term. (Ernst Hanisch: Political Catholicism as the bearer of "Austrofascism". In: Emmerich Tálos (Ed.): Austrofaschismus. Politics - Economy - Culture 1933–1938 . Lit-Verlag, Vienna 2005, ISBN 978-3-8258-7712- 5 , pp. 68–86, here: p. 68.)
- Tönsmeyer: The Third Reich and Slovakia. P. 95f.
- John Pollard: 'Clerical Fascism'. Context, Overview and Conclusion. In: Matthew Feldman et al. a .: Clerical Fascism in Interwar Europe , Routledge, New York, 2008, pp. 221-233, on p. 227.
- Charles Wei-hsün Fu and Gerhard E. Spiegler: Movements and Issues in World Religions: Religion, ideology, and politics Greenwood Press, Hardback 1987, ISBN 0-313-23238-5 .
- See: Stanley Payne: History of Fascism. Tosa-Verlag, Vienna 2006, pp. 145 and 159/160.
- See: Stanley Payne: History of Fascism. Tosa-Verlag, Vienna 2006, p. 160.
- See: Karlheinz Deschner: Church and Fascism. Verlag Arthur Moeweg GmbH, Rastatt 1990, pp. 8-13.
- See: Stanley Payne: History of Fascism. Tosa-Verlag, Vienna 2006, pp. 270/271.
- See ibid., P. 271.
- See: Karlheinz Deschner: Church and Fascism. Moeweg, Rastatt 1990, p. 22.
- Stanley Payne: History of Fascism. Tosa-Verlag, Vienna 2006, p. 386.
- Ludwig Renard: Salazar, Church and State in Portugal. Lugerus-Verlag, Essen 1968, p. 60 ff.
- Stanley Payne: History of Fascism. Tosa-Verlag, Vienna 2006, pp. 384–386.
- Gerhard Besier, Hermann Lübbe: Political religion and religious policy: Between totalitarianism and civil liberty. Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen 2005, p. 90.
- Karlheinz Deschner: Church and Fascism. Moeweg, Rastatt 1990, p. 46 f.
- Karlheinz Deschner: Church and Fascism. Moeweg, Rastatt 1990, pp. 43, 46.
- Karlheinz Deschner: Church and Fascism. Moeweg, Rastatt 1990, p. 48.
- Karlheinz Deschner: Church and Fascism. Moeweg, Rastatt 1990, p. 49.
- Karlheinz Deschner: Church and Fascism. Moeweg, Rastatt 1990, p. 49 f.
- From: Walther L. Bernecker: Spain's history since the civil war. Beck, Munich 1988, p. 71.
- Stanley Payne: History of Fascism. Tosa-Verlag, Vienna 2006, p. 326.
- Hoensch: The basics of the program of the Slovak People's Party , p. 156.
- Schönfeld: Slovakia. P. 86; Tönsmeyer: The Third Reich and Slovakia 1939–1945. Pp. 35-36.
- Tönsmeyer: The Third Reich and Slovakia. P. 95.
- Tönsmeyer: The Third Reich and Slovakia 1939-1945. P. 94.
- Šindelářová: Finale of the annihilation. P. 35f.
- Šindelářová: Finale of the annihilation. P. 37.
- Tönsmeyer: The Third Reich and Slovakia. P. 96.
- Besier in Political Religion and Religious Policy . P. 107
- Payne: History of Fascism. Pp. 377, 571; Schönfeld: Slovakia. P. 104; Wippermann: European fascism , p. 174f.
- Paxton: Anatomy of Fascism. P. 167.
- Stanley Payne: History of Fascism. Tosa-Verlag, Vienna 2006, p. 496 ff.
- Karlheinz Deschner: Church and Fascism. Moeweg, Rastatt 1990, p. 108.
- Stanley Payne: History of Fascism. Tosa-Verlag, Vienna 2006, p. 496 ff.
- Hory, Broszat: The Croatian Ustasha State , p. 72.
- Paxton: Anatomy of Fascism. P. 167.
- Payne: History of Fascism. P. 498f.
- Bauerkämper: Fascism in Europe 1918–1945. P. 165.
- Dorothee Sölle: Electronic Church , in: Junge Kirche 42/1981, p. 249 ff.
- Dorothee Sölle: The window of vulnerability. Kreuz-Verlag, 1987, ISBN 3-7831-0843-8 , p. 158.
- See e.g. B. Karlheinz Deschner: With God and the Führer. In: Criminal History of Christianity , Church and Fascism.
- Martin Höllen: Loyal distance? Catholicism and Church Politics in the Soviet Zone and GDR. Vol. 2, Berlin 1997, pp. 149 f.
General literature on (clerical) fascism
- Arnd Bauerkämper : Fascism in Europe, 1918–1945. Reclam, Stuttgart 2006, ISBN 978-3-15-017049-6 .
- Karlheinz Deschner : Church and Fascism. Ullstein 1993, ISBN 3-8118-3444-4 .
- Matthew Feldmann, Marius Turda, Tudor Georgescu (Eds.): Clerical Fascism in Interwar Europe. Rouledge, New York 2008, ISBN 978-0-415-44824-6 .
- Robert Paxton : Anatomy of Fascism. DVA, Munich 2006, ISBN 3-421-05913-6 .
- Stanley Payne : History of Fascism. The rise and fall of a European movement. Tosa, Vienna 2006, ISBN 3-85003-037-7 .
- Klaus-Jörg Siegfried: clerical fascism. Social science studies (editor Peter Lang), Frankfurt am Main, November 1982, ISBN 3-921121-95-7 .
- Wolfgang Wippermann : European Fascism in Comparison (1922–1982). Suhrkamp, Frankfurt am Main 1983, ISBN 3-518-11245-7 .
Literature on Austrofascism / corporate state in Austria
- Ernst Hanisch : Political Catholicism as the bearer of “Austrofascism”. In: Emmerich Tálos (ed.): Austrofaschismus. Politics - Economy - Culture 1933–1938. Lit-Verlag, Vienna 2005, ISBN 978-3-8258-7712-5 , pp. 68-86.
- Roland Jezussek: “Austrofascism” - a model of an authoritarian form of government: ideology, emergence and failure of the Austrian corporate state. VDM Verlag Dr. Müller, Saarbrücken 2009, ISBN 978-3-639-12949-6 .
- Roman Sandgruber : Illustrated history of Austria. Epochs - people - achievements. Pichler Verlag, Vienna 2000, ISBN 3-85431-196-6 .
- Manfred Scheuch : The way to Heldenplatz. A history of the Austrian dictatorship 1933–1938. Kremayr & Scheriau, Vienna 2005, ISBN 3-218-00734-8 .
- Emmerich Tálos : The Austrofascist system of rule: Austria 1933–1938. (= Politics and contemporary history. Volume 8). Lit, Berlin / Münster / Vienna 2013, ISBN 978-3-643-50494-4 .
Literature on the Hlinka party and its regime in Slovakia
- Eliška Hegenscheidt-Nozdrovická: “Slovakia for the Slovaks!” The separatist currents in Slovakia between 1918 and 1939. Diplomatica Verlag, 2012, ISBN 978-3-8428-7210-3 .
- Jörg K. Hoensch : The basics of the program of the Slovak People's Party before 1938. In: Hans Lemberg et al. (Ed.): Studia Slovaca. Studies on the history of the Slovaks and Slovakia (publications of the Collegium Carolinum, Volume 93). Oldenbourg Verlag, Munich 2000, ISBN 3-486-56521-4 , pp. 155-198.
- Jörg K. Hoensch: The Slovak People's Party Hlinkas. In: Hans Lemberg et al. (Ed.): Studia Slovaca. Studies on the history of the Slovaks and Slovakia (publications of the Collegium Carolinum, Volume 93). Oldenbourg Verlag, Munich 2000, ISBN 3-486-56521-4 , pp. 199-220.
- Jörg K. Hoensch: Slovakia and Hitler's Ostpolitik. Hlinkas Slovak People's Party between Separation and Autonomy 1938/1939. Böhlau Verlag, Cologne / Graz 1965.
- Roland Schönfeld: Slovakia. From the Middle Ages to the present. Verlag Friedrich Pustet, Regensburg 2000, ISBN 3-7917-1723-5 .
- Lenka Šindelářová: Final of the extermination: Task Force H in Slovakia 1944/45 (= publications of the Ludwigsburg Research Center of the University of Stuttgart; Vol. 22). Scientific Book Society, Darmstadt 2013, ISBN 978-3-534-25973-1 .
- Tatjana Tönsmeyer : The Third Reich and Slovakia 1939-1945. Political everyday life between cooperation and obstinacy. Schöningh, Paderborn 2003, ISBN 3-506-77532-4 .
Literature on the Ustasha regime in Croatia
- Holm Sundhaussen : The Ustasha State. Anatomy of a system of rule. In: Österreichische Osthefte. No. 37 (1995) 2, pp. 497-534.
- Ladislaus Hory, Martin Broszat : The Croatian Ustascha State 1941-1945 (= series of the quarterly books for contemporary history, No. 8). 2nd edition, Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, Stuttgart 1965.