Corneliu Zelea Codreanu

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Corneliu Zelea Codreanu
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Corneliu Zelea Codreanu ( debate ? / I ; * 13 September July / 25 September 1899 greg. As Corneliu Zelinschi in Iași ; † November 30, 1938 in Tâncăbeşti ) was a fascist Romanian politician . From 1927 to 1938 he was as Căpitanul ("captain, captain") leader of the fascist movement "Archangel Michael Legion", whose political arm from 1930 the Iron Guard . Audio file / audio sample  

origin

Corneliu was the eldest child of Ion Zelinschi (1878–1941) and his wife Elisa (nee Brauner). The mother's grandfather had moved from Bavaria to Bukowina , then part of Austria , and worked as a customs officer in Suceava . The father Corneliu Codreanus grew up in Bucovina, emigrated to Romania as a young man and worked as a German teacher. He attached great importance to his "Romanian roots" and therefore changed the (originally apparently Polish) family name in 1902 to "Zelea Codreanu". Codreanu's father kept claiming - in order to portray his roots as “pure-bred” as possible - that his grandfather was an ethnic Romanian named Zelea or Zale and immigrated to Bukovina from Máramaros County . There the Austrian administration later Polonized the name ( Zieliński ). The written documents do not provide any information on this. In 1938 police authorities in Chernivtsi created a family tree of Corneliu Zelea Codreanu, who was then imprisoned. This family tree reached back in the male line to the mentioned great-grandfather with the name Simion Dielinschi (1822-1887). His nationality was given as "probably Russian". Furthermore, Ukrainian ancestors were listed on the paternal side and Polish, Czech and Ukrainian ancestors on the maternal side alongside the German. According to this flawed paper, the father Corneliu Zelea Codreanus did not change his family name in 1902, but only in 1920. The father propagated atheism as a pupil and was noticed in the subsequent course of study for his “arrogance” and “megalomania”. He would have talked about later becoming "President of Romania". To this family tree and the other z. Sometimes false information is limiting to say that they were created at a time when the state authorities were doing everything in their power to discredit Codreanu among his supporters.

The life of Ion Zelea Codreanu and that of his family (Corneliu Codreanu grew up with four brothers and two sisters) was marked by "wild and merciless anti-Semitism ".

When Alexandru C. Cuza and Nicolae Iorga founded the anti-Semitic "National Democratic Party" in 1910 , Ion Zelea Codreanu became its ardent and devoted supporter.

Childhood and youth

Corneliu Zelea Codreanu attended elementary school in Iași and Huși. In 1912 he moved to a military school in Mănăstirea Dealu near Târgovişte . According to his own statement, Codreanu had “received a strict military upbringing and a healthy belief in his own strength”. When Romania entered the First World War in late August 1916, Codreanu was at home with his mother in Huși. His father had been drafted into the army two years earlier. Codreanu, who was only 17 at the time, sought out his father's unit in the valley of the Oituz River to volunteer. This was refused by the regimental commander because of Codreanu's age. Nevertheless, he accompanied his father for several weeks before he was sent home to look after his family in Huși. The military school in Mănăstirea Dealu had since been occupied by the Central Powers . From September 1917 to July 1918 Codreanu continued his military training at the Infantry School in Botoșani ; then he returned to Huși and passed his Abitur there in autumn 1919.

Before that - in the spring of 1919 - he and about 20 classmates founded an organization for the first time in a forest near his hometown, the aim of which was to fight against communists and Jews if revolutionary Russian troops marched in. To this end, the group armed themselves and carried out military exercises in the forest.

Education

Codreanu then began studying law in Iași . There he came into closer contact with Alexandru C. Cuza, his father's friend. Cuza was a professor of economics in Iași . Codreanu supported the "Garda Conștiinței Naționale" ( Guard of National Consciousness ), whose chairman was the plumber and electrician Constantin Pancu. Under Nicolae Iorga's slogan "Romania for the Romanians, and only for the Romanians", nationalist, anti-Semitic and proletarian demands were combined. Codreanu organized the use of strikebreakers in companies on strike and exchanged the red flags raised there for Romanian national flags .

Cuza commissioned Codreanu to organize appropriate student activities in Iași. At the first all-Romanian student congress in Cluj in September 1920 , Codreanu pushed through against the initial opposition of a majority that Jewish students would continue to be excluded from the student associations. Codreanu was also active in his student environment in Iași. In 1920 he protested against the fact that - unlike in the past - the semester should no longer be opened with a Romanian Orthodox mass. For this he was beaten up by opposing students, but was able to achieve his goal. With like-minded people he blew up meetings of left-wing students, penetrated the editorial rooms and printing works of liberal newspapers, which he regarded as “Jewish-Communist”, attacked the employees there and destroyed printing facilities. These incidents prompted the university management to exclude Codreanu from studying. However, the leadership of the law faculty sided with Codreanu, declared the faculty independent, and allowed Codreanu to continue his studies. The rectorate, in turn, later refused to award Codreanu the diploma despite passing exams.

In 1922 Codreanu founded an "Association of Christian Students" at the university. Members of this group stormed z. B. Halls in which a theater group wanted to perform a play in Yiddish and drove the actors off the stage. The student demonstrations he initiated in 1922 were intended to induce the government to introduce a numerus clausus that would have largely excluded Jews from higher education.

After completing his law degree in Iași, Codreanu moved to Berlin University in the fall of 1922 to begin studying economics , but primarily to establish international contacts in the fight against the Jews. Lacking financial means, he moved to Jena in December 1922 because the cost of living was lower there. However, he stayed here only for a short time. It is unclear whether Codreanu attended courses at German universities; his studies in Jena cannot be proven in the documents. Overall, he was disappointed by what he believed to be a lack of anti-Semitic attitudes on the part of most German students. When he heard of student unrest in Romania, which were primarily directed against the "Jewish press", he returned to Iași.

Increasing radicalization and escalating violence

After Cuza and Iorga had fallen out shortly before and their National Democratic Party had disintegrated, Cuza founded the "Liga Apărării Național Creştine" (LANC, League for Christian National Defense ) in early March 1923 and used the swastika as its symbol. Codreanu presented himself in his memoirs as the driving force behind the founding of the party. On behalf of Cuza, he began to organize the new party throughout Romania.

The legislation of the liberal government under Ion IC Brătianu , which also made Romanian citizenship possible for the Jews in March 1923, regarded Codreanu as treason. In the same month around midnight, he and some supporters moved to a poor Jewish quarter in Iași to harass and riot local residents. He was arrested for the first time and sentenced to one week in prison.

Codreanu (front center) with his co-conspirators

Since Codreanu did not "legally" achieve his goals, he and seven other nationalist students decided to murder important Jewish personalities, but also Christian politicians. Attacks on labor minister George G. Mârzescu , agriculture minister Alexandru C. Constantinescu , some rabbis in Bucharest , Jewish bankers and publishers of liberal newspapers were planned. Before it was carried out, someone involved betrayed the action and the whole group was arrested on October 8, 1923. At the first interrogation, Codreanu openly described the planned actions and the motives. This was followed by several months in prison in the Văcăreşti monastery in Bucharest . During this time Codreanu worked out an organizational plan with the aim of attracting Romania's youth to his cause. In the prison chapel there was a picture of the Archangel Michael , which Codreanu so impressed that he decided to name his movement after him. This youth organization should work within the LANC. Once again, Codreanu's supporters managed to mobilize thousands of people to demonstrate for him in front of the courthouse. A co-conspirator (Ion I. Moța) shot the traitor, who appeared as a witness, in the courthouse with a smuggled pistol and injured him. Except for Moța, the entire group was acquitted on March 29, 1924, Moța himself a few weeks later.

Codreanu with his wife Elena Ilinoiu (1925)

After Codreanu had received negative attention from the local police authorities on several occasions, Constantin Manciu, the prefect of police in Iași, had him and some of his supporters repeatedly arrested and mistreated. On October 25, 1924, Codreanu shot and killed the police prefect in the courthouse and injured two other police officers. Immediately after the crime, Codreanu admitted that he wanted to get revenge on Manciu for the previous attacks. The trial of Codreanu began in Focșani in March 1925 . A larger Jewish minority lived in this city; the atmosphere among the Romanian majority population was described by contemporaries as anti-Semitic. Since this had a noticeable influence on the course of the process, the hearing was postponed on March 17 and relocated to the distant Turnu Severin in the south-west of the country. This decision led to serious unrest with pogrom-like riots in Focșani by supporters of Codreanus. The apparently intimidated police largely let the troublemakers do theirs. Even in the smaller and more remote Turnu Severin, Codreanu's supporters managed to create an atmosphere of sympathy for him. Hundreds, then thousands, of nationalist students traveled to Turnu Severin, encouraged residents to put portraits of Codreanu in their windows, and held meetings every day. On the eve of the hearing, national flags with swastikas dominated the whole city. The Romanian Bar Association decided that none of its members could represent the widow Mancius. The trial lasted a week and took place in the city's theater. The prosecutor pleaded “guilty”, but cited mitigating circumstances himself and portrayed Codreanu as a “determined patriot”. Codreanu himself now pleaded self-defense and was acquitted of allegation of murder. On the occasion of the judgment, the jury wore ribbons in the Romanian national colors and with the swastika. In addition, after the verdict, they were shown in a group photo with Codreanu.

On June 14, 1925 - one month after his acquittal - Codreanu staged his wedding to Elena Ilinoiu , the daughter of a railroad worker, in Focşani in the form of a mass event with tens of thousands of spectators. A month later he sponsored more than a hundred children who had been born since his wedding day. Codreanu's marriage remained childless; the couple adopted a daughter from Codreanu's brother Horia. Later - from 1933 in Bucharest - the couple lived in a kind of commune with several followers and other, de facto adopted children from destitute families.

Founding of the Legionnaires' Movement

Flag of the Legionnaires Movement

In 1926 Codreanu moved to Grenoble with his friend Ion I. Moța to study economics . In May 1927 - after completing his studies - he returned to Bucharest when he heard that the LANC, which had meanwhile entered the Romanian parliament with ten members, had split. He primarily blamed Cuza's lack of leadership skills for this. He then decided to set up his own organization. He did this on June 24, 1927 together with his former fellow prisoners from Văcăreşti and called the new movement "Legion of Archangel Michael" ( Legiunea Arhanghelului Mihail ). With his first order he stood up as leader of the movement. He demanded absolute obedience from his colleagues. There was initially no written program; According to Codreanu, the program was “my fighting life and the heroic attitude of my comrades who suffered with me in prison.” The movement should be “primarily a school and an army and not a political party”. In the dispute with Cuza, however, Codreanu did not succeed in winning the majority of the LANC members on his side. Most of the students in particular remained supporters of Cuza at first.

From the beginning, mystical elements played an essential role in the movement. The members of the group had to take turns guarding the image of the Archangel Michael, which was placed in their self-built house in Iași. The outward distinguishing feature of the movement was a green shirt. From August 1927 the magazine "Pământul Strămoșesc" ( Earth of the Ancestors ) was published, which appeared twice a month.

Codreanu initially tried to devote himself entirely to the Legionnaires' movement. For lack of money, however, in autumn 1928 he felt compelled to open a law firm in Ungheni . After Codreanu had initially led his legionnaire movement like a kind of order without much publicity, he decided in December 1929 to aggressively spread his views among the people. The main means of doing this were marches, during which he rode from village to village at the head of his retinue and held brief meetings in each of the towns.

Founding of the Iron Guard and activity as a member of parliament

In the spring of 1930 Codreanu founded the " Iron Guard " ( Garda de Fier ). It was conceived as a national organization in which the legionnaires' movement represented the backbone, but which should also include other anti-Semitic and nationalist groups. Since Codreanu was the undisputed leader here too and the Iron Guard continued to consist essentially of the Legionnaires' movement, both terms were used largely synonymously in public and in some cases in literature.

Codreanu again came into conflict with the judiciary when he approved the assassination attempt by a nationalist on State Secretary Constantin Angelescu (July 21, 1930). As with his previous trials, however, he was acquitted by sympathetic or intimidated judges or jury on August 30th. The Iron Guard organized large numbers of marches and events in quick succession. After riots broke out in Maramureș and after a legionnaire's assassination attempt on a newspaper publisher, the Legionnaires' movement and the Iron Guard were banned for the first time in December 1930, some leaders including Codreanu were arrested, but acquitted after three months. Although Codreanu rejected democracy in principle, from around 1930 he saw participation in elections as the only possible way to gain power. On June 1, 1931, he appeared with his "List Zelea Codreanu" for the first time in parliamentary elections, but was only able to win 1.1% of the votes. Just a few months later, however, he succeeded in entering the Romanian parliament in a by-election in the Neamț district . In his inaugural address, he demanded that holders of public office have to work honestly. The death penalty should also be reintroduced for those who misappropriate public funds or “harm national interests”. In the parliamentary elections in July 1932 Codreanus' list reached 2.4% or 5 seats; Codreanu himself also entered parliament again.

Personality and ideology

Codreanu has been described by his followers as kind, strong-willed, and energetic. Although not of outstanding intelligence, he knew how to carry his supporters away and was quickly recognized in his environment as the undisputed leader of the nationalist youth. He was not a good speaker - even by his own assessment. He personally cultivated and promoted a distinctly ascetic lifestyle. In 1936 he wrote that he had not been to a theater, cinema, beer bar, ball or entertainment for 14 years.

Most historians classify Codreanu's political views and activities as fascist . The core of his worldview was extreme anti-Semitism . In his opinion, the Jewish minority sought to oppress and enslave the Romanians and other peoples according to a coordinated plan. He saw the liberal press, democracy and especially communism as the means of the Jews to achieve this. He regarded communism and Judaism as largely synonymous. The Jews (and the Romanian elites allegedly corrupted by the Jews) were blamed by him for practically all of the country's problems. He attributed all possible negative character traits to them. In connection with the "Jewish infiltration" he feared, he postulated a blood-and-soil ideology related to Romania .

Similar to fascism in other European countries, Codreanu established an extensive sacrifice and martyr cult in his movement. At meetings of the Legionnaires' Movement, the names of their fallen were often called out, whereupon those present had to shout out loud "Here!"

The above views resulted in a sharp rejection of democracy and majority decisions. This held Codreanu - similar to z. For example, Hitler too - did not refrain from invoking the rule of law when it seemed opportune to him.

An essential difference to other fascist movements was the legionnaires' movement in its deep religious roots, specifically in the Romanian Orthodox faith. Even the official naming after the Archangel Michael was apparently intended to give the movement religious legitimation. Local clergy often took part in ceremonies of the Legionnaires' movement in an official capacity. Occasionally Codreanu was even depicted on icons and viewed by believers as the emissary of the Archangel Michael. In the parliamentary elections of 1937, 33 of the 103 candidates running for Codreanu's “Everything for the Fatherland” party were priests. However, the links between the Legionnaires' movement and the Romanian Orthodox Church should not be overestimated. Codreanu, for example, complained at an election that the vast majority of priests were hostile to his movement. The church leadership was ambivalent towards Codreanu and his movement. In August 1937 the Patriarch Miron Cristea sent Codreanu a letter in which he blessed him and encouraged him to continue his work. A little later, however, Cristea appeared against the Iron Guard as Prime Minister. Codreanu himself was extremely religious and by no means viewed the Orthodox faith as a means to an end. Time and again he sought spiritual support by visiting monasteries whose nuns and monks were well-disposed to him, especially Neamț , Bistrița , Agapia and Văratec .

Ultimately, Codreanu's goal was "to eliminate the pseudo-democracy in Romania and to renew the Romanian state through an authoritarian leadership firmly rooted in Orthodox Christianity." This leadership would have to be carried out by a determined, morally clean elite, which is co- opted should renew. At the same time, the monarchy in Romania should be preserved.

Codreanu at a rally of the Legionnaires' Movement in Bucharest (1937)

With regard to organizational issues, Codreanu unreservedly defended the principle of leader and allegiance, although he left no doubt in his written statements that he saw himself as the leader of his movement.

The distribution of political programs was less of a priority for Codreanu. His legionary movement was more of a "great spiritual school that was supposed to change and revolutionize the Romanian soul". The result of this revolution is the emergence of a “new man”, a spiritually and morally new individual who is able to resurrect the Romanian nation. In Codreanu's opinion, the Jews rule the Romanian nation and could only do so through the moral failure of the ethnic Romanians and the associated corruption of their political class. From this it followed for him that political life could not be improved through political party programs as long as the Romanians were not morally perfected by turning to Christian morality, to discipline and to love of the country. Codreanu wrote: “A new state first and foremost presupposes a new kind of person.” The education to become a “new person” should take place in the base of the legionnaires' movement, the “nest” (Romanian cuib ). In addition to the male nests, there were also female, youth and children's nests, the latter separated by gender. Each nest meeting began with prayers. A nest consisted of a maximum of 13 members, was led by a "nest leader" and had to adhere to six rules: discipline, work, silence (confidentiality), mutual help, honor and education. The latter was seen not as an academic acquisition of knowledge, but as instruction in Christian morality, spiritual growth and cultivation of national consciousness. Codreanu believed that these principles were best implemented in (voluntary) labor camps. So operated the legionnaire movement in 1936 z. B. 71 such large labor camps, apart from thousands of smaller projects. Churches, parish halls, schools, roads, bridges, protective dams or hostels run by the legionaries were built or renovated. Another important task was to help farmers in their fields. With these camps, Codreanu also wanted to overcome the rifts between peasants, workers and intellectuals and teach the latter the value of physical labor. Strict discipline, military drill, and thrift were prescribed in the camps; the day started at 5:30 am with gymnastic exercises. In the evenings, classes were held aimed at the moral and spiritual development of the participants. Ultimately, a healthy national elite should be trained in the camps to replace the degenerate political class and its Jewish allies.

Iconized representation of the birth of Codreanus by the artist Alexandru Bassarab

The “New Man” also played a central role in Codreanu's economic considerations. In his opinion, the Jews had ousted the Romanians from the most important economic positions. In 1935 he launched a “struggle for legionary trade”. He claimed - similar to the National Socialists in Germany - that only Jewish trade was profit-oriented. He contrasted this with a “legionary” or “Christian” trade, which should be based on fair prices, good quality and honesty. On this basis, restaurants, shops and cooperatives emerged over the next few years. In order to increase his influence in the working class and to push back the communist and other leftist ideas, Codreanu founded the "Legionnaire Workers Corps" ( Corpul Muncitoresc Legionar ), a kind of trade union , in 1935 .

Every new member of the legionnaire's movement had to take an oath. On the occasion of this they received a small sack, which was filled with soil from battlefields from Romanian history and which the person concerned should carry on his chest from now on.

Codreanu himself was represented by his followers as a kind of prototype of the "New Man", which included not only the spiritual and moral principles mentioned, but also categories such as "beauty" and "male strength". He was venerated as a kind of saint by his followers. For example, his later successor Horia Sima wrote in 1936, after taking part in a teaching led by Codreanu: “You could believe you were witnessing a scene from the Holy Scriptures: Christ speaks to the crowd on the bank.” These transfigurations were made through strong local links between the Legionnaires' movement and Romanian Orthodox Church promoted. But intellectuals also attributed metaphysical properties to Codreanu . The social scientist Traian Herseni said : “Hundreds and thousands of years prepared his birth. It will take hundreds and thousands more years for the fulfillment of his commandments. But the presence of the Führer from now on forms the unshakable guarantee that at the end of the path he is treading, the Eternal City of Redemption of the Romanians will be reached. ”Codreanu consciously used his charismatic aura for his purposes and strengthened it with the Use of various rites, e.g. B. by riding a white horse into the villages he visits.

In terms of foreign policy, Codreanu unequivocally sympathized with the fascist regimes in Italy and especially in the German Reich . When Hitler took office, he had already described in a declaration a “redemption for the European order and for Aryan culture”. He later justified this explicitly with the actions of the German National Socialists against the Jews. Before the 1937 elections he wrote: "I am against the great democracies of the West ... I am in favor of Romania's foreign policy on the side of Rome and Berlin, on the side of the states of national revolutions." Codreanu stuck to the country until his death Presentation of a German-Italian-Romanian axis.

Further rise in the 1930s

Codreanu (right) with the later dictator Ion Antonescu (1935)

In 1933 the clashes between the legionnaires' movement and the state power came to a head. In May there was renewed anti-Semitic student unrest. In July, the government took action against legionaries who were working on a dam. On December 10, 1933 - shortly before the parliamentary elections - the liberal Prime Minister Ion Duca finally banned the Iron Guard again. As a result, three members of the Iron Guard murdered Duca on December 29, 1933 in the train station in Sinaia . Codreanu was wanted by an arrest warrant as the alleged client, was initially able to go into hiding, but surrendered to the authorities on March 15, 1934. However, no involvement in the murder could be proven in the subsequent trial; he was acquitted on April 5, 1934. After the ban on the Iron Guard, Codreanu quickly formed a new political party, which he called "Everything for the Fatherland" ( Totul pentru Țară ); as its chairman, he named General Gheorghe Cantacuzino-Grănicerul .

On July 16, 1936, ten legionaries killed Mihai Stelescu , a renegade supporter of Codreanu. Again, it remained unclear whether Codreanu was involved in this murder. In January 1937 two well-known legionaries, Ion I. Moța and Vasile Marin, died in the Spanish Civil War , where they had fought on the side of General Franco . Codreanu organized the transfer of the bodies to Romania and their solemn burial in Bucharest to demonstrate the heroism of his guard to the Romanian population. The cult of heroes and the dead was carried on to excess.

Through its propaganda successes, Codreanu's legionnaires' movement gained increasing popularity and now became a power factor within the political system that it had actually rejected. King Carol II , who wanted to expand his power to the detriment of parliament, initially viewed Codreanu as a potential partner. In early 1937, both of them conducted secret negotiations that failed because Carol wanted to take over the leadership of the Legionnaires' movement.

The 1937 elections and the aftermath

Codreanu's party “Everything for the Fatherland” was the first in the country to make extensive use of the possibilities and means of the modern election campaign (posters, postcards, badges, symbols) in the election campaign in 1937 and officially became the third strongest force in the December elections with 15.6% in the Romanian Parliament. However, it is certain that the party would have come in second without the government-induced election rigging .

Even before the election, Codreanu entered into an alliance with Iuliu Maniu , the leader of the Peasant Party . Maniu, like Codreanu, was considered incorruptible; both tried to prevent King Carol II and his court camarilla from further accumulating personal power and to prevent continued election manipulation. Since the parliament that came into being in the elections was largely incapable of acting due to the majority, new elections soon seemed inevitable, for which Interior Minister Armand Călinescu predicted a victory for Codreanu's party. In this confusing situation, Carol II appointed Octavian Goga Prime Minister, the leader of the rather small National Christian Party. Codreanu's former comrade in arms Alexandru C. Cuza received a ministerial post. Călinescu, a well-known and determined opponent of the Iron Guard, was named again as Minister of the Interior. The government passed a number of anti-Semitic laws, backed by Codreanu. Carol II dismissed the Goga government on February 10, 1938, declared the liberal constitution of 1923 invalid on February 11, and a new constitution on February 20, which paved the way for the establishment of a royal dictatorship. On February 15, Carol banned all political parties (including “Everything for the Fatherland”), formed a unity party (“Front of National Revival”) and appointed Patriarch Miron Cristea Prime Minister and Armand Călinescu, a “strong man”, Vice Prime Minister. On February 21, Codreanu ordered the dissolution of his party in order to offer as little target as possible for the beginning wave of repression . He expected that his legionary movement would soon triumph over the unpopular king. On the other hand, he was aware of the danger to himself; in a circular he announced that he expected his murder. However, Carol and Călinescu initially intended to politically eliminate Codreanu by legal means. Carol took z. B. Contact with the German ambassador in Bucharest, Wilhelm Fabricius ; apparently he wanted to find out to what extent Codreanu was working with German agencies.

Arrest, trial and detention

The reason for the action against Codreanu was finally a letter that he had written to his former role model Nicolae Iorga . Iorga was now active as an advisor to the king and had initiated a press campaign against the restaurants that were run by legionnaires and served as meeting places for them. This had led to the closure of some of these places. Codreanu accused Iorga of opportunism, insincerity and betrayal of the national ideals which he had once conveyed to his students. On April 17, 1938, Codreanu was arrested - like hundreds of legionnaires in these weeks - and sentenced two days later to six months of forced labor. This was only the beginning of further measures against Codreanu; charges were brought against him again on May 7, this time in connection with increased agitation against the Legionnaires' movement. Codreanu were accused of rebellion against the state, high treason , cooperation with foreign powers against the interests of the state and undermining the social order. A central piece of evidence in the prosecution was the draft of a letter allegedly found in Codreanu's files from the beginning of 1935, in which Codreanu is said to have informed Hitler that he was planning a revolution in Romania on a National Socialist basis and the subsequent foreign policy alignment of Romania with the German Reich . Codreanu vehemently denied having written or drafted such a letter. He also had no relations with the NSDAP or received any support from Germany. Iuliu Maniu and the later ruler Ion Antonescu appeared as exonerating witnesses . After this trial before a military court, which did not comply with the rule of law, Codreanu was on 26/27. May 1938 sentenced to 10 years imprisonment with “hard labor”. Codreanu's appeal against this judgment was rejected on June 16, 1938.

After the conviction, Codreanu was imprisoned with 13 other legionaries in Doftana prison , on September 15 in a small prison in Râmnicu Sărat . These 13 had been convicted of the murders of Prime Minister Duca (1933) and the dissident Stelescu (1936). Codreanu had been promised good treatment should the Legionnaires' movement abstain from further acts of violence. In fact, he did not have to do the “heavy labor” to which he was sentenced; He was also allowed to receive occasional visits from his relatives. Codreanu had serious health problems while in prison; a pulmonary tuberculosis from which he fell ill in 1918 broke out again. Despite the mass arrests, the Romanian security forces feared further armed actions by the legionnaires, possibly with the aim of liberating Codreanu by force.

assassination

On November 28, 1938, five students close to the Legionnaires' movement committed an assassination attempt on the rector of the University of Cluj , Florian Ștefănescu-Goangă . This survived seriously injured, a police officer was killed. This was apparently the reason for Carol II and Călinescu to murder Codreanu.

On November 30, the government announced that Codreanu and his 13 other inmates had been shot while trying to escape the night before during a prisoner transport. Previously, armed strangers attacked the transport.

Reactions to the Codreanu murder

The assertion of the killing during the attempt to escape was implausible from the start, so that even without further information - which was initially not available - a murder had to be assumed. No precise statement can be made about the mood among the Romanians after this event, because under the royal dictatorship there was neither freedom of opinion nor freedom of the press. The British press said that the Romanian public had reacted "with indifference" to the Codreanu assassination. In contrast, Carl August Clodius , who was in Bucharest for business negotiations , reported that the murder was equally rejected in almost all sections of the population. He did not meet a Romanian politician who tried to justify this act.

The news of Codreanu's death temporarily led to strong tensions between Romania and the German Empire. Probably Hitler feared that the opinion might be formed that he had given his consent to the murder when King Carol had paid him a visit at the Berghof a few days earlier . To counter this impression, Hitler allowed Reich Propaganda Minister Goebbels to sharply attack King Carol in the media. It was not until January 1939 that these moods were cleared up again.

Almost all former leaders of the Iron Guard were dead or imprisoned, so that the members who remained in Romania were largely incapable of acting. Some members of the legionnaires' movement managed to flee to Germany, among them Horia Sima , who had prevailed in the internal power struggle to succeed Codreanu. They were looking for ways to avenge Codreanu's death. Sima sent a group of assassins to Romania who shot Călinescu - who had meanwhile become Prime Minister - on September 21, 1939 in Bucharest. The government reacted to this with mass arrests and mass executions of already arrested legionaries. Again, numerous supporters of the legionnaires' movement had to flee abroad. Călinescu's assassins were tortured to death and their bodies exhibited in Bucharest.

The situation changed when the Iron Guard under Sima, initially for a short time under Carol II (June / July 1940) and then from September 6, 1940 under Marshal Ion Antonescu, participated in the government. A cult was established around Codreanu and a commission of inquiry was set up to investigate his death. Several directly involved testified, so that what happened could be reconstructed quite well. According to this, on November 29, 1938 at around 10 p.m., security forces from Bucharest appeared in the Râmnicu Sărat prison and put the 14 legionaries on two trucks, their hands cuffed to benches behind their backs. The pretext for the transport was the transfer to the Jilava prison near Bucharest. Codreanu and the other legionaries were forbidden to speak. Behind every legionnaire sat a policeman. On the way to Jilava, a police major in a forest near Tâncăbeşti gave the other car a signal with his flashlight. Both cars stopped. The policemen each pulled a rope from their pockets, with which they strangled the legionnaires seated in front of them. Then the trucks drove on to Jilava, where graves had already been dug. Gunshot wounds were inflicted on the strangled; a medical officer confirmed the desired diagnosis. Then the preliminary burial took place. The next day the corpses were dug up again, doused with sulfuric acid to make them unrecognizable, and buried again, this time under a 75 cm thick concrete ceiling. The order for the murder came directly from Călinescu, who in turn spoke of a "wish of the king".

Burial of Codreanus and his 13 followers on November 30, 1940 in Bucharest

The testimony to the investigative commission made it possible to uncover the graves. A larger group of legionaries got to work at the end of November 1940. Practically nothing of the corpses could be found. The legionaries only had to fill 14 coffins with earth for the planned solemn burial. They reported that they had located the remains of Codreanus by means of three small crosses that he always wore around his neck. Either out of anger or perhaps as a result of previous planning, members of this group, which was busy with the recovery of the corpses, carried out a massacre on the night of November 27, 1940 among those inmates of Jilava prison who they were responsible for the murder of Codreanu and his companions did. 64 people were killed, including the former Minister of Defense Gheorghe Argeșanu . On the same day Nicolae Iorga was murdered by legionaries. On November 30, 1940 - exactly two years after Codreanu's murder - his remains were solemnly buried in Bucharest in a state ceremony. Ion Antonescu, Horia Sima and, in addition to the envoy Fabricius, the Gauleiter of Vienna, Baldur von Schirach , and the head of the NSDAP's foreign organization, Ernst Wilhelm Bohle , took part in the ceremony.

Reception of the person Codreanus in the further course

Stamp of the Romanian Post (1940)

Even after the overthrow of the legionnaires' movement in January 1941 and the associated sole rule of Antonescu until 1944, Codreanu retained his "heroic status" and was positively opposed to the putschists around Horia Sima in official propaganda. The grave of Codreanus on the site of the “Green House” in Bucharest, intended as a place of pilgrimage, has largely been forgotten. After 1944, the ruling communists destroyed the mausoleum. It is not known where the remains of Codreanu are today.

In the mid / late 1940s, the legionnaires' movement was the main ideological enemy of the communist party, Codreanu became a "non-person". Later Codreanu hardly played a role in the public discourse of communist Romania; Both his person and the dissemination of his views among part of the Romanian population were taboo.

After the revolution in 1989 a cult developed around Codreanu, which, however, was essentially limited to right-wing extremist circles and did not - as in the case of Ion Antonescu - reach the middle of society.

Ideological references to Codreanu also play a role today in the European extreme right.

Quotes

  • “Every Jew, whether trader, intellectual or banker, was in his sphere of activity an agent of communist ideas directed against the Romanian people.” - Codreanu in his work “Pentru legionari” (1935).
  • “I couldn't see the slightest difference between the Jews at the Jassyer Cuckoo Market and the Jews here in Strasbourg: the same figure, the same demeanor, the same tone, the same devilish eyes, with flattering lips from which one could read naked greed. ”- Codreanu in his work“ Pentru legionari ”(1935).

Fonts

  • Iron Guard . Brunnen-Verlag, Berlin 1939.
  • Manual for the nests - Guide for the legionnaires of the Iron Guard, Regin-Verlag, Straelen, 2006, 138 p. ISBN 978-3-937129-36-5 .

literature

  • Rebecca Haynes: Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: The romanian 'New Man' . In: Rebecca Haynes, Martyn Rady (Eds.): In the Shadow of Hitler: Personalities of the Right in Central and Eastern Europe . IB Tauris, London 2011, pp. 169 ff .
  • Armin Heinen: The "Archangel Michael" legion in Romania - social movement and political organization. A contribution to the problem of international fascism. Oldenbourg, Munich 1986, ISBN 3-486-53101-8 .
  • Ewald Hibbeln: Codreanu and the Iron Guard (=  writings of the JG Herder-Bibliothek Siegerland eV Band 13 ). Self-published by the J. G. Herder Library Siegerland, Siegen 1984.
  • William Totok : Pentru legionari (Romania, 1936). In: Wolfgang Benz (Hrsg.): Handbuch des Antisemitismus . Anti-Semitism in the past and present, publications . Volume 6, De Gruyter Saur, Berlin / Boston 2013, pp. 530-531.
  • Oliver Jens Schmitt : Capitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader . Zsolnay-Verlag, Vienna 2016, ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 .

Web links

Commons : Corneliu Zelea Codreanu  - collection of pictures, videos and audio files

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 36.
  2. ↑ According to Florin Turcanu, University of Bucharest , Legion initially refers to the "Roman" origins of Romania and to the legions of Romanian peasants who fought against the oppression of the Hungarians from 1848–1849 under the leadership of so-called tribunes. Legion also refers to Gabriele d'Annunzio's legionaries in Fiume . The archangel Michael , the dragon slayer, was Codreanu's favorite saint, as a symbol of victory over the devil. Birgit Schmidt , Dschungel, p. 20.
  3. ↑ a b c d e I. C. Butnaru: The Silent Holocaust. Greenwood Publishing Group. New York / Westport / London, 1992, ISBN 0-313-27985-3 , pp. 36/37.
  4. ↑ Gerhard Köpernik : Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Frank & Timme Verlag, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 45.
  5. ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 22.
  6. ↑ Editura Mica Valahie: Procesele Lui Corneliu Zelea Codreanu (1938), Vol. II. Bucharest, 2013 ISBN 978-606-8304-50-2 , S. 135f.
  7. ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 34.
  8. ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 13.
  9. ↑ Mihaela Gligor: Mircea Eliade. Anii tulburi: 1932-1938. Aura Christi & Andrei Potlog, Bucharest 2012, ISBN 978-973-1727-17-2 , p. 135.
  10. ↑ a b Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , p. 44.
  11. ↑ a b Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 11.
  12. ↑ Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , p. 69.
  13. ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 12.
  14. ↑ a b c d e f g h I. C. Butnaru: The Silent Holocaust. Greenwood Publishing Group. New York / Westport / London, 1992, ISBN 0-313-27985-3 , p. 38.
  15. ↑ Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , p. 94.
  16. ↑ Roland Clark: Holy Legionary Youth. Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London, 2015. ISBN 978-0-8014-5368-7 . P. 35.
  17. ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 13.
  18. ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 65f.
  19. ↑ Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , p. 95.
  20. ^ A b c d Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 14.
  21. ↑ Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , p. 129.
  22. ↑ Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , p. 124.
  23. ↑ a b Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , pp. 166-169.
  24. ↑ Ewald Hibbeln: Codreanu and the Iron Guard. Self-published by JG Herder-Bibliothek Siegerland e. V., Siegen 1984. p. 21.
  25. ↑ Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , p. 175.
  26. ↑ Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , pp. 184f.
  27. ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 77.
  28. ↑ Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , p. 19.
  29. ↑ Birgit Schmidt : The power of the rhinos . Aspects of Romanian literary history. Dschungel, supplement to jungle world , No. 4, January 22, 2015, pp. 18–23, here p. 20.
  30. ↑ Tages-Post (Linz) of November 5, 1924, p. 2.
  31. ↑ a b c Martin Blinkhorn: Fascists and Conservatives. Routledge, 2003, ISBN 1-134-99711-6 .
  32. ↑ Arbeiter-Zeitung (Vienna) of March 25, 1925, p. 2.
  33. ↑ Die Rote Fahne (Vienna) of June 11, 1925, p. 1.
  34. ^ A b c d Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 15.
  35. ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 84.
  36. ↑ Constantin Iordachi: Charisma, Religion, and Ideology. Romania's Interwar Legion of the Archangel Michael. In: John R. Lampe: Ideologies and National Identities: The Case of Twentieth-century Southeastern Europe. Central European University Press, Budapest, 2004, ISBN 963-9241-82-2 , p. 25.
  37. ↑ Gabriel Stanescu: Corneliu Codreanu Zelea şi epoca SA. Criterion Publishing, 2001, ISBN 1-887304-20-7 , p. 73.
  38. ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 176.
  39. ↑ Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , pp. 266f.
  40. ↑ a b Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , pp. 270f.
  41. ↑ Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: The Nest Leader's Manual. CZC Books, 2005, ISBN 0-9769534-1-2 , p. 5.
  42. ↑ Roland Clark: Holy Legionary Youth. Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London, 2015. ISBN 978-0-8014-5368-7 . P. 63f.
  43. ↑ Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , p. 303.
  44. ↑ Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , p. 286.
  45. ↑ Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , p. 318.
  46. ↑ a b Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , pp. 329f.
  47. ↑ Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , p. 340.
  48. ↑ Arbeiter-Zeitung (Vienna) of August 13, 1930, p. 2.
  49. ↑ Tages-Post (Linz) of August 14, 1930, p. 9.
  50. ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 113.
  51. ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 112.
  52. ↑ Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , p. 364.
  53. ^ A b Rebecca Haynes, Martyn Rady: In the Shadow of Hitler: Personalities of the Right in Central and Eastern Europe. IB Tauris, London / New York, 2013, ISBN 978-1-84511-697-2 , p. 174.
  54. ↑ Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , pp. 388f.
  55. ↑ Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , p. 368.
  56. ^ A b Rebecca Haynes, Martyn Rady: In the Shadow of Hitler: Personalities of the Right in Central and Eastern Europe. IB Tauris, London / New York, 2013, ISBN 978-1-84511-697-2 , p. 176.
  57. ↑ Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , p. 102.
  58. ↑ Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , p. 341.
  59. ↑ Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , pp. 106/107.
  60. ↑ Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , p. 165.
  61. ↑ Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , p. 447.
  62. ↑ Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , p. 374.
  63. ↑ Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , p. 158.
  64. ^ A b Matthew Feldman: Fascism. Critical Conceptes in Political Science. Routledge, London, 2004, ISBN 0-415-29019-8 , p. 132.
  65. ^ A b Rebecca Haynes, Martyn Rady: In the Shadow of Hitler: Personalities of the Right in Central and Eastern Europe. IB Tauris, London / New York, 2013, ISBN 978-1-84511-697-2 , p. 177.
  66. ↑ Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , pp. 366f.
  67. ^ The Voice (Vienna) of September 3, 1937, p. 5.
  68. ↑ Paul. A. Shapiro: Faith, Murder, Resurrection. The Iron Guard and the Romanian Orthodox Church. In: Kevin P. Spicer: Antisemitism, Christian Ambivalence, and the Holocaust. Indiana University Press, Bloomington / Indianapolis, 2007, ISBN 978-0-253-34873-9 , p. 147.
  69. ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 214.
  70. ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 216ff.
  71. ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 202.
  72. ↑ Andreas Hillgruber : Hitler, King Carol and Marshal Antonescu. German-Romanian relations 1938–1944. Franz Steiner Publishing House. Wiesbaden 1954, p. 13.
  73. ↑ Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , pp. 373ff.
  74. ↑ Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , pp. 383ff.
  75. ↑ Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , p. 91.
  76. ^ A b Rebecca Haynes, Martyn Rady: In the Shadow of Hitler: Personalities of the Right in Central and Eastern Europe. IB Tauris, London / New York, 2013, ISBN 978-1-84511-697-2 , p. 175.
  77. ↑ Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , p. 310.
  78. ^ A b c Rebecca Haynes, Martyn Rady: In the Shadow of Hitler: Personalities of the Right in Central and Eastern Europe. IB Tauris, London / New York, 2013, ISBN 978-1-84511-697-2 , p. 178.
  79. ↑ Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , p. 311.
  80. ^ Matthew Feldman: Fascism. Critical Conceptes in Political Science. Routledge, London, 2004, ISBN 0-415-29019-8 , p. 129.
  81. ↑ Stephen Fischer-Galati: Codreanu, Romanian National Traditions and Charisma. In: Antonio Costa Pinto, Roger Eatwell, Stein Ugelvik Larsen: Charisma and Fascism in Interwar Europe. Routledge, London / New York, 2007, ISBN 978-0-415-38492-6 , p. 109.
  82. ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , pp. 20/21.
  83. ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 132.
  84. ^ A b c d Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 16.
  85. ↑ Sporttagblatt (Vienna) of March 16, 1934, p. 10.
  86. ↑ Sporttagblatt (Vienna) of April 6, 1934, p. 10.
  87. ↑ a b Oliver Jens Schmitt : "Holy Youth of the Legion". The song as a means and essence of right-wing extremist political mobilization in Romania in the interwar period. In: Stefan Michael Newerkla among others: The political song in East and Southeast Europe. LIT Verlag Wien / Berlin, 2011, ISBN 978-3-643-50255-1 , p. 105.
  88. ^ John Lampe, Mark Mazower : Ideologies and National Identities: The Case of Twentieth-Century Southeastern Europe. Central European University Press, 2013, ISBN 978-615505385-6 , pp. 39/40.
  89. ↑ Petre Datculescu: Romania: Cleavages and Parties before 1989. In: Kay Lawson, Andrea Römmele , Georgi Karasimeonov: Cleavages, Parties, and Voters: Studies from Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Romania. Praeger Publishers, Westport, 1999, ISBN 0-275-95589-3 , p. 97.
  90. ^ A b Rebecca Haynes, Martyn Rady: In the Shadow of Hitler: Personalities of the Right in Central and Eastern Europe. IB Tauris, London / New York, 2013, ISBN 978-1-84511-697-2 , p. 179.
  91. ^ Banater Deutsche Zeitung of January 15, 1938, p. 2.
  92. ^ A b c d Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 17.
  93. ↑ Andreas Hillgruber: Hitler, King Carol and Marshal Antonescu. German-Romanian relations 1938–1944. Franz Steiner Publishing House. Wiesbaden 1954, p. 15f.
  94. ↑ a b c d Constantin Iordachi: A Continuum in Dictatorships. Hybrid Totalitarian Experiments in Romania 1937–44. In: Rethinking Fascism and Dictatorship in Europe. Palgrave Macmillan. 2014, ISBN 978-1-137-38440-9 , p. 247.
  95. ^ A b Roland Clark: Holy Legionary Youth: Fascist Activism in Interwar Romania. Cornell University Press, 2015.
  96. ^ Banater Deutsche Zeitung of May 8, 1938, p. 1/2.
  97. ↑ a b Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 18.
  98. ^ Banater Deutsche Zeitung of May 26, 1938, p. 3.
  99. ^ Banater Deutsche Zeitung of September 11, 1940, p. 2.
  100. ↑ Banater Deutsche Zeitung of June 17, 1938, p. 4.
  101. ↑ Editura Mica Valahie: Procesele Lui Corneliu Zelea Codreanu (1938), Vol. II. Bucharest, 2013 ISBN 978-606-8304-50-2 , p.167.
  102. ↑ Editura Mica Valahie: Procesele Lui Corneliu Zelea Codreanu (1938), Vol. II. Bucharest, 2013 ISBN 978-606-8304-50-2 , p.170.
  103. ↑ a b Andreas Hillgruber: Hitler, King Carol and Marshal Antonescu. German-Romanian relations 1938–1944. Franz Steiner Publishing House. Wiesbaden 1954, p. 29.
  104. ↑ a b c jurnalul.ro of March 8, 2004, accessed on January 1, 2016
  105. ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 204.
  106. ↑ Mircea Popa: Figuri universitare clujene. Ed. Grinta, Cluj-Napoca, 2003, ISBN 973-85833-2-2 , p. 68.
  107. ↑ Ioan Scurtu: Istoria Romanilor de la Carol I la Nicolae Ceaușescu. Editura Mica Valahie, ISBN 978-606-8304-05-2 , p. 59.
  108. ^ Zvi Yavetz : Memories of Chernivtsi. CH Beck, Munich, 2007, p. 209.
  109. ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 25.
  110. ↑ Andreas Hillgruber: Hitler, King Carol and Marshal Antonescu. German-Romanian relations 1938–1944. Franz Steiner Publishing House. Wiesbaden 1954, p. 30.
  111. ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , pp. 27f.
  112. ^ Henry Eaton: The Origins and Onset of the Romanian Holocaust. Wayne State University Press, Detroit, 2013, ISBN 978-0-8143-3872-8 , p. 48.
  113. ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 36f.
  114. ^ Banater Deutsche Zeitung of November 28, 1940, p. 5.
  115. ^ Robert St. John: Reporting The Romanian Pogrom of 1940/41. In: Robert Moses Shapiro: Why Didn´t The Press Shout? American & International Journalism During the Holocaust. Yeshiva University Press, 2003, ISBN 0-88125-775-3 , pp. 92f.
  116. ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , pp. 63f.
  117. ^ Rebecca Haynes, Martyn Rady: In the Shadow of Hitler: Personalities of the Right in Central and Eastern Europe. IB Tauris, London / New York, 2013, ISBN 978-1-84511-697-2 , p. 181.
  118. ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 70.
  119. ↑ Constantin Iordachi: A Continuum in Dictatorships. Hybrid Totalitarian Experiments in Romania 1937–44. In: Rethinking Fascism and Dictatorship in Europe. Palgrave Macmillan. 2014, ISBN 978-1-137-38440-9 , p. 263.
  120. ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 279.
  121. ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 7ff.
  122. ^ Mariana Hausleitner : The confrontation with the Holocaust in Romania. In: Micha Brumlik , Karol Sauerland : Reinterpretation, Silence, Remember: The late coming to terms with the Holocaust in Eastern Europe. Campus Verlag, Frankfurt / New York, 2010, ISBN 978-3-593-39271-4 , p. 77.
  123. ^ Bpb.de , Federal Agency for Civic Education , Anton Maegerle : The army of the white race. Neo-Nazis and other right-wing extremists in Eastern Europe. Romania's Iron Guard , September 7, 2007, accessed May 24, 2011.
  124. ^ Franz Greß: The change of subject in the "National Front" and the new right. In: Hans-Gerd Jaschke , Klaus Schönekäs: New rights and right-wing extremism in Europe. Springer Fachmedien, Wiesbaden, 1990, ISBN 3-531-11890-0 , p. 168.
  125. ^ Peter Davies, Paul Jackson: The Far Right in Europe. To Encyclopedia. Greenwood World Press, Westport, 2008, ISBN 978-1-84645-003-7 , pp. 169f.
  126. ↑ Ewald Hibbeln: Codreanu and the Iron Guard. Self-published by JG Herder-Bibliothek Siegerland e. V., Siegen 1984. p. 10.
  127. ↑ Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Iron Guard. Brunnen-Verlag, 1970. p. 227.
personal data
SURNAME Codreanu, Corneliu Zelea
ALTERNATIVE NAMES Zelinschi, Corneliu (maiden name)
BRIEF DESCRIPTION Romanian politician
DATE OF BIRTH September 25, 1899
PLACE OF BIRTH Iași
DATE OF DEATH November 30, 1938
Place of death at Tâncăbeşti