Slovak National Socialism

Vojtech Tuka, main representative of a "Slovak National Socialism" based on the German model.

Jozef Tiso, main exponent of the ideology “Völkische Slovakia”, sometimes synonymous with “Slovak National Socialism”.

Slovak National Socialism ( Slovak : Slovenský národný socializmus ) was next to the term Völkische Slovakia (Slovak: ľudové Slovensko ) one of the two terms used in 1940 for which Formative state ideology of the Slovak State under the 1938-1945 dictatorship ruling Ludaken .

The Slovak Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Vojtech Tuka used the term 1940 to describe a political program whose main goal was the application of German National Socialism to Slovak conditions. The conservative wing of state president and party leader Jozef Tiso countered this idea of ​​"Slovak National Socialism" from Tuka's radical party wing with the concept of "Völkisch Slovakia". This spoke out against a simple imitation of the German model and instead emphasized the importance of the Catholic religion.

In the intra-party power struggle for further political orientation, the term “Slovak National Socialism” was soon used by both factions and underpinned with their own theoretical concepts: The party ideologist Štefan Polakovič followed Tiso's line of a “national Slovakia”. Its conception was based on a mixture of aggressive Slovak nationalism, anti-Semitism and Catholic social teaching . In contrast, Stanislav Mečiar's conception was based on Tuka's “14-point program” presented in 1941 and was largely based on the German National Socialist model.

By taking over parts of the National Socialist program of the radicals, Tiso's conservatives were able to prevail until the end of 1942 and subsequently introduced the Führer principle and accepted a “ radical solution to the Jewish question ”. The Slovak government passed one of the cruellest anti-Semitic laws in Europe with the 1941 Jewish Code . In 1942 around 58,000 Slovak Jews were deported from Slovakia to German extermination camps.

In today's Slovakia , the neo-Nazi party ĽSNS ties in with anti-democratic, anti-Semitic and ultra-nationalist aspects of the ideology.

Ideological starting point

The Hlinka party until 1938

Catholicism and nationalism formed the core ideological elements of Andrej Hlinka's Slovak People's Party (whose members were called Ludaks ). It had already emerged before the First World War in the old Kingdom of Hungary as a split from the all-Hungarian Catholic People's Party. Just like these, it started from Catholic social teaching and the papal encyclicals . Within Hungary, the Hlinka Party accented Catholic religious claims and entered in the national question against the Magyarization of the Slovaks in education and public life. After 1918 she modified her program in relation to the nationality question and demanded autonomy for Slovakia within the framework of Czechoslovakia. The Ludaks rejected the idea of ​​an ethnic “ Czechoslovak nation ”, but at the same time the conservative party members affirmed the Czechoslovak state. Because of their close ties with the Catholic clergy, they were also called the prelate wing , and Yeshayahu A. Jelinek (1976) called them the "nationalist-clerical faction". Until 1938, it held the majority in the party's governing bodies. Its main representative was the priest, theologian and vice-chairman of the party Jozef Tiso.

Founding of Rodobrana by Vojtech Tuka

A more radical faction felt connected with the ideas of Vojtech Tuka, who had been brought into the party by Hlinka in 1921 as a former university professor of international law. Tuka was a member of the presidium after 1925 and general secretary of the Hlinka party since 1926. His political teaching was based initially on Italian fascism and after 1938/1939 on German National Socialism . In 1923 Tuka founded the Ordnertruppe Rodobrana ("Vaterlandswehr") within the Hlinka party , which quickly grew to a few thousand members and which openly professed Italian fascism in its program. Some conservative leaders of the Ludaks viewed the Rodobrana with reservations, but it was an integral part of the Hlinka party. Thus, fascism was at least "socially acceptable" in their circles, even if the party itself was not entirely fascist in the interwar period. Parliamentary democracy was criticized by the Ludaks as weak and ineffective in the fight against the nationalists and communists. Rodobrana was banned by the Czechoslovak government in 1927, despite the participation of the Hlinka party in the government, and disbanded in 1929 after its leader Tuka was sentenced to 15 years in prison for espionage on behalf of Hungary.

Growing influence of the Nástupists

Ludak party flag since 1938

But since Tuka, as a member of the presidium and general secretary, was in the position to place his supporters in important party offices, his ideas remained important even after his conviction. The half-monthly magazine Nástup (“Der Antritt”) served as a mouthpiece for the Tuka wing. It gave the name to the entire group of separatist radicals (“Nástupists”) and deliberately propagated anti-Czech, anti-Semitic and anti-Marxist ideas. Since the Ludak party congress in Piešťany in 1936 , the ideas of the Nástup group had a stronger influence on the direction of the party. In the manifesto presented by the young Nástupists Alexander Mach , Karol Sidor and Ferdinand Ďurčanský , the Ludaks did not explicitly admit to fascism or National Socialism, but joined an international "anti-communist front". Democracy was rejected as an outdated concept at the party congress, and the model of authoritarian corporate states such as Austria , Portugal and Spain was based . A radicalization of positions could also be observed among the moderate representatives of the party, above all with Jozef Tiso. At the congress he coined the motto, modified by Goebbels : "One nation, one party, one leader."

After the Munich Agreement of 1938, under the leadership of the Ludaks, Slovak autonomy was enforced within the Czecho-Slovak Republic . From October to December 1938 a one-party dictatorship was established, which was anti-Czech and anti-Jewish from the start . Freedom of speech, freedom of the press and other political rights were abolished, and left and Jewish parties were dissolved by the autonomous Slovak government. The remaining center-right parties were forced to merge with the Hlinka party.

Relationship to National Socialism

General judgment in the Hlinka party

Nástup ("The Beginning"), magazine and namesake of the young radicals of the Hlinka party

There was surprisingly little lead in the interwar period for the strong reception of German National Socialism in the Slovak state from 1939, which was based solely on Germany's position of power vis-à-vis Slovakia. Only after the annexation of Austria in March 1938, for purely opportunistic reasons, did a steadily growing number of radicals, which Tuka joined after his rehabilitation in October 1938, increasingly put on the German map. Previously, pro-German or pro-National Socialist tendencies had only existed in small groups in Slovakia.

An essential point for the long-lasting reserve of the Ludaks was the restrictive treatment of the churches in Germany, which the secular National Socialist regime displayed. The small radical group of the Nástup group, which finally opened up to National Socialism and thereby gained considerable influence in the Slovak state, was characterized by a greater secularity. Although staunch supporters of Andrej Hlinkas and the Catholic Church, they rejected a leadership role for the clergy. The clerical, more moderate wing of the Ludaks wanted to strengthen Catholicism in the state.

Reception in Nástup

The right-wing radical magazine Nástup , founded by the students of Vojtech Tukas in 1932, represented the most radical variant of Slovak nationalism. In addition, there was a personal continuity between the officially dissolved Rodobrana organization, the student movement around Nástup and the Hlinka Guard, founded in 1938 . The brothers Ján and Ferdinand Ďurčanský were behind Nástup, and the editorial team and the authors included Karol Murgaš , Karol Sidor and Alexander Mach. The Nástup contributors - young Catholic students - spoke out in favor of better relations with the right-wing dictatorial regimes in Central Europe and regularly expressed themselves aggressively anti-Czech, anti-Hungarian and anti-Semitic.

The second article in the first edition of Nástup in 1933, entitled “Hitler's National Movement and Slovak Current Issues”, gives a detailed discussion of Hitler and National Socialism. The author states that the Nástup Circle is fighting “basically for the same goals as German National Socialism: for a political, economic and cultural renewal, only our circumstances are different”. From a Christian perspective, however, racism and violence are condemned. National Socialism lacks the international Christian line. He is therefore to be regarded as an enemy. The Slovak nation must be just as wary of Marxist enrichers as it is of attractive and unstoppable fascism. The only alternative is Christian socialism , the article ends. National Socialism is criticized in the text mainly because of a religious stance, although the article came from the pen of the most radical young autonomists.

The Nástupists maintained their skeptical attitude towards National Socialism for religious reasons, but found their own way to totalitarian ideas. At the same time, the young autonomists organized a propaganda offensive in favor of National Socialist Germany and Fascist Italy in 1937, when Hitler's pressure on Czechoslovakia increased and Czechoslovak politics and the press clearly distanced themselves from those regimes. Karol Sidor, for example, tried to convince those present in a parliamentary speech that Germany was not the real enemy of the country, but the communists and the communist international, and that foreign policy had to be realigned accordingly. In November 1938, the Nástupists finally declared openly within Czecho-Slovakia that they wanted to organize a Slovak state as a "totalitarian regime".

Autonomy and connection of the radicals to Nazi Germany

Above: Emblem of the Hlinka Guard, since 1938 the power-political pillar of the radical Ludaks. Below: Guardsmen take their oath (1939)

In the power struggle for the successor to the party leader Andrej Hlinka, who died in August 1938, Jozef Tiso was able to assert himself as the representative of the conservative-clerical wing of the party. At the same time, when Tiso was elected Slovak Prime Minister in October 1938, he was already ideologically close to the radical right-wing Nástup group. The lack of power of the radical Ludaks within the Hlinka party became clear in the elections for the first autonomous Slovak state parliament in December 1938, in which the list of candidates for the Ludaks was heavily based on the moderate clericals. Only four radicals could be sure of their choice, and Vojtech Tuka, who had been rehabilitated after many years in prison, was completely denied a place on the list.

While they were increasingly losing importance domestically, the radicals aroused the interest of the German leadership in the context of Hitler's expansive foreign policy towards Czecho-Slovakia . The Conservatives advocated a slow, evolutionary approach to implementing Slovak autonomy and building a Slovak state independent of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. The radicals, on the other hand, demanded to take advantage of the earliest possible opportunity and were supported by Germany in their totalitarian, anti-Semitic and anti-Czech policies. After the Tiso government had to cede areas of southern Slovakia to Hungary at the First Vienna arbitration award in November 1938, the Tiso wing, which was ostensibly concerned about the economic stability of an independent Slovakia, lost the initiative to the radical separatists, who are better off with their contacts to Germany appeared to be protecting Slovak interests.

Ferdinand Ďurčanský collaborated with German agents in Slovakia since 1938, and Vojtech Tuka's influence was felt again. He began to pull together within the Hlinka Guard , the newly formed paramilitary unit of the Ludaks, veterans of the former Rodobrana and other radicals. It should serve as a tool for realizing his own plans. Tuka first met with Hermann Göring and on February 12, 1939 also with Hitler, in order to campaign for support for the separation of Slovakia from the Czechs.

Establishing a state, ideology and power struggle

"Christian totalitarianism"

The party flag was used from 1939

The complete autonomy of Slovakia achieved on March 14, 1939 created several problems which the regime had to grapple with and which had an impact on the formation of its ideology. The first problem was the discontinuity : The Ludaks were unable to respond to the rapid political changes that had taken place since the death of Andrej Hlinka in the summer of 1938 with a closed program. The second problem was the apparent dependence on Nazi Germany, the end of which was neither possible nor in their interests for the Ludaks. Under these circumstances the formation of the state ideology was inevitably based on ideal eclecticism .

The first systematic presentation of the state ideology came from the Catholic theologian and philosopher Štefan Polakovič . His prominent work K základom Slovenského štátu (“On the basis of the Slovak state”) was published in 1939 by the Matica slovenská publishing house and was influenced by Maurice Blondel's Catholic philosophy of life , the corporate state theory of Othmar Spann and National Socialist theorists. In it he named the ideology of the new state as "Christian totalitarianism" ( kresťanský totalitarizmus ). As its basis he determined the Christian tradition of the Slovak nation; a state-building ideology thus became a "nationalism tied to the ideals of Christianity". Polakovič saw his ideology as an alternative to individualism and non-Christian statism , with a clear tendency towards totalitarian ideas in his work . On the one hand, he took an idealizing attitude towards the German minority , which he regarded as a state-building element. On the other hand, he justified the repressive policy of the regime towards the Slovak Jews with ugly anti-Jewish rhetoric and social demagogy . Polakovič was not the only Slovak intellectual who tried to find ideal answers immediately after independence. But since he became a philosophical systematist and interpreter of the views of Jozef Tiso, he advanced to become the regime's leading ideologist.

Division of the radical camp

Ludaken party congress in Trenčín 1939: Ferdinand Ďurčanský at the bottom right of the picture , Jozef Kirschbaum at the lectern , Jozef Tiso sitting behind him

In the meantime the radical camp in the Hlinka Guard had split up. The Nástup circle around Ferdinand Ďurčanský was less and less willing to compromise with Nazi Germany under the Slovak statehood. He sided with the clerical Tisos. In contrast, the Hlinka guards around Tuka, Mach and Murgaš propagated the close ties to the German Reich and increasingly committed themselves to the terminology of the National Socialists. Jozef Tiso, who openly preferred the Nástupists, acted as a link between clericals and Nástup radicals. At the Ludak party convention in Trenčín in early October 1939, he was able to fill the party executive with a majority of clerical followers. At the same time, Tiso cemented his alliance with the Nástup circle by appointing the Nástupist Jozef Kirschbaum as general secretary of the Hlinka party. When a cabinet reshuffle became necessary due to the election of Tiso as president at the end of October 1939, the interior and foreign ministries went to Ďurčanský instead of Tukas' followers. This made Ďurčanský the most powerful man in the cabinet.

In this first phase of the Slovak state, the Nástupists were the main proponents and leading forces of the regime - according to Jelinek (1976) they were also the most genuine representatives of the official state ideology. The Nástup circle was not a mass movement and had no intentions in this direction, but saw itself as an elitist group of nationalist Slovak students and university graduates. Within the newly formed Hlinka Guard, it organized its own autonomous association, the “Academic Hlinka Guard” (AHG). Ďurčanský's followers, well educated and willing to work, provided the Slovak regime with "the most competent and reliable material".

At the end of December 1939, the Tuka wing suffered a further significant reduction in its influence: the government revised the statute of the Hlinka Guard, the organization in whose ranks Tuka's supporters expressed their social revolutionary demands. The new statute abolished compulsory membership for male Slovaks and limited the guard to auxiliary functions for the army and police. A control function in the political area was completely eliminated. Thus, at the end of 1939, the Tuka camp had either not been able to achieve important positions in the party, state and guard or had already lost it again. Finally, in May 1940, Alexander Mach lost his post as commander-in-chief of the Hlinka Guard and that of the head of the propaganda office, also to Nástupists.

Salzburg dictation and "Slovak National Socialism"

A fundamental milestone in the development of the Slovak regime was the intervention of the German Reich in the internal affairs of Slovakia on July 28, 1940 in Salzburg . In the so-called Salzburg dictation , the German leadership ultimately demanded that the Slovak politicians be recruited to reform the Slovak government. The aim of the German intervention was to eliminate the Slovak nationalist forces around Ďurčanský and the Nástup district, to push back the clerical group around Tiso and to help the pro-German radicals around Tuka and Mach, who have little support in the population and the Hlinka party, to break through . Ďurčanský, Kirschbaum and a few more had to leave. As Prime Minister, Vojtech Tuka now also took over the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, while Alexander Mach was also given the Ministry of the Interior in addition to the post of Supreme Commander in Chief of the Hlinka Guard. The propaganda office went to the pro-German Karol Murgaš. At the same time, Manfred von Killinger was appointed as the new German envoy in Bratislava and accompanied by a staff of German experts who were supposed to act as advisors “in the interests of the Reich” in ministries and other institutions of the Slovak state.

Immediately after Salzburg on July 30, 1940, Tuka announced in a speech in Bratislava on the new course of the regime: “For us Slovaks, Salzburg means a new happy period, because with it we are entering the era in which, following the German example, the Slovak National Socialism begins to rule. ”In another speech in Nitra on August 24, 1940, he summarized his thoughts on a policy of Slovak National Socialism. In it Tuka declared the need for a constitutional change and appealed for a "radical solution to the Jewish question". Hlinka's Slovak People's Party is now being run “in the spirit of Hlinka, but with Hitler's methods”. And regarding the relationship of National Socialism to religion or the church, Tuka explained that “Germany is realizing Christ's program, but not under his flag”. In addition, the radicals rejected a class organization of society through Karol Murgaš.

Theoretical conceptions - delimitation and mixing

The motto of the “Era of Slovak National Socialism” coined by the radical wing of the Hlinka party after the Salzburg dictation was an unclear term in the Slovak milieu, without any tradition. It had to be given not only a necessary program, but also an ideal framework. Its content vacuum allowed a lot of different interpretations. Therefore, the term became a suitable means of argumentation for both factions of the Hlinka party in the struggle for the further direction of the regime.

Tisos "National Slovakia"

Jozef Tiso giving a speech (1941)

Tiso responded quickly to the radical mood of optimism with a programmatic speech. In the meantime of Tuka's declarations in Bratislava and Nitra, Tiso appeared on August 6, 1940 in front of the extended party executive committee and acknowledged the intellectual legacy of Andrej Hlinka, the traditional Ludak politics and Christian solidarism. With social demagoguery he also expressed himself on the "Jewish question", whereby he limited himself to an aryanization policy . Tuka's initiative of “Slovak National Socialism” countered Tiso with a concept of his own in which he saw a “national Slovakia” on the side of National Socialist Germany and fascist Italy in the “new Europe”. Tiso added: "[...] the integration into the sphere of power interests of National Socialist Germany does not require us to turn away from our traditional political line, neither in terms of the program nor in terms of the form of organization."

With the creation of the term "Völkische Slovakia" (Slovak: Ľudové Slovensko ), Tiso's party wing became aware of the need for an official ideology whose position would be similar to that of National Socialism, Italian fascism and other ideologies of the time. Tiso's obligatory tribute to radicalism and the National Socialists was fulfilled by the assertion that “Völkische Slovakia” would be built on National Socialist principles. Since National Socialism was specifically German, it was not an export product, but only a role model from which one had to learn. On January 15, 1941, Tiso gave another speech to the executive committee of the Hlinka party, which made it clear that he considered the radicals to be a threat to national unity. In a covert polemic with Tuka, Tiso discussed the concept of “Völkisch Slovakia” in many speeches; his thoughts were propagated in brochures, books and magazines.

Catholicism and Nationalism

At first place on the scale of values ​​of the "Völkisch Slovakia" was religion, at second place the people. The religious-Catholic component of the ideology included a conservative worldview , taking into account Neuthomism and Christian solidarism . The Catholic faith was seen as the core of Slovakism, which had historical merit in the survival of the Slovaks as an independent people. Tiso declared that both nationalism and Catholicism were God's creations and therefore inextricably linked. In addition to justifying their own rule, the Ludaken theorists also sought to increase the national self-confidence of the Slovaks, who were considered to be a “people without a political history”. In order to prove the antiquity of the Slovaks, the entire Slavic population of the early Middle Ages in the territory of Hungary, Slovakia and Moravia was defined as "Slovak" and the early medieval Moravian Empire was renamed the "Slovak Empire".

Authoritarianism and Anti-Semitism

The dictatorship as a deliberately anti-democratic system was interpreted by the regime ideologues as a logical phenomenon that corresponds to “the spirit of the times” and the national character. The task of the party and the leader is to ensure the welfare of the people; in a state in which rivalries between parties have been eliminated and there is a will, there can be no contradiction between people and state. The renewed Slovak statehood after "a thousand years" represents a value that must be defended by every citizen. As enemies of the people and the state, all “foreign ideas”, above all communism , liberalism , atheism , freemasonry and the Jews as a synthesis of several evils were considered; All camouflaged opponents and oppressors from the past and present, especially Czechs and Hungarians , are also enemies ; the " Czechoslovaks " are incorrigible opponents of the Slovak state. With complete unity and exemplary behavior towards the German Reich, the future of the state and people in the New Europe is secured.

Social and economic policy

In sociological and economic questions, the Ludaks propagated a social peace , which was to be achieved in connection with the Christian order of the Middle Ages through a corporate system in which everyone's place in society was determined by their profession. Class differences were to be overcome within the framework of the estates, which in practical politics also led to the liquidation of the Christian trade unions, which passed over to the estates. The party expressly supported the individual right to private property . At the same time, the Ludaks hated “extreme capitalism ”, which they accused of a tendency to create an unjust social order. Numerous social laws were created to protect employees, the so-called family wages, vacation improvements, social insurance, support for social housing policy and the like. a. introduced. Marxist socialism and other materialist ideologies were completely rejected by the Ludaks because, in their view, they did not take into account human spirituality . Slovak capitalists should use their wealth for the common good and therefore should not be viewed as enemies by Slovak workers. According to the Ludaks, the Jews alone represented an evil capitalism because of their rejection of Catholicism.

Reception in the German Reich

The political competition between the Tiso and Tuka camps was followed very closely by Germany and also actively influenced. It was seen not only as a power struggle, but also as a clash of two ideological concepts. The German leadership supported Tuka's radical National Socialist line politically, propagandistically and materially. Tiso's ethnic Slovakia was basically not seen as a problem or danger, but was clearly in opposition to National Socialism.

Tukas "14-point program"

Vojtech Tuka presenting his "14-point program" to commanders of the Hlinka Guard in Trenčianske Teplice (1941)

Tuka, in turn, worked out a 14-point program during the power struggle that aimed at creating a program for the radicals. He announced this on January 21, 1941 on a leadership course of the Hlinka Guard in Trenčianske Teplice . In point 1 he quoted Hitler regarding the task of the individual: “Performance and ability is everything”. In point 4 he rejected the parliament as an organ that does not conform to the "principle of personal responsibility on which the National Socialist system is built". Legislative power must fall to the government. The majority of the program items contained social demands, e.g. B. the protection of the family; Point 14 called briefly, "finally to solve the Jewish question". In terms of the political system, Tuka exerted considerable pressure on the executive branch with the aim of eliminating the centers of power controlled by Tiso - the state parliament and mainly the Hlinka party.

Attempts at more compact designs

Tiso also tried to dismantle the understanding of Slovak National Socialism as represented by the radicals. The party ideologist Štefan Polakovič was commissioned to work on a repackaging of the term in Tisos "Völkische Slovakia". In 1941, Polakovič was the first to try to develop a systematic doctrine of Slovak National Socialism. In the intra-party conflict, he was clearly on the side of Tiso and presented himself as a staunch opponent of the Nazification tendencies. Polakovič justified the move away from "Christian totalitarianism" to "Slovak National Socialism" with the analogical argument that this was "on the ideal side just a new expression [...] of the party's old folk-national program". His book Slovenský národný socializmus. Ideové poznámky. ("Slovak National Socialism. Idea Comments.") Was published one year after Salzburg in 1941 by the general secretariat of the Hlinka party.

In the atmosphere of the internal party power struggle, which reached its climax in 1941, the reaction to Polakovič's “Slovak National Socialism” was not long in coming. Although Polakovič's work in some passages went comparatively well beyond the ideas of Tiso's conservative grand piano, some still considered it to be not radical enough. For this reason, employees of the Hlinka Guard, led by the literary critic and chairman of Matica slovenská , Stanislav Mečiar , published an ideological brochure with an almost identical title as early as 1942: Slovenský národný socializmus. Výklady základných zásad ("Slovak National Socialism. Interpretations of Basic Principles"). The basis of Mečiar's draft was formed by the 14 points of Slovak National Socialism, which were presented by Prime Minister Vojtech Tuka on January 21, 1941 at a meeting of the Hlinka Guard in Trenčianské Teplice.

Although both concepts of Slovak National Socialism did not directly influence the politics of the Hlinka party, according to Anton Hruboň (2014) they illustrate the convictions and programmatic declarations of the conservative and radical party wing. According to Hruboň, they show common as well as polarizing ideas of the individual Ludaken politicians, which have never been fully implemented in practice. The concepts also point to sources of inspiration for the Hlinka party in questions of the character of the regime, the reform of the state administration and other serious measures.

Concept by Štefan Polakovič

Polakovič paid the greatest attention in his work to the question of differentiating between Slovak and German National Socialism. Although Slovakia officially adopted a National Socialist orientation in its politics, its basic principle was to remain Christianity in the sense of the thesis “new name - old program”. In Polakovič's understanding, Christianity was compatible with Slovak National Socialism, as this supposedly arose from national tradition and Christian teaching. He only accepted the economic and social program of the German model, and generally rejected the uncritical copying of components of foreign programs and foreign ideologies without regard to domestic conditions.

State organization

At the political level, Polakovič regarded the transformation of the presidential function into that of a leader (Slovak vodca ) as an absolute indispensability . In Slovakia, the vodca should not be a dictator based on the German model, but a "member of the nation" , a person with the highest rights and duties in society. In addition, Polakovič proposed five constitutional changes that should bring the state closer to the political systems of Nazi Germany and fascist Italy:

1. Abolition of the republic and its replacement by a Slovak leadership state,
2. Transfer of executive power into the hands of the leader ( vodca ),
3. legal anchoring of the full responsibility of the leader for the performance of his function,
4. Abolition of the Slovak Parliament and its replacement by a Supreme Chamber without legislative powers, which should only be an advisory body to the government,
5. Adaptation of the designations of public functions in the Hlinka Party and the Hlinka Guard and the merging of state and party apparatus into one unit.

Image of society and history

Illustration of Svatopluks and his three sons on the 1000 kroner banknote of the Slovak state

When it comes to the value priorities of the Slovaks, the principle of the common good should dominate over the good of the individual, as should the principle of tradition, ie the renewal of old customs and the maintenance of traditional culture. Polakovič envisioned a new Slovak who had a sense of collective honor, duty and responsibility, who would live by Christian principles and observe strict discipline. Culture should no longer find its own themes and comment on the present in its own way, but focus on implanting the category of the national with its most important attributes "Slovak" and "Christian" in people so that they in turn would act out of inner conviction . Polakovič devoted little space to economic questions in which his Slovak National Socialism was based on two ideas: on the one hand, the need for state regulation of the economy and, on the other hand, a consistent Aryanization process , through which a middle class consisting almost exclusively of Slovaks was to emerge.

In his historicizing treatises he devoted himself to a further elaboration of the thesis about the so-called " Svatopluk crown". Polakovič started from the premise of the historian František Hrušovský , who was supported by the political ensemble at the time , who considered the Moravian ruler Svatopluk I to be a Slovak king and the Moravian Empire to be the first Slovak state in history. The “Svatopluk tradition” gave Polakovič a suitable argumentative basis for the theory of a renewed Slovak statehood after a thousand years and long-lasting, problem-free relations between Slovakia and Germany and its historical forerunners. The thesis of the “Svatopluk crown” was put forward by Polakovič as a counterpart to the Hungarian crown of St. Stephen and the Bohemian crown of Wenceslas : “Therefore, we all turn into fanatical believers in the idea of ​​Svatopluk's crown.”

Conception by Stanislav Mečiar

Gardista ("The Guardian"), mouthpiece of the Slovak National Socialism of the radicals

Despite the fact that in the competition between the two ideas about the future direction of the Slovak state the conservative wing of the party gradually prevailed and apathy within the Hlinka Guard increased, Tuka's 14-point program was not completely forgotten either. In 1942, under the editorship of Stanislav Mečiars, his followers published their own concept in which they worked out each of Tuka's 14 points. In this expanded form, radicalism emerged in full measure in the consistent copying of the German National Socialist model and the intention of its immediate implementation in Slovak society. The mouthpiece for Mečiar's conception was the magazine of the Hlinka-Garde Gardista ("The Guard "). The original weekly paper had been redesigned by Interior Minister and Guards Leader Alexander Mach into a daily newspaper and was intended to serve as a propaganda medium for National Socialism.

Historical reasoning

With the intention of proving the exclusive right of the Slovaks to settle on the territory of the Slovak state, Mečiar's conception used the theory, which had long since been disproved at the time, about the prehistoric settlement of the area between the Danube and the Tatras by the Slovaks or their Slavic ancestors. Economic and social issues also played a certain role in Mečiar's writing. Like Polakovič's work, however, he did not manage to elaborate this more profoundly. Many points were only dealt with superficially.

Biological anti-Semitism

The clearest differences between Polakovič 'and Mečiar's program of Slovak National Socialism arose in the ideological illumination of the Jewish “problem”. While Polakovič devoted only a few lines to this question, Mečiar's interpretation was far more extensive and radical. On the one hand, she paraphrased the anti-Semitic laws that had been passed by the regime up to that point, on the other hand, the National Socialist program against the Jews became clear here as well: “Because whatever has been done in this field, as long as the last Jew does not leave Slovakia, it cannot be said that the Jewish question is resolved. "

In its terminology, Mečiar's conception fully accepted biological and geographical terms from the vocabulary of National Socialist propaganda such as “blood” ( krv ) and “race” ( rasa ). According to Mečiar, these are “two fundamental values ​​that we inherit from our ancestors from generation to generation and that also determine the essence of the people's soul, and even the people themselves”. Mečiar names “living space” ( životný priestor ) and “soil” ( pôda ) as further “high-ranking values” . The territorial changes at the end of the 1930s, as a result of which Slovakia emerged on the side of Nazi Germany, were uncritically described as a victory for the "blood and race principle".

Victory of the Tiso camp

In connection with discussions about the introduction of the leader principle, the powers of President Tiso were considerably expanded. Under the constitutional law of October 7, 1941, he was entitled to appoint and recall members of parliament. The number of MPs fell to around half, with only forty people. This in turn guaranteed Tiso the majority of the moderate forces. Without triggering a German veto, Tiso succeeded in gradually pushing back the pro-German radicals in the government from the spring of 1942 and completely domesticated the Hlinka Guard. In April 1942, Tiso reorganized the Ludak party executive, in which Tuka was no longer represented. In October 1942, the "Law on Hlinka Slovak People's Party" was passed, which officially introduced the leader principle in the Hlinka party and declared Tiso vodca ("leader"). This gave him the right to appoint almost every higher functionary in the party and its organizations and finally defused the social revolutionary aspirations of the Hlinka Guard. Prime Minister Tuka withdrew increasingly from the political stage in 1943 for reasons of age and illness. Since Interior Minister Mach no longer engaged in any further opposition to the “Führer and President”, the inner-Slovak power struggle was finally decided in Tiso's favor.

The law on the Hlinka party of October 1942 also dampened the polemics about the face of the ideology of Slovak National Socialism. The more sporadic use of this term in public speeches and the press was also related to the turnaround on the front line against Germany's disadvantage and the analogical increase in alibistic attempts to protect itself as well as the uncertainty about the further development of the situation in Slovakia. In 1943, the Ludak press cartel also took over the Gardista , the newspaper of the Hlinka Guard, with which, according to the German SD, "the last bastion of National Socialism had fallen" in Slovakia.

Reasons for the failure of the radicals

Jozef Tiso at a meeting with Hitler in Berlin (1941)

On the victory of the Tiso over the Tuka camp, Jörg K. Hoensch (1994) states that the advocates of “Slovak National Socialism” were not defeated in this dispute simply because the German Reich leadership refused them the necessary help at the crucial moment due to foreign policy considerations . Their plan to slavishly adapt Slovakia to the German model also ultimately contradicted the fascist principle: As Hitler had explained to Slovak politicians several times, National Socialism was not an export item. Carried by the right feeling that he had the confidence of Hitler and Ribbentrop despite everything, according to Hoensch, Tiso understood his authoritarian-Catholic attitude with some elements of the Nazi system that he liked, such as the Führer cult, the primacy of the party and the total capture of the To link the population so skillfully that he was not only able to take the wind out of the sails of the proselytes of National Socialism in his own country, but also appeared to the Reich leadership as a reliable guardian of their interests. The Hlinka Guard and its exponents would have had to oppose this conception, given that it was only weakly anchored in the population, with the vague prospect of a "revolution" that could not be in the German interest during the war.

Significance for the further direction of Slovakia

However, the dominance of the moderate wing did not bring any improvement to the situation in Slovakia. Due to the political development as well as the war situation, the totalitarian orientation of Slovakia and its dependence on Nazi Germany deepened, for which both the Tiso and the Tuka camps were jointly responsible. The German advisors stayed in Slovakia, the country joined the war against the Soviet Union and the deportation of the Jewish population was carried out. The Ludaks accepted racism in their ideology and pursued an "undeniably biological approach". Polakovič wrote in September 1942 that the Slovak nation originally emerged “from a single biological source” and “did not unite with the blood of other nations”. Likewise, Tiso now spoke of a “Slovak race” which, according to him, would be rooted in the psychology and biology of the nation.

The National Socialists around "Náš boj"

Náš boj (“Our Struggle”), newspaper of the most radical Slovak National Socialists

With the gradual decline of the radical National Socialist currents within the Hlinka party, the Hlinka Guard also fell into a kind of twilight state after the failures in the struggle for power. She recovered temporarily during the 1942 Jewish deportations, when she carried out raids and searches, confiscated or looted property, and provided security camp guards. She also performed confidential intelligence work on the political situation, which was also useful for the Germans. The “hard core” of the guard was grouped around the magazine Náš boj (“Our Struggle”), behind which the most important person was Otomar Kubala , who was considered fanatically pro-National Socialist . The group was led by the German adviser to the Hlinka Guard, SS-Obersturmbannführer Viktor Nageler .

The bi-monthly magazine "Náš boj" appeared for the first time on September 1, 1942 with a circulation of 4,000 copies and was completely committed to the ideology of the " New Europe ". Nageler, who was a thorn in the side of the religious ties in Slovakia, also saw the paper as a suitable instrument for combating “Pan-Slavic, liberal and clerical ideas” and “a more profound political connection between the Slovak and the German fate "durable connection". Support for the “Náš boj” group also fell from 3,500 sympathizers in 1942 to only around 150 men in autumn 1943, although these included the elite of the Slovak National Socialist extremists. The circle included several teachers from the University of Bratislava, writers, journalists, medical professionals, judges, high-ranking officers of the Hlinka Guard and others. Nevertheless, the influence of “Náš boj” on public life remained comparatively insignificant. Only after the outbreak of the Slovak national uprising were Otomar Kubala subordinate to the Hlinka Guard and the Slovak political police ÚŠB in autumn 1944. The Hlinka Guard then assisted the German occupation troops in a number of atrocities, especially in the persecution of the Jewish population.

Political Impact

Tightening of the authoritarian regime

After the Salzburg dictation, the second phase of the formation of the Slovak regime began. This was dominated by the rapid and self-confident arrival of the “radical fascist forces”, whose leaders announced the beginning of a National Socialist era in Slovakia in public manifestations. On the National Socialist 14-point Vojtech Tukas program from January 1941, Ivan Kamenec (2008) judged that it was a “primitive mishmash of national and social demagogy” , reinforced by anti-democratic and anti-Semitic demands. His main goal was the mechanical application of the National Socialist model to Slovak conditions and an unreserved orientation of Slovak domestic policy towards Nazi Germany.

The weakened conservative wing of the Ludak party has adapted to the new situation and partially adopted their terminology in the internal party power struggle with the radicals. Even President Tiso compared the social principles of National Socialism with the social foundations of the papal encyclicals in a public speech in his struggle with the radicals to the alarm of the local church representatives and to the consternation of Vatican circles. The deepening fascization of the regime, which took place under the guise of the introduction of Slovak National Socialism, affected all areas of public life, albeit with unequal intensity and different practical implications. In some areas this happened more on a verbal or propagandistic level, elsewhere in a very concrete form.

In 1941 and 1942, the political opposition was most severely persecuted by the regime. In the five years to 1943, a total of 3,595 prisoners convicted of illegal and subversive activity passed through the prisons of the district courts, and by 1945 at least 3,100 people were detained in the concentration camp for political prisoners in Ilava by the ÚŠB political police . Nevertheless, the Slovak dictatorship was more moderate in terms of the severity of the repression compared to the regimes in Hungary, Croatia and Romania - not a single death penalty was carried out in Slovakia until August 1944. The regime's brutality was concentrated against the Jews. The potential for terrorism was only fully developed in the final phase after the outbreak of the Slovak National Uprising .

Kamenec (2008) emphasizes that despite the deepening totalitarian character of the regime, with a few important exceptions, it was not possible to enforce the National Socialist principles according to the ideas of their representatives and propagandists. This was favored on the one hand by the changing international situation, the ongoing military defeats of Nazi Germany and the related internal crisis of the regime, whose stability was increasingly undermined by political and moral cracks. People worked in administrative and judicial bodies as well as in the security sector who sabotaged the introduction of National Socialist methods either for reasons of their own later security or because of their ideology . The conservative wing of the Ludaks soon counterattacked and defeated the local National Socialists with their own weapons: the introduction of the Führer principle, the radical "solution of the Jewish question", and the deepening of collaboration with Nazi Germany.

According to Ladislav Lipscher (1980), National Socialist methods were adopted in the political practice of the Slovak state under the official term “Slovak National Socialism” and resulted in a factual and organizational tightening of the authoritarian regime. Until then, it had relied more on the clerical elements. A Slovak peculiarity compared to the other states under the influence of Nazi Germany was that the adaptation to National Socialism was carried out by a clerical-conservative movement.

Although these changes were a result of the intervention of the Third Reich, they in no way determined the overall character of the political regime in the Slovak state. The rejection of the democratic principles on which the system of civil liberties was based, the struggle against progressive ideas, excessive chauvinism and sympathy for all ultra-right and fascist movements - these postulates were intended by the Ludaks long before the emergence of the Slovak state had. That is why - so Lipscher continued - they were put into practice not only by the group that enjoyed the trust of the German National Socialists, but also by their opponents in the Slovak leadership: "Both rival groups strive to strengthen their own position, [ ...] tried to implement those measures that corresponded to the wishes and the policy of the empire. "

Escalation of anti-Semitic politics and the Holocaust

Causes and historical background

Anti-Semitic poster of the Propaganda Office (1942)

Hlinka guards humiliate the Jew Lipa Baum (1942)

The former site of the Sereď labor and concentration camp

The Slovak National Socialism found its greatest practical field of activity in the “solution of the Jewish question”. It was in this area that the most easily developed theory of a "permanent Slovak revolution" proclaimed by its representatives of the radical Ludak wing. These politicians saw in a "radical solution to the Jewish question" one of the most effective ways to implement their radical fascist ideology and personal goals. They also saw in this a way to deepen the trust of their German patrons, whose support they needed in the further domestic political struggle in Slovakia. On the other hand, the "solution to the Jewish problem" was the area in which it was easiest for the representatives of the conservative, moderate wing of the Ludaks to make concessions to the radical camp. They too wanted to constantly solve the “Jewish question”, as they had been proclaiming since autumn 1938.

Anti-Semitism had been a constant component of the ideology of Hlinka's Slovak People's Party even before the First World War and also in the interwar period. In their autochthonous hostility towards Jews, Christian-Catholic (“The Jews as Murderers of the Son of God”), economic (“The Jews as exploiters”), political (“The Jews as pillars of liberalism and communism”) and national arguments (“The Jews as a supporter of Magyarization and Czechoslovakism ”). The first anti-Jewish measures had already been introduced during the era of autonomy, including the deportation of Jews from Slovak territories to Hungary carried out by the Slovak state government as a result of the Munich Agreement in 1938. In the Slovak state, the measures introduced in 1939/40 curtailed mainly those Human and civil rights of the Jewish minority and included economic discrimination. Despite much more far-reaching demands from the Hlinka Guard, Jewish specialists and entrepreneurs, as indispensable factors in the national economy, were initially excluded from this.

Legislature up to the Jewish Code

After the Salzburg dictation, the radical wing of the Ludaks and the Hlinka Guard were able to pursue their openly proclaimed goal of applying the anti-Jewish measures “tried and tested” in the German Reich in Slovakia, thanks to the German backing and guided by SS “advisors”. After his return from Salzburg, Prime Minister Tuka attacked the existing anti-Jewish legislation in Slovakia in August 1940: “We can no longer tolerate our economic life being poisoned by the Jewish spirit. I no longer want to hear the words economically irreplaceable. ”Until 1941, the Jews were not only robbed of their property, but also pushed to the margins of society. They were no longer allowed to pursue qualified professions, their freedom of movement was restricted, contact with "Aryans" was forbidden and declared a criminal offense, they were no longer allowed to live in certain neighborhoods, and the children - with the exception of separate Jewish primary schools - were expelled from school. They had to wear the yellow star as their mark, and their correspondence had to be marked with a star; there were special labor camp set up.

In 1941, the anti-Jewish measures taken in Slovakia were so extensive that even the state administration lost track of it. It even happened that individual regulations contradicted each other. They therefore had to be summarized in a government ordinance (No. 198/1941) with 270 paragraphs, the so-called Jewish Code . It was one of the most extensive pieces of legislation produced in the Slovak state and "one of the cruelest anti-Semitic laws in modern European history". Significant changes compared to the previous situation consisted of the transition from the religious to the “racial” assessment of the Jewish question, which was customary up until then.

Deportation of the Slovak Jews

At the turn of 1941/42, negotiations to increase the workforce from Slovakia for Nazi Germany arose the plan to replace Slovak workers with Jews. The Ludaks' desire to get rid of the impoverished and socially uprooted Jews met and coincided with the approaching "final solution" of the German National Socialists. In a bilateral treaty, the Slovak government undertook to pay the German Reich 500 Reichsmarks for each evacuated Jew for the "settlement in the east" - which was the mass extermination of the Jews - and to revoke their Slovak citizenship when they were deported. Between March and October 1942 around 58,000 people were deported, of which only a few hundred survived. Only when there was no longer any doubt about the killing of the "evacuated" Jews in the extermination camps in Poland, the transports were stopped due to the protests of the Vatican near Tiso and the rescue operations of Jewish organizations. A third of the Slovak Jews remained in Slovakia due to a distribution of letters of protection. The Slovak state was thus one of the first among the satellites of the German Reich from which deportation transports to the extermination camps in occupied Poland were dispatched - and the first to decide to stop the deportations. The deportations were resumed by German authorities in September 1944 after the occupation of Slovakia by the German army.

Classification of the ideology

International research

The German historian Tatjana Tönsmeyer stated in 2003 that it was problematic to fill the “catchphrase” of Slovak National Socialism with content, since this task had not yet been tackled by historical scholars. This required a discourse-historical analysis of the political set pieces that formed a considerable part of the program of the Hlinka party. Tönsmeyer sees the differences between the two ideological lines in the fact that Tuka worshiped a German or Italian role model, while Tiso was through and through Slovak nationalist. To characterize the Tisos line, Tönsmeyer also suggests the term “Slovakian”.

Roger Griffin (2008)

In his standard work "The Nature of Fascism" (1993), the British fascism researcher Roger Griffin describes the ideology of Slovak National Socialism as "a crude mish-mash of Nazism and Catholicism". However, he had remained alien to Slovak traditions and values, which made it impossible for the masses to support him. Griffin classifies the Ludaken regime itself with Slovak National Socialism as the official state ideology as a “collaborative and essentially parafascist regime”, defining “parafascism” as “a form of authoritarian and ultra-nationalist conservatism that adapts to external signs of fascism, however whose call for a genuine social and ethical revolution is rejected ”. In a similar way, the German historian Sabine Witt (2015) writes in her study on nationalist intellectuals in Slovakia of a "clerical-National Socialist" regime of the Ludaks.

According to the Czech historian Jan Rychlík (2018), the Slovak form of National Socialism, the introduction of which was started due to Tuka's influence, was a “hybrid ideology”. Rychlík added that Tiso was able to exert a certain influence through this and ensured that it was based on Slovak nationalism and the papal Catholic encyclicals. In its victory over the radicals, however, the conservative wing of the Ludak party had to accept part of their program, primarily the "solution of the Jewish question" and the introduction of the Führer principle.

According to the Israeli historian Yeshayahu A. Jelinek (1976), the ideology of "Völkisch Slovakia" was a theory in flux. In its elaborate form, it “resembled a mosaic whose cementing factors were very weak”. In essence, the ideology was a mix of four components: religion, nationalism, socio-economic elements, and authoritarianism. The unmistakable influence of the National Socialist ideology can partly be explained by the nature of an existence in the orbit of Nazi Germany. The clerical Ludaks had no intention of blindly accepting National Socialism, as this would have betrayed their own convictions. Nevertheless, in their own genuine interest, they learned as much as they could from the Nazi state. The conubium of the Ludaks with the German National Socialists expanded the authoritarian approach inherent in corporatism , since the members of the Nástup group interpreted modern authoritarianism and totalitarianism and adapted it to local conditions.

Jelinek sees the Nástupists as the only genuine Slovak contribution to the “world of the modern extreme right ”. Together with the clerical group, the Nástup circle crossed its extremely aggressive, chauvinistic nationalism and authoritarianism with the Catholic social doctrine , which then resulted in the “Völkische Slovakia” with the characteristics of an “extremely right-wing dictatorship”. The extremist Hlinka guardsmen, on the other hand, were simple hand camps of the German Reich who lacked the originality and self-confidence of the Nástupists. In his earlier studies, Jelinek assigned the ideology of “Völkisch Slovakia” to “ clerical fascism ”. His monograph The Parish Republic from 1976 is the only detailed account to date that applies the term to Slovakia with a non-Marxist approach. However, since 1992 Jelinek has rejected him due to a lack of analytical sharpness.

Slovak research

Ľubomír Lipták (2001) writes that Tisos “Völkische Slovakia” differed from Germany and Italy through the important role of religion in both ideology and practical politics. At the same time, it stood out from some other authoritarian dictatorships through the important function of a traditional, well-organized party and its gradual amalgamation with the state. Although this did not take place to the same extent as in Germany, the development has progressed step by step. Lipták sees the reason for the differences between the Slovak system and that of neighboring countries in the central position of the traditional but totalitarian Hlinka party. In addition, both in the state and in the Hlinka party, the Catholic Church played an important role as a domestic brake in the development of a National Socialist variant. The Catholic Church supported the development of the state in the direction of authoritarianism, but slowed down the tendency to establish the totality of the state and the party that had grown together with it.

From this Lipták concludes for the typological classification of the regime that the term “ clerical fascism ” often used in literature applies to “the external color” of the regime, but less to its content and orientation. In Slovak historiography and journalism, the term had been devalued because of its abuse by the communist dictatorship. In addition to fascism, it should also compromise clericalism or religion and the oppositional Catholic Church in general. In addition, "clerical fascism" is similar in construction and intent to the term " Judeo-Bolshevism ". According to Lipták, one can only speak of “Slovak fascism” if one accepts fascism in such a broad sense that it includes not only Italian fascism and German National Socialism but also “ Austrofascism ” in Austria. Similar to the term “Austrofascism”, the word “Slovak” then signals its Slovak specifics, which include political clericalism with its great weight in the formation of the regime.

Investigation of the ideological conceptions

In his two essays on Slovak National Socialism, Anton Hruboň (2009 and 2014) emphasizes that the term introduced by Tuka was "an absolute novelty, a non-explicit term without any tradition in the Slovak political movements and any more compact program". The radicals only defined its content on a very general level: "[...] as they themselves emphasized, they preferred the realization of concrete steps to theoretical interpretations". In view of the ongoing rivalry between the conservative and the radical wing of the Hlinka party, the ambiguity of the newly introduced term inevitably led to the Ludaken elites being twofold on the question of the theoretical interpretation of Slovak National Socialism, and triggered a new phase of internal party conflict . The formulation of Slovak National Socialism by Štefan Polakovič offered the Slovak political representation a concept for an authoritarian one-party regime, which, although moving with the spirit of the times, retains a certain peculiarity and "does not ignore the national individuality of the Slovaks". It had shown a large degree of ideal autonomy and could definitely not be seen as legitimizing a concentrated import of German National Socialism into Slovakia.

Accordingly, Hruboň sees an interpretation of Polakovič's conception as “Slovak Nazi ideology” as “very distorting”. The chapters in Polakovič's work would indeed sympathize with some peculiarities of the National Socialist system in Germany - such as the Führer principle and the people's state - and also accuse the Jews of impoverishing the people. On the other hand, Polakovič did not at all take over the myths of National Socialist propaganda about the “blood and race principle” or “Aryan electedness”. For the German National Socialists, however, these are "the highest and most sacred of things that nature placed in the cradle for human beings". At the same time, Hruboň makes it clear that the myth of a kind of internal revolt by the theologian Polakovič against National Socialist influences does not correspond to historical facts. This view inevitably leads to the trivialization of Polakovič's totalitarian views and to the glorification of Jozef Tiso's politics as “resistance to National Socialism”. On the other hand, Hruboň judged on the conception of the Slovak National Socialism according to Stanislav Mečiar that this in the Slovak state "with its radical content probably forms the peak of ideological production in the spirit of German National Socialism". However, it hardly got beyond the level of a pamphlet .

Martin Pekár (2014) states in his essay on the state ideology of the Slovak state that the Hlinka party and its representatives do not prepare for the extraordinary political changes in Central Europe of 1938/1939 and the associated confrontation of Slovak society with an ideological reorientation were. Therefore, the new Slovak statehood and its ideological starting point should have formed gradually in the environment characterized by the power struggle between the Tiso and Tuka wings. The two concepts of the Slovak National Socialism would have corresponded to these two political lines. In Polakovič's conception, based on Tiso's line, Slovak nationalism culminated in its typical national-religious form and was no longer - as in earlier times - of a defensive character. Belief in God and love of the nation became the highest values, existential purpose and moral imperative, as well as a means of apology for all known failures of the regime. According to Pekár, Polakovič tried to overcome the framework of practical politics with his conception and had the ambition to formulate an actual, more or less original philosophical concept. In contrast, Stanislav Mečiar's radical pro-National Socialist handbook is "basically just an amateur vulgar explanation of Tuka's thoughts, faithfully copying the National Socialist model".

Comparative research on fascism

Based on Roger Griffin's definition of fascism, Jakub Drábik (2019) denies a classification of the Ludaken regime as fascist in his standard work on Slovak fascism research. The Slovak state lacked a well-developed and consolidated ideology characteristic of all fascist regimes, which would have determined the political processes. In addition, Drábik argues that during the entire existence of the Slovak state the “moderate” ideological conception of Tiso and Polakovič dominated over the radical pro-national socialist conception of Tuka and Mečiar. In addition, he goes into more recent studies of Slovak research on the typological term “clerical fascism”. While this, in the form used by Marxist historiography, has no analytical value and is only a kind of abuse word, a non-Marxist interpretation of the term could possibly be used as a “heuristic means”. The relevant research is still at the beginning. Drábik states that insofar as new research does not lead to a fundamental revaluation of the ideology of the Slovak state, it has been characterized most precisely in the work of Ivan Kamenec and Ľubomír Lipták. Both described the regime as a "dictatorship with fascist elements". Drábik emphasizes: "The fact that the regime cannot be called fascist in typological terms, of course, in no way excuses the crimes of which it has committed its own population."

aftermath

Exiled Ludaks and Neoludaks

Takeover of Slovak organizations abroad

At the end of the Second World War, there were two major waves of emigration from former Ludaks from Slovakia: The first group had already gone into exile in 1945 together with the retreating German Wehrmacht. It included many members of the leadership elite of the Slovak state or people close to them. The second group emigrated after the communist seizure of power in 1948. A significant number of these refugees were members of the radical party wing - Nástupists or Hlinka guardsmen - many of whom were involved in the deportations of Jews in 1942 and some in the killings of resistance fighters and Jews in hiding in 1942 had been. Numerous men and women of these waves of emigration had a higher education, they counted among the "bloom of the Slovak nationalist intelligentsia". Due to their experience with intellectual work, creative writing and political engagement, they soon took over the management positions in the old Slovak foreign organizations in the USA, Canada and elsewhere (e.g. the Slovak World Congress ). From then on, the newcomers received platforms for the glorification of the Slovak state and nationalism. One of its most important representatives remained the former party ideologist Štefan Polakovič, who now lives in Argentina . In exile, Polakovič's approaches changed: he subjected the work he wrote in the Slovak state to a partial or complete re-evaluation.

Formation of the Neoludak historiography

Because Jewish, Czechoslovak and other organizations cultivated the memory of the Holocaust and never tired of reminding the general public of the crimes of the Slovak state, the exiled Ludaks were forced to deal with the issue as well. To this end, organizations like the Slovak World Congress tried to build relationships with Jews whose goodwill they sought without having to admit their own crimes against Slovak Jews. They stated that without an understanding of the background, what happened during World War II could not be understood. The actions of Slovakia were justified on the one hand with fear, on the other hand with bitterness over the suffering the Jews caused to the Slovak people and the desire to restore national property. Thus, they used traditional Slovak anti-Semitism in their publications. The biological component of National Socialist anti-Semitism, however, was less emphasized. However, since this argument implied that the Slovak government had an interest in getting rid of its Jewish population, the apologists of the Ludaken regime countered that the Slovak government had no knowledge of the crimes of the German National Socialists in occupied Poland.

Yeshayahu A. Jelinek (1993) replies to this line of justification - the representatives of which are also known as “neoludaks” - that it is “pure horror” in itself: “The attempt to explain that a government has the right to an entire people , including babies and children, indicting collective guilt and punishing them with loading them into freight cars and transporting them into the unknown, and confiscating all of their belongings, is already a testimony to bottomless hatred. ”Furthermore, Jelinek notes that the Although mass extermination in occupied Poland was unknown in Slovakia until the spring of 1942, there were plenty of other warnings about the fateful fate of the deported Jews. However, the elites of the Slovak state would not have missed the historic opportunity to get rid of the Slovak Jews.

Neoludak historiography also tried to justify the deportations by referring to the external pressure exerted by National Socialist Germany, or it stated that President Tiso - for the Neoludaks the symbol of Slovak statehood - was in no way involved, but had on the contrary, 35,000–40,000 Slovak Jews were saved from this with letters of protection. Interior Minister Alexander Mach's role is also put into perspective, as he stated that he was the initiator of the deportation stop in 1942 when he learned of the murder of Slovak Jews in Poland. Only Prime Minister Tuka is accepted as a "black sheep" by representatives of Neo-Ludak historiography such as Milan S. Ďurica and František Vnuk . Jelinek counters this by stating that the Ludaken regime was at least 50 percent responsible for the fate of the Slovak Jews, that historical studies have shown around 1,100 letters of protection from Tiso to rich and baptized Jews and that these did not provide ultimate protection against deportations. In the case of Mach, Jelinek points out that he was initially the initiator of the deportations and that there are well-founded scientific doubts about his later presentation of the events.

Return to Slovakia after 1989

After the collapse of the communist system in Europe in 1989, many of the exiles returned to Slovakia. In Slovakia, saturated with communist propaganda, their messages were received as refreshing by part of the population. Many Slovaks transferred their beliefs from the biased historiography of the fallen communist regime to an equally biased, radical-nationalist representation of the exiles. Former general secretary of the Hlinka party and leading Nástupist Jozef Kirschbaum, who went into exile in Canada, contributed to several academic publications in Slovakia after 1993. A long-time advisor to Prime Minister Vladimír Mečiar , who was in office in the 1990s, also came from the milieu of exiles . The historical school textbook Milan S. Ďuricas caused a scandal in 1995, in which he heroized the Slovak state and, with reference to the Jewish policy of the Ludaken regime, “went right to the limit of Holocaust denial”. The book was eventually withdrawn from the Slovak schools, but Ďurica's nationalist publications continued to be published in Slovakia - for example a 2006 biography of Jozef Tiso.

Štefan Polakovič, who had revised many of his earlier positions in exile, spoke in the Slovak press in 1998 about the differences between the Slovak National Socialism and the German original. In contrast to the Slovak version, the German National Socialism, following Friedrich Nietzsche, rejected Christianity as a "religion for the weak who are unworthy of the higher race". He saw the fate of nations in the implementation of the will to power and represented the thesis of “master peoples” and “servant peoples”. Regarding the term "Slovak National Socialism", Polakovič stated that it was "a lot of nonsense in itself", but the political situation after the Salzburg dictate required it as a concession to the Germans in order not to provoke the "Third Reich". Polakovič described the adoption of individual elements of National Socialist ideology in his conception of Slovak National Socialism as a "sin of youth" ( omyl mladosti ).

Slovak neo-Nazism

Small extra-parliamentary parties

Flag of the neo-Nazi "Slovak Community"

Right-wing extremist and neo-fascist movements appeared in Slovakia shortly after 1989. From the beginning, their worldview also included the defense of the Slovak state from 1939 to 1945 and, in particular, a racism directed against the Roma minority. For a long time the most important neo-Nazi group was the “Slovak Community” ( Slovenská pospolitosť , or SP for short) that was formed in 1995 . It turned openly against parliamentary democracy and was characterized by anti-Semitism, ultra-nationalism and anti-Hungarian rhetoric. Organizationally, the leader principle applied with a vodca at the top. Marian Kotleba joined the movement in 2003 and soon became its leader. The Slovak community began to organize more and more torchlight procession in which its members appeared in dark blue uniforms similar to those of the earlier Hlinka Guard and Rodobrana. In late 2004, the movement submitted a request for registration as a political party, which the Slovak Ministry of the Interior complied with in January 2005.

The newly founded “Slovak Community - National Party” ( Slovenská pospolitosť - Národná strana , SP-NS for short), led by Kotleba, acknowledged its statutes on the political symbolism of the Slovak state and provoked clashes with the Slovak police. In her Ľudový program (“Volksprogramm” or “Völkisches Programm”), which she presented on March 13, 2005 at the wreath-laying ceremony at the grave of Jozef Tisos, she called for the dissolution of all political parties and the replacement of democracy by a corporate state. In March 2006 they were dissolved by the Slovak Supreme Court, with the Slovak Public Prosecutor citing as the reason, in addition to the anti-democratic objective, also those program points that were openly directed against Jews, Roma and Hungarians. For the 2006 National Council election , Kotleba and other supporters were able to stand on the list of another small party, but this party only received 0.16% of the vote.

Party flag of the ĽSNS until 2018

In 2009, Kotleba's followers took over an existing party and renamed it the People's Party Our Slovakia ( kurzSNS for short). For the National Council election in Slovakia in 2010 , Kotleba's party stood with a manifesto, which was presented under the name 14 krokov pre budúcnosť Slovenska (“14 steps for the future of Slovakia”). According to the Slovakian Kotleba biographer Daniel Vražda (2020), the association with the Fourteen Words of American racists, March 14, 1939 as the founding date of the Slovak state, and the "14-point program" announced by Prime Minister Vojtech Tuka in 1941, is unmistakable. of the Slovak National Socialism. The party again received only 1.33% of the vote and also failed to make it into parliament in the following National Council election in 2012 (1.58%).

Increasing importance from 2013

The elections for regional president of the country Banská Bystrica in 2013 were a turning point in the development of the ĽSNS and Slovak neo-Nazism . In the second round of elections, Kotleba surprisingly prevailed against the candidate of the ruling Smer-SD and became the new regional president . He received 55.2% with a low voter turnout of 24.6%. Kotleba held this office until 2017, when he was clearly defeated by his opponent Ján Lunter , who was supported by all other parties and by President Andrej Kiska . After taking office, on the anniversary of the establishment of the Slovak State on March 14, 2017, Kotleba handed a check for 1,488 euros to a family with four children, one of whom is in a wheelchair. In neo-Nazism , 88 stands for "Heil Hitler!" And 14 for the Fourteen Words. He also suggested setting up a “People's Guard” ( Ľudová stráž ), which children from the age of 12 would have been able to join. In the statutes of the planned civic association, the greeting Na stráž (“On guard”) and the motto Za Boha, za národ (“For God and the nation”) were specified, which were also used by the totalitarian regime of the Slovak state. The proposal was rejected by both the Slovak Ministry of the Interior and the Slovak Supreme Court. In 2015, the country's regional monthly Bystrický kraj published the anti-Semitic caricature of a Jew with banknotes. Koleba's business also received public attention under the name Marian Kotleba - KKK - Anglická móda ("Marian Kotleba - KKK - English fashion"), where KKK is a reference to the Ku Klux Klan .

Kotleba's party ĽSNS was able to move into the National Council for the first time in the 2016 National Council election (8.04%). On April 29, 2019, the Slovak Supreme Court ruled on the public prosecutor's request for a ban on Kotleba's party, stating that its program and activities are not in conflict with the democratic order, the constitution and the law. In contrast, the Slovak historian and fascism researcher Jakub Drábik (2019) classifies Kotleba's party as "at its core a neo-Nazi party that belongs to the larger family of fascist movements". The neo-Nazi character of the SNS is confirmed by its anti-Semitism, which has been a strong ideological element of the party since it was founded.

literature

Primary literature

• Stanislav Mečiar: Slovenský národný socializmus. Výklad základných zásad [= Slovak National Socialism. Interpretation of Basic Principles]. High Command of the Hlinka Guard, Bratislava 1942. (Slovak)
• Štefan Polakovič: Slovenský národný socializmus. Ideové poznámky [= Slovak National Socialism. Idea comments]. General Secretariat of the Hlinka Party, Bratislava 1941. (Slovak)

Source editions

• Mariana Hausleitner et al. (Ed.): VEJ , Volume 13: Slovakia, Romania and Bulgaria. De Gruyter / Oldenbourg, Berlin / Boston 2018, ISBN 978-3-11-036500-9 .
• Anton Hruboň (ed.): Ľudácka čítanka - Sila propagandy, propaganda sily [= The Ludaken reading book - The power of propaganda, the propaganda of power]. Premedia Verlag, Bratislava 2019, ISBN 978-80-8159-761-9 . (Slovak)

Monographs and Articles

• Jörg K. Hoensch : Slovakia: “One God, One People, One Party!” The Development, Aims, and Failure of Political Catholicism. In: Richard J. Wolff, Jörg K. Hoensch (eds.): Catholics, the State, and the European Radical Right, 1919–1945. (= Atlantic Studies on Society in Change. No. 50). Social Science Monographs, Boulder, CO / Columbia Univ. Press, New York 1987, ISBN 0-88033-126-7 , pp. 158-181.
• Anton Hruboň : K problematike ideológie slovenského národného socializmu [= On the problem of the ideology of the Slovak National Socialism]. In: Peter Sokolovič (Ed.): Od Salzburgu do vypuknutia Povstania. Slovenská republika 1939–1945 očami mladých historikov VII [= From Salzburg to the outbreak of the uprising. The Slovak Republic 1939–1945 in the Eyes of Young Historians VII]. ÚPN, Bratislava 2009, ISBN 978-80-89335-21-3 , pp. 18-30. (Slovak)
• Anton Hruboň: Slovenský národný socializmus v koncepciách Štefana Polakoviča a Stanislava Mečiara. Dva návrhy posalzburského smerovania prvej Slovenskej republiky [= The Slovak National Socialism in the conceptions of Štefan Polakovič and Stanislav Mečiar. Two proposals for the post-Salzburg orientation of the first Slovak Republic]. In: Anton Hruboň, Juraj Lepiš, Zuzana Tokárová (eds.): Slovensko v rokoch neslobody 1938–1989 II. Osobnosti známe - neznáme [= Slovakia in the years of bondage 1938–1989 II. Acquaintances - unknown personalities]. Ústav pamäti národa, Bratislava 2014, ISBN 978-80-89335-64-0 , pp. 20–34. (Slovak)
• Yeshayahu A. Jelinek : The Parish Republic: Hlinka's Slovak People's Party 1939–1945. (= East European Monographs. No. XIV). East European Quarterly / Boulder, New York / London 1976, ISBN 0-914710-07-9 .
• Ľubomír Lipták: The political system of the Slovak Republic 1939–1945. In: Erwin Oberländer (Ed.): Authoritarian Regime in East Central and Southeast Europe 1919–1944. 2nd edition with an afterword, Verlag Ferdinand Schöningh, Paderborn 2017 [2001], ISBN 978-3-506-78585-5 , pp. 299–336.
• Martin Pekár: Štátna ideológia a jej vplyv na character režimu [= The state ideology and its influence on the character of the regime]. In: Martina Fiamová and others: Slovenský štát 1939–1945: Predstavy a reality [= The Slovak State 1939–1945: Ideas and Realities]. Historický ústav SAV, Bratislava 2014, ISBN 978-80-89396-32-0 , pp. 137–152. (Slovak)
• Miroslav Szabó: "For God and Nation": Catholicism and the Far-Right in the Central European Context (1918–1945). In: Historický časopis. Volume 66, No. 5, 2018, pp. 885-900.
• Sabine Witt: Nationalist Intellectuals in Slovakia 1918–1945. Cultural practice between sacralization and secularization. (= Systems of order. Studies on the history of ideas in modern times. Volume 44). Walter de Gruyter, Berlin / Munich / Boston 2015, ISBN 978-3-11-035930-5 .

Overview representations and further literature

• Jakub Drábik : Fašizmus [= fascism]. Premedia Publishing House, Bratislava 2019, ISBN 978-80-8159-781-7 . (Slovak)
• Roger Griffin : The Nature of Fascism. Routledge, London / New York 1993, ISBN 0-415-09661-8 .
• Jörg K. Hoensch: Basic features and phases of the German Slovakia policy in the Second World War. In: ders: Studia Slovaca: Studies on the history of Slovakia and the Slovaks. (= Publications of the Collegium Carolinum. Vol. 93). R. Oldenbourg Verlag, Munich 2000 [Essen 1994], ISBN 3-486-56521-4 , pp. 249-280. (Festschrift for his 65th birthday, published by Hans Lemberg et al.)
• Yeshajahu A. Jelinek: The Ludak Exile, the Neo-Ludaks and the Revival of Anti-Semitism in Slovakia. In: Ján. Hančil, Michael Chase (Ed.): Anti-Semitism in Post-Totalitarian Europe. Franz Kafka Publishers, Prague 1993, ISBN 80-901456-1-2 , pp. 151-165.
• Ivan Kamenec : Slovenský štát v obrazoch [= The Slovak State in Pictures]. Ottovo nakladatelství, Prague 2008, ISBN 978-80-7360-700-5 . (Slovak)
• Ivan Kamenec: On the Trail of Tragedy: The Holocaust in Slovakia. Hajko & Hajková Publishing House, Bratislava 2007, ISBN 978-80-88700-68-5 (original Slovak edition: Po stopách tragédie. Archa Publishing House, Bratislava 1991, translated by Martin Styan).
• Ladislav Lipscher: The Jews in the Slovak State 1939–1945. (= Publications of the Collegium Carolinum. Volume 35). Oldenbourg Verlag, Munich / Vienna 1980, ISBN 3-486-48661-6 .
• Thomas Lorman: The Making of Slovak People's Party. Religion, Nationalism and the Culture War in Early 20th-Century Europe. Bloomsbury Academic, London / New York 2019, ISBN 978-1-350-10937-7 .
• Jan Rychlík: Slovakia. In: David Stahel (Ed.): Joining Hitler's Crusade: European Nations and the Invasion of the Soviet Union. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge / New York 2018, ISBN 978-1-316-51034-6 , pp. 107-133.
• Tatjana Tönsmeyer : The Third Reich and Slovakia 1939-1945. Political everyday life between cooperation and obstinacy. Schöningh Verlag, Paderborn 2003, ISBN 3-506-77532-4 .
• Daniel Vražda: Kotleba. Second, expanded edition. N Press, o. O. 2020, ISBN 978-80-999251-5-2 . (Slovak)
• James Mace Ward: Priest, Politician, Collaborator: Jozef Tiso and the Making of Fascist Slovakia. Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London 2013, ISBN 978-0-8014-4988-8 .

Remarks

1. ↑ Jörg K. Hoensch: Slovakia: “One God, One People, One Party!” The Development, Aims, and Failure of Political Catholicism. In: Richard J. Wolff, Jörg K. Hoensch (eds.): Catholics, the State, and the European Radical Right, 1919–1945. New York 1987, pp. 162 and 165; Yeshayahu A. Jelinek: The Parish Republic: Hlinka's Slovak People's Party 1939–1945. New York / London 1976, 51 f; Ľubomír Lipták: The political system of the Slovak Republic 1939–1945. In: Erwin Oberländer (Ed.): Authoritarian Regime in East Central and Southeast Europe 1919–1944. Paderborn 2017 [2001], p. 304.
2. ↑ Jörg K. Hoensch: Slovakia: “One God, One People, One Party!” The Development, Aims, and Failure of Political Catholicism. In: Richard J. Wolff, Jörg K. Hoensch (eds.): Catholics, the State, and the European Radical Right, 1919–1945. New York 1987, pp. 162f et al. 168; Ľubomír Lipták: The political system of the Slovak Republic 1939–1945. In: Erwin Oberländer (Ed.): Authoritarian Regime in East Central and Southeast Europe 1919–1944. Paderborn 2017 [2001], p. 304f; Sabine Witt: Nationalist Intellectuals in Slovakia 1918–1945. Cultural practice between sacralization and secularization. Berlin / Munich / Boston 2015, p. 266.
3. ↑ Jörg K. Hoensch: Slovakia: “One God, One People, One Party!” The Development, Aims, and Failure of Political Catholicism. In: Richard J. Wolff, Jörg K. Hoensch (eds.): Catholics, the State, and the European Radical Right, 1919–1945. New York 1987, p. 164; Jan Rychlík: Slovakia. In: David Stahel (Ed.): Joining Hitler's Crusade: European Nations and the Invasion of the Soviet Union. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge / New York 2018, p. 110f; Sabine Witt: Nationalist Intellectuals in Slovakia 1918–1945. Cultural practice between sacralization and secularization. Berlin / Munich / Boston 2015, pp. 98f.
4. ^ Sabine Witt: Nationalist intellectuals in Slovakia 1918–1945. Cultural practice between sacralization and secularization. Berlin / Munich / Boston 2015, pp. 98f.
5. ^ Yeshayahu A. Jelinek: The Parish Republic: Hlinka's Slovak People's Party 1939–1945. New York / London 1976, p. 20; Jan Rychlík: Slovakia. In: David Stahel (Ed.): Joining Hitler's Crusade: European Nations and the Invasion of the Soviet Union. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge / New York 2018, p. 111; Tatjana Tönsmeyer: The Third Reich and Slovakia 1939-1945. Political everyday life between cooperation and obstinacy. Paderborn 2003, p. 95.
6. ↑ Jörg K. Hoensch: Slovakia: “One God, One People, One Party!” The Development, Aims, and Failure of Political Catholicism. In: Richard J. Wolff, Jörg K. Hoensch (eds.): Catholics, the State, and the European Radical Right, 1919–1945. New York 1987, p. 164; Sabine Witt: Nationalist Intellectuals in Slovakia 1918–1945. Cultural practice between sacralization and secularization. Berlin / Munich / Boston 2015, p. 392.
7. ^ Yeshayahu A. Jelinek: The Parish Republic: Hlinka's Slovak People's Party 1939–1945. New York / London 1976, pp. 64f; Sabine Witt: Nationalist Intellectuals in Slovakia 1918–1945. Cultural practice between sacralization and secularization. Berlin / Munich / Boston 2015, p. 392.
8. ^ Yeshayahu A. Jelinek: The Parish Republic: Hlinka's Slovak People's Party 1939–1945. New York / London 1976, p. 64; Thomas Lorman: The Making of Slovak People's Party. Religion, Nationalism and the Culture War in Early 20th-Century Europe. London / New York 2019, p. 198 u. 202; Sabine Witt: Nationalist Intellectuals in Slovakia 1918–1945. Cultural practice between sacralization and secularization. Berlin / Munich / Boston 2015, p. 128 u. 273.
9. ^ Sabine Witt: Nationalist intellectuals in Slovakia 1918–1945. Cultural practice between sacralization and secularization. Berlin / Munich / Boston 2015, pp. 273f.
10. ^ Sabine Witt: Nationalist intellectuals in Slovakia 1918–1945. Cultural practice between sacralization and secularization. Berlin / Munich / Boston 2015, p. 274ff.
11. ^ Sabine Witt: Nationalist intellectuals in Slovakia 1918–1945. Cultural practice between sacralization and secularization. Berlin / Munich / Boston 2015, p. 277.
12. ^ Yeshayahu A. Jelinek: The Parish Republic: Hlinka's Slovak People's Party 1939–1945. New York / London 1976, 23ff; Ľubomír Lipták: The political system of the Slovak Republic 1939–1945. In: Erwin Oberländer (Ed.): Authoritarian Regime in East Central and Southeast Europe 1919–1944. Paderborn 2017 [2001], p. 316f.
13. ↑ Jörg K. Hoensch: Slovakia: “One God, One People, One Party!” The Development, Aims, and Failure of Political Catholicism. In: Richard J. Wolff, Jörg K. Hoensch (eds.): Catholics, the State, and the European Radical Right, 1919–1945. New York 1987, pp. 173f; Yeshayahu A. Jelinek: The Parish Republic: Hlinka's Slovak People's Party 1939–1945. New York / London 1976, p. 25 and 53; Ľubomír Lipták: The political system of the Slovak Republic 1939–1945. In: Erwin Oberländer (Ed.): Authoritarian Regime in East Central and Southeast Europe 1919–1944. Paderborn 2017 [2001], p. 316f.
14. ↑ Jörg K. Hoensch: Slovakia: “One God, One People, One Party!” The Development, Aims, and Failure of Political Catholicism. In: Richard J. Wolff, Jörg K. Hoensch (eds.): Catholics, the State, and the European Radical Right, 1919–1945. New York 1987, pp. 173f; Ľubomír Lipták: The political system of the Slovak Republic 1939–1945. In: Erwin Oberländer (Ed.): Authoritarian Regime in East Central and Southeast Europe 1919–1944. Paderborn 2017 [2001], p. 316f.
15. ↑ Thomas Lorman: The Making of Slovak People's Party. Religion, Nationalism and the Culture War in Early 20th-Century Europe. London / New York 2019, p. 196.
16. ^ Yeshayahu A. Jelinek: The Parish Republic: Hlinka's Slovak People's Party 1939–1945. New York / London 1976, p. 21.
17. ↑ Martin Pekár: Štátna ideológia a jej vplyv na character režimu [= The state ideology and its influence on the character of the regime]. In: Martina Fiamová and others: Slovenský štát 1939–1945: Predstavy a reality [= The Slovak State 1939–1945: Ideas and Realities]. Bratislava 2014, pp. 141f.
18. ↑ Anton Hruboň: Slovenský národný socializmus v koncepciách Štefana Polakoviča a Stanislava Mečiara. Dva návrhy posalzburského smerovania prvej Slovenskej republiky [= The Slovak National Socialism in the conceptions of Štefan Polakovič and Stanislav Mečiar. Two proposals for the post-Salzburg orientation of the first Slovak Republic]. In: Anton Hruboň, Juraj Lepiš, Zuzana Tokárová (eds.): Slovensko v rokoch neslobody 1938–1989 II. Osobnosti známe - neznáme [= Slovakia in the years of bondage 1938–1989 II. Acquaintances - unknown personalities]. Bratislava 2014, pp. 20–34, here p. 26. (Slovak); Martin Pekár: Štátna ideológia a jej vplyv na character režimu [= The state ideology and its influence on the character of the regime]. In: Martina Fiamová and others: Slovenský štát 1939–1945: Predstavy a reality [= The Slovak State 1939–1945: Ideas and Realities]. Bratislava 2014, p. 142 f.
19. ↑ Jörg K. Hoensch: Basic features and phases of the German policy on Slovakia in the Second World War. In: ders: Studia Slovaca: Studies on the history of Slovakia and the Slovaks. Munich 2000, p. 259; Yeshayahu A. Jelinek: The Parish Republic: Hlinka's Slovak People's Party 1939–1945. New York / London 1976, p. 34ff.
20. ^ ^{A b} Yeshayahu A. Jelinek: The Parish Republic: Hlinka's Slovak People's Party 1939–1945. New York / London 1976, pp. 26, 38 and 40f; Tatjana Tönsmeyer: The Third Reich and Slovakia 1939-1945. Political everyday life between cooperation and obstinacy. Schöningh Verlag, Paderborn 2003, p. 100f.
21. ^ Yeshayahu A. Jelinek: The Parish Republic: Hlinka's Slovak People's Party 1939–1945. New York / London 1976, p. 38 u. 63ff.
22. ↑ Martin Pekár: Štátna ideológia a jej vplyv na character režimu [= The state ideology and its influence on the character of the regime]. In: Martina Fiamová and others: Slovenský štát 1939–1945: Predstavy a reality [= The Slovak State 1939–1945: Ideas and Realities]. Bratislava 2014, p. 146.
23. ↑ Jörg K. Hoensch: Basic features and phases of the German policy on Slovakia in the Second World War. In: ders: Studia Slovaca: Studies on the history of Slovakia and the Slovaks. Munich 2000, p. 260; Yeshayahu A. Jelinek: The Parish Republic: Hlinka's Slovak People's Party 1939–1945. New York / London 1976, 42f; Tatjana Tönsmeyer: The Third Reich and Slovakia 1939-1945. Political everyday life between cooperation and obstinacy. Paderborn 2003, p. 63f and 68.
24. ↑ Quoted from Anton Hruboň: K problematike ideológie slovenského národného socializmu [= On the problem of the ideology of the Slovak National Socialism]. In: Peter Sokolovič (Ed.): Od Salzburgu do vypuknutia Povstania. Slovenská republika 1939–1945 očami mladých historikov VII [= From Salzburg to the outbreak of the uprising. The Slovak Republic 1939–1945 in the Eyes of Young Historians VII]. Bratislava 2009, p. 19; see also Sabine Witt: Nationalist intellectuals in Slovakia 1918–1945. Cultural practice between sacralization and secularization. Berlin / Munich / Boston 2015, p. 107.
25. ↑ Pekár: Štátna ideológia a jej vplyv na character režimu [= The state ideology and its influence on the character of the regime]. In: Martina Fiamová and others: Slovenský štát 1939–1945: Predstavy a reality [= The Slovak State 1939–1945: Ideas and Realities]. Bratislava 2014, p. 146.
26. ↑ Anton Hruboň: Slovenský národný socializmus v koncepciách Štefana Polakoviča a Stanislava Mečiara. Dva návrhy posalzburského smerovania prvej Slovenskej republiky [= The Slovak National Socialism in the conceptions of Štefan Polakovič and Stanislav Mečiar. Two proposals for the post-Salzburg orientation of the first Slovak Republic]. In: Anton Hruboň, Juraj Lepiš, Zuzana Tokárová (eds.): Slovensko v rokoch neslobody 1938–1989 II. Osobnosti známe - neznáme [= Slovakia in the years of bondage 1938–1989 II. Acquaintances - unknown personalities]. Bratislava 2014, p. 27.
27. ^ ^{A b} Yeshayahu A. Jelinek: The Parish Republic: Hlinka's Slovak People's Party 1939–1945. New York / London 1976, p. 80; Ľubomír Lipták: The political system of the Slovak Republic 1939–1945. In: Erwin Oberländer (Ed.): Authoritarian Regime in East Central and Southeast Europe 1919–1944. Paderborn 2017 [2001], p. 321; Martin Pekár: Štátna ideológia a jej vplyv na character režimu [= The state ideology and its influence on the character of the regime]. In: Martina Fiamová and others: Slovenský štát 1939–1945: Predstavy a reality [= The Slovak State 1939–1945: Ideas and Realities]. Bratislava 2014, pp. 137–152, here p. 146 f; Sabine Witt: Nationalist Intellectuals in Slovakia 1918–1945. Cultural practice between sacralization and secularization. Berlin / Munich / Boston 2015, p. 108.
28. ↑ Slovakian original: "... pričlenenie k mocenskej záujmovej sfére nacionálne socialistického Nemecka nevyžaduje od nás odklon od našej tradičnej politickej línie ani čo sa týka je programu, ani čo sa týka je organiz character režimu [= the state ideology and its influence on the character of the regime]. In: Martina Fiamová and others: Slovenský štát 1939–1945: Predstavy a reality [= The Slovak State 1939–1945: Ideas and Realities]. Bratislava 2014, pp. 137–152, here p. 147.
29. ↑ Tiso's term Ľudové Slovensko is translated by Ľubomír Lipták with the term “People's Slovakia”. In English, Yeshayahu A. Jelinek uses the translated term "People's Slovakia", James Mace Ward the term "Populist Slovakia". Tiso himself reproduced the Slovak term in his speech of August 6, 1940 in German as “völkische Slovakia” , cf. Ľubomír Lipták: The political system of the Slovak Republic 1939–1945. In: Erwin Oberländer (Ed.): Authoritarian Regime in East Central and Southeast Europe 1919–1944. Paderborn 2017 [2001], pp. 316–323; Yeshayahu A. Jelinek: The Parish Republic: Hlinka's Slovak People's Party 1939–1945. New York / London 1976, p. 70; James Mace Ward: Priest, Politician, Collaborator: Jozef Tiso and the Making of Fascist Slovakia. Ithaca / London 2013, p. 219, Martin Pekár: Štátna ideológia a jej vplyv na character režimu [= The state ideology and its influence on the character of the regime]. In: Martina Fiamová and others: Slovenský štát 1939–1945: Predstavy a reality [= The Slovak State 1939–1945: Ideas and Realities]. Bratislava 2014, pp. 137–152, here p. 146 f.
30. ^ Yeshayahu A. Jelinek: The Parish Republic: Hlinka's Slovak People's Party 1939–1945. New York / London 1976, p. 80 ff; Ľubomír Lipták: The political system of the Slovak Republic 1939–1945. In: Erwin Oberländer (Ed.): Authoritarian Regime in East Central and Southeast Europe 1919–1944. Paderborn 2017 [2001], 321f.
31. ^ Ľubomír Lipták: The political system of the Slovak Republic 1939–1945. In: Erwin Oberländer (Ed.): Authoritarian Regime in East Central and Southeast Europe 1919–1944. Paderborn 2017 [2001], 321f.
32. ^ Yeshayahu A. Jelinek: The Parish Republic: Hlinka's Slovak People's Party 1939–1945. New York / London 1976, p. 83 f; Ľubomír Lipták: The political system of the Slovak Republic 1939–1945. In: Erwin Oberländer (Ed.): Authoritarian Regime in East Central and Southeast Europe 1919–1944. Paderborn 2017 [2001], p. 321.
33. ↑ Martin Pekár: Štátna ideológia a jej vplyv na character režimu [= The state ideology and its influence on the character of the regime]. In: Martina Fiamová and others: Slovenský štát 1939–1945: Predstavy a reality [= The Slovak State 1939–1945: Ideas and Realities]. Bratislava 2014, pp. 137–152, here p. 145.
34. ^ Ľubomír Lipták: The political system of the Slovak Republic 1939–1945. In: Erwin Oberländer (Ed.): Authoritarian Regime in East Central and Southeast Europe 1919–1944. Paderborn 2017 [2001], p. 321; Tatjana Tönsmeyer: The Third Reich and Slovakia 1939-1945. Political everyday life between cooperation and obstinacy. Paderborn 2003, p. 181f.
35. ↑ Anton Hruboň: K problematike ideology slovenského národného socializmu [= On the problem of the ideology of the Slovak National Socialism]. In: Peter Sokolovič (Ed.): Od Salzburgu do vypuknutia Povstania. Slovenská republika 1939–1945 očami mladých historikov VII [= From Salzburg to the outbreak of the uprising. The Slovak Republic 1939–1945 in the Eyes of Young Historians VII]. Bratislava 2009, p. 22; James Mace Ward: Priest, Politician, Collaborator: Jozef Tiso and the Making of Fascist Slovakia. Ithaca / London 2013, p. 219.
36. ↑ Anton Hruboň: K problematike ideology slovenského národného socializmu [= On the problem of the ideology of the Slovak National Socialism]. In: Peter Sokolovič (Ed.): Od Salzburgu do vypuknutia Povstania. Slovenská republika 1939–1945 očami mladých historikov VII [= From Salzburg to the outbreak of the uprising. The Slovak Republic 1939–1945 in the Eyes of Young Historians VII]. Bratislava 2009, p. 26; Anton Hruboň: Slovenský národný socializmus v koncepciách Štefana Polakoviča a Stanislava Mečiara. Dva návrhy posalzburského smerovania prvej Slovenskej republiky [= The Slovak National Socialism in the conceptions of Štefan Polakovič and Stanislav Mečiar. Two proposals for the post-Salzburg orientation of the first Slovak Republic]. In: Anton Hruboň, Juraj Lepiš, Zuzana Tokárová (eds.): Slovensko v rokoch neslobody 1938–1989 II. Osobnosti známe - neznáme [= Slovakia in the years of bondage 1938–1989 II. Acquaintances - unknown personalities]. Bratislava 2014, p. 24f.
37. ↑ Anton Hruboň: Slovenský národný socializmus v koncepciách Štefana Polakoviča a Stanislava Mečiara. Dva návrhy posalzburského smerovania prvej Slovenskej republiky [= The Slovak National Socialism in the conceptions of Štefan Polakovič and Stanislav Mečiar. Two proposals for the post-Salzburg orientation of the first Slovak Republic]. In: Anton Hruboň, Juraj Lepiš, Zuzana Tokárová (eds.): Slovensko v rokoch neslobody 1938–1989 II. Osobnosti známe - neznáme [= Slovakia in the years of bondage 1938–1989 II. Acquaintances - unknown personalities]. Bratislava 2014, p. 27.
38. ↑ Martin Pekár: Štátna ideológia a jej vplyv na character režimu [= The state ideology and its influence on the character of the regime]. In: Martina Fiamová and others: Slovenský štát 1939–1945: Predstavy a reality [= The Slovak State 1939–1945: Ideas and Realities]. Bratislava 2014, p. 145.
39. ↑ ^{a b c} Anton Hruboň: Slovenský národný socializmus v koncepciách Štefana Polakoviča a Stanislava Mečiara. Dva návrhy posalzburského smerovania prvej Slovenskej republiky [= The Slovak National Socialism in the conceptions of Štefan Polakovič and Stanislav Mečiar. Two proposals for the post-Salzburg orientation of the first Slovak Republic]. In: Anton Hruboň, Juraj Lepiš, Zuzana Tokárová (eds.): Slovensko v rokoch neslobody 1938–1989 II. Osobnosti známe - neznáme [= Slovakia in the years of bondage 1938–1989 II. Acquaintances - unknown personalities]. Bratislava 2014, p. 28.
40. ↑ Anton Hruboň: Slovenský národný socializmus v koncepciách Štefana Polakoviča a Stanislava Mečiara. Dva návrhy posalzburského smerovania prvej Slovenskej republiky [= The Slovak National Socialism in the conceptions of Štefan Polakovič and Stanislav Mečiar. Two proposals for the post-Salzburg orientation of the first Slovak Republic]. In: Anton Hruboň, Juraj Lepiš, Zuzana Tokárová (eds.): Slovensko v rokoch neslobody 1938–1989 II. Osobnosti známe - neznáme [= Slovakia in the years of bondage 1938–1989 II. Acquaintances - unknown personalities]. Bratislava 2014, p. 30f.
41. ↑ Anton Hruboň: Slovenský národný socializmus v koncepciách Štefana Polakoviča a Stanislava Mečiara. Dva návrhy posalzburského smerovania prvej Slovenskej republiky [= The Slovak National Socialism in the conceptions of Štefan Polakovič and Stanislav Mečiar. Two proposals for the post-Salzburg orientation of the first Slovak Republic]. In: Anton Hruboň, Juraj Lepiš, Zuzana Tokárová (eds.): Slovensko v rokoch neslobody 1938–1989 II. Osobnosti známe - neznáme [= Slovakia in the years of bondage 1938–1989 II. Acquaintances - unknown personalities]. Bratislava 2014, p. 34.
42. ↑ Anton Hruboň: Slovenský národný socializmus v koncepciách Štefana Polakoviča a Stanislava Mečiara. Dva návrhy posalzburského smerovania prvej Slovenskej republiky [= The Slovak National Socialism in the conceptions of Štefan Polakovič and Stanislav Mečiar. Two proposals for the post-Salzburg orientation of the first Slovak Republic]. In: Anton Hruboň, Juraj Lepiš, Zuzana Tokárová (eds.): Slovensko v rokoch neslobody 1938–1989 II. Osobnosti známe - neznáme [= Slovakia in the years of bondage 1938–1989 II. Acquaintances - unknown personalities]. Bratislava 2014, p. 28f.
43. ↑ Anton Hruboň: Slovenský národný socializmus v koncepciách Štefana Polakoviča a Stanislava Mečiara. Dva návrhy posalzburského smerovania prvej Slovenskej republiky [= The Slovak National Socialism in the conceptions of Štefan Polakovič and Stanislav Mečiar. Two proposals for the post-Salzburg orientation of the first Slovak Republic]. In: Anton Hruboň, Juraj Lepiš, Zuzana Tokárová (eds.): Slovensko v rokoch neslobody 1938–1989 II. Osobnosti známe - neznáme [= Slovakia in the years of bondage 1938–1989 II. Acquaintances - unknown personalities]. Bratislava 2014, p. 29; Sabine Witt: Nationalist Intellectuals in Slovakia 1918–1945. Cultural practice between sacralization and secularization. Berlin / Munich / Boston 2015, p. 287.
44. ↑ Anton Hruboň: Slovenský národný socializmus v koncepciách Štefana Polakoviča a Stanislava Mečiara. Dva návrhy posalzburského smerovania prvej Slovenskej republiky [= The Slovak National Socialism in the conceptions of Štefan Polakovič and Stanislav Mečiar. Two proposals for the post-Salzburg orientation of the first Slovak Republic]. In: Anton Hruboň, Juraj Lepiš, Zuzana Tokárová (eds.): Slovensko v rokoch neslobody 1938–1989 II. Osobnosti známe - neznáme [= Slovakia in the years of bondage 1938–1989 II. Acquaintances - unknown personalities]. Bratislava 2014, p. 29f; Yeshayahu A. Jelinek: The Parish Republic: Hlinka's Slovak People's Party 1939–1945. New York / London 1976, p. 81 f.
45. ^ Yeshayahu A. Jelinek: The Parish Republic: Hlinka's Slovak People's Party 1939–1945. New York / London 1976, p. 82.
46. ↑ Martin Pekár: Štátna ideológia a jej vplyv na character režimu [= The state ideology and its influence on the character of the regime]. In: Martina Fiamová and others: Slovenský štát 1939–1945: Predstavy a reality [= The Slovak State 1939–1945: Ideas and Realities]. Bratislava 2014, p. 147.
47. ^ Sabine Witt: Nationalist intellectuals in Slovakia 1918–1945. Cultural practice between sacralization and secularization. Berlin / Munich / Boston 2015, p. 146f.
48. ↑ Anton Hruboň: Slovenský národný socializmus v koncepciách Štefana Polakoviča a Stanislava Mečiara. Dva návrhy posalzburského smerovania prvej Slovenskej republiky [= The Slovak National Socialism in the conceptions of Štefan Polakovič and Stanislav Mečiar. Two proposals for the post-Salzburg orientation of the first Slovak Republic]. In: Anton Hruboň, Juraj Lepiš, Zuzana Tokárová (eds.): Slovensko v rokoch neslobody 1938–1989 II. Osobnosti známe - neznáme [= Slovakia in the years of bondage 1938–1989 II. Acquaintances - unknown personalities]. Bratislava 2014, p. 33.
49. ↑ Anton Hruboň: Slovenský národný socializmus v koncepciách Štefana Polakoviča a Stanislava Mečiara. Dva návrhy posalzburského smerovania prvej Slovenskej republiky [= The Slovak National Socialism in the conceptions of Štefan Polakovič and Stanislav Mečiar. Two proposals for the post-Salzburg orientation of the first Slovak Republic]. In: Anton Hruboň, Juraj Lepiš, Zuzana Tokárová (eds.): Slovensko v rokoch neslobody 1938–1989 II. Osobnosti známe - neznáme [= Slovakia in the years of bondage 1938–1989 II. Acquaintances - unknown personalities]. Bratislava 2014, p. 32.
50. ↑ ^{a b} Anton Hruboň: Slovenský národný socializmus v koncepciách Štefana Polakoviča a Stanislava Mečiara. Dva návrhy posalzburského smerovania prvej Slovenskej republiky [= The Slovak National Socialism in the conceptions of Štefan Polakovič and Stanislav Mečiar. Two proposals for the post-Salzburg orientation of the first Slovak Republic]. In: Anton Hruboň, Juraj Lepiš, Zuzana Tokárová (eds.): Slovensko v rokoch neslobody 1938–1989 II. Osobnosti známe - neznáme [= Slovakia in the years of bondage 1938–1989 II. Acquaintances - unknown personalities]. Bratislava 2014, p. 32f; Martin Pekár: Štátna ideológia a jej vplyv na character režimu [= The state ideology and its influence on the character of the regime]. In: Martina Fiamová and others: Slovenský štát 1939–1945: Predstavy a reality [= The Slovak State 1939–1945: Ideas and Realities]. Bratislava 2014, p. 147f.
51. ^ Sabine Witt: Nationalist intellectuals in Slovakia 1918–1945. Cultural practice between sacralization and secularization. Berlin / Munich / Boston 2015, p. 108.
52. ↑ Jörg K. Hoensch: Basic features and phases of the German Slovakia policy in the Second World War. In: Hans Lemberg et al. (Ed.): Studia Slovaca. Studies on the history of the Slovaks and Slovakia. Munich 2000 [Essen 1994], pp. 249-280, here p. 103; Yeshayahu A. Jelinek: The Parish Republic: Hlinka's Slovak People's Party 1939–1945. New York / London 1976, pp. 93f; Ľubomír Lipták: The political system of the Slovak Republic 1939–1945. In: Erwin Oberländer (Ed.): Authoritarian Regime in East Central and Southeast Europe 1919–1944. Paderborn 2017 [2001], p. 309f; Tatjana Tönsmeyer: The Third Reich and Slovakia 1939-1945. Political everyday life between cooperation and obstinacy. Paderborn 2003, p. 103.
53. ↑ Anton Hruboň: K problematike ideology slovenského národného socializmu [= On the problem of the ideology of the Slovak National Socialism]. In: Peter Sokolovič (Ed.): Od Salzburgu do vypuknutia Povstania. Slovenská republika 1939–1945 očami mladých historikov VII [= From Salzburg to the outbreak of the uprising. The Slovak Republic 1939–1945 in the Eyes of Young Historians VII]. Bratislava 2009, p. 30.
54. ^ Yeshayahu A. Jelinek: The Parish Republic: Hlinka's Slovak People's Party 1939–1945. New York / London 1976, p. 96.
55. ↑ ^{a b} Jörg K. Hoensch: Basic features and phases of the German Slovakia policy in the Second World War. In: Hans Lemberg et al. (Ed.): Studia Slovaca. Studies on the history of the Slovaks and Slovakia. Munich 2000 [Essen 1994], pp. 249-280, here p. 268.
56. ↑ Martin Pekár: Štátna ideológia a jej vplyv na character režimu [= The state ideology and its influence on the character of the regime]. In: Martina Fiamová and others: Slovenský štát 1939–1945: Predstavy a reality [= The Slovak State 1939–1945: Ideas and Realities]. Bratislava 2014, p. 151.
57. ^ Yeshayahu A. Jelinek: The Parish Republic: Hlinka's Slovak People's Party 1939–1945. New York / London 1976, pp. 87 f.
58. ↑ Anton Hruboň: K problematike ideology slovenského národného socializmu [= On the problem of the ideology of the Slovak National Socialism]. In: Peter Sokolovič (Ed.): Od Salzburgu do vypuknutia Povstania. Slovenská republika 1939–1945 očami mladých historikov VII [= From Salzburg to the outbreak of the uprising. The Slovak Republic 1939–1945 in the Eyes of Young Historians VII]. Bratislava 2009, p. 30; Yeshayahu A. Jelinek: The Parish Republic: Hlinka's Slovak People's Party 1939–1945. New York / London 1976, pp. 59f; Ľubomír Lipták: The political system of the Slovak Republic 1939–1945. In: Erwin Oberländer (Ed.): Authoritarian Regime in East Central and Southeast Europe 1919–1944. Paderborn 2017 [2001], p. 320; Tatjana Tönsmeyer: The Third Reich and Slovakia 1939-1945. Political everyday life between cooperation and obstinacy. Paderborn 2003, p. 186ff.
59. ↑ Tatjana Tönsmeyer: The Third Reich and Slovakia 1939-1945. Political everyday life between cooperation and obstinacy. Paderborn 2003, p. 178.
60. ^ Yeshayahu A. Jelinek: The Parish Republic: Hlinka's Slovak People's Party 1939–1945. New York / London 1976, pp. 59f; Ľubomír Lipták: The political system of the Slovak Republic 1939–1945. In: Erwin Oberländer (Ed.): Authoritarian Regime in East Central and Southeast Europe 1919–1944. Paderborn 2017 [2001], p. 320; Tatjana Tönsmeyer: The Third Reich and Slovakia 1939-1945. Political everyday life between cooperation and obstinacy. Paderborn 2003, p. 186ff.
61. ↑ Ivan Kamenec: Slovenský štát v obrazoch [= The Slovak government in pictures]. Prague 2008, p. 138.
62. ↑ Ivan Kamenec: Slovenský štát v obrazoch [= The Slovak government in pictures]. Prague 2008, pp. 138f.
63. ^ Yeshayahu A. Jelinek: The Parish Republic: Hlinka's Slovak People's Party 1939–1945. New York / London 1976, p. 91; Ľubomír Lipták: The political system of the Slovak Republic 1939–1945. In: Erwin Oberländer (Ed.): Authoritarian Regime in East Central and Southeast Europe 1919–1944. Paderborn 2017 [2001], p. 324; Jan Rychlík: Slovakia. In: David Stahel (Ed.): Joining Hitler's Crusade: European Nations and the Invasion of the Soviet Union Cambridge / New York 2018, p. 115f; Tatjana Tönsmeyer: The Third Reich and Slovakia 1939-1945. Political everyday life between cooperation and obstinacy. Paderborn 2003, p. 127.
64. ↑ Ivan Kamenec: Slovenský štát v obrazoch [= The Slovak government in pictures]. Prague 2008, pp. 139-141.
65. ↑ Ladislav Lipscher: The Jews in the Slovak State 1939-1945. Munich / Vienna 1980, p. 55f.
66. ↑ Ladislav Lipscher: The Jews in the Slovak State 1939-1945. Munich / Vienna 1980, p. 56.
67. ^ Ivan Kamenec: On the Trail of Tragedy: The Holocaust in Slovakia. Bratislava 2007, p. 111.
68. ^ Ľubomír Lipták: The political system of the Slovak Republic 1939–1945. In: Erwin Oberländer (Ed.): Authoritarian Regime in East Central and Southeast Europe 1919–1944. Paderborn 2017 [2001], p. 314; Tatjana Tönsmeyer: The Third Reich and Slovakia 1939-1945. Political everyday life between cooperation and obstinacy. Paderborn 2003, p. 137f.
69. ↑ Jörg K. Hoensch: Basic features and phases of the German policy on Slovakia in the Second World War. In: ders: Studia Slovaca: Studies on the history of Slovakia and the Slovaks. Munich 2000, p. 272.
70. ↑ Jörg K. Hoensch: Basic features and phases of the German policy on Slovakia in the Second World War. In: ders: Studia Slovaca: Studies on the history of Slovakia and the Slovaks. Munich 2000, pp. 272f.
71. ^ Ivan Kamenec: On the Trail of Tragedy: The Holocaust in Slovakia. Bratislava 2007, p. 112.
72. ^ Ľubomír Lipták: The political system of the Slovak Republic 1939–1945. In: Erwin Oberländer (Ed.): Authoritarian Regime in East Central and Southeast Europe 1919–1944. Paderborn 2017 [2001], p. 315.
73. ↑ Document VEJ 13/38 In: u Mariana Hausleitner. a. (Ed.): The persecution and murder of European Jews by National Socialist Germany 1933–1945 (collection of sources), Volume 13: Slovakia, Romania and Bulgaria . Berlin 2018, ISBN 978-3-11-036500-9 , pp. 183–188 / Ladislav Lipscher: The Jews in the Slovak State 1939–1945. Munich / Vienna 1980, p. 79; Ľubomír Lipták: The political system of the Slovak Republic 1939–1945. In: Erwin Oberländer (Ed.): Authoritarian Regime in East Central and Southeast Europe 1919–1944. Paderborn 2017 [2001], p. 315.
74. ^ Ivan Kamenec: On the Trail of Tragedy: The Holocaust in Slovakia. Bratislava 2007, p. 161.
75. ^ Ivan Kamenec: On the Trail of Tragedy: The Holocaust in Slovakia. Bratislava 2007, p. 162; Ladislav Lipscher: The Jews in the Slovak State 1939–1945. Munich / Vienna 1980, p. 80.
76. ↑ Jörg K. Hoensch: Basic features and phases of the German policy on Slovakia in the Second World War. In: ders: Studia Slovaca: Studies on the history of Slovakia and the Slovaks. Munich 2000, p. 273; Ľubomír Lipták: The political system of the Slovak Republic 1939–1945. In: Erwin Oberländer (Ed.): Authoritarian Regime in East Central and Southeast Europe 1919–1944. Paderborn 2017 [2001], p. 315.
77. ↑ Jörg K. Hoensch: Basic features and phases of the German policy on Slovakia in the Second World War. In: ders: Studia Slovaca: Studies on the history of Slovakia and the Slovaks. Munich 2000, p. 273f; Ladislav Lipscher: The Jews in the Slovak State 1939–1945. Munich / Vienna 1980, p. 129 u. 178f; Ľubomír Lipták: The political system of the Slovak Republic 1939–1945. In: Erwin Oberländer (Ed.): Authoritarian Regime in East Central and Southeast Europe 1919–1944. Paderborn 2017 [2001], p. 315f.
78. ^ Tatjana Tönsmeyer: The Third Reich and Slovakia. Political everyday life between cooperation and obstinacy. Paderborn 2003, p. 97.
79. ^ Roger Griffin: The Nature of Fascism. London / New York 1993, p. 131 and 240.
80. ^ Sabine Witt: Nationalist intellectuals in Slovakia 1918–1945. Cultural practice between sacralization and secularization. Berlin / Munich / Boston 2015, p. 143 a. 228
81. ^ Jan Rychlík: Slovakia. In: David Stahel (Ed.): Joining Hitler's Crusade: European Nations and the Invasion of the Soviet Union. Cambridge / New York 2018, p. 115.
82. ^ Yeshayahu A. Jelinek: The Parish Republic: Hlinka's Slovak People's Party 1939–1945. New York / London 1976, p. 90 and 134f.
83. ^ Yeshayahu A. Jelinek: The Parish Republic: Hlinka's Slovak People's Party 1939–1945. New York / London 1976, p. 63.
84. ^ Yeshayahu A. Jelinek: The Parish Republic: Hlinka's Slovak People's Party 1939–1945. New York / London 1976, pp. 64, 96 and 133.
85. ↑ On Jelinek's earlier conclusion, see Yeshayahu A. Jelinek: The Parish Republic: Hlinka's Slovak People's Party 1939–1945. New York / London 1976, p. 134 f; for more recent research and the application of the term “clerical fascism” to the Slovak regime, cf. Tatjana Tönsmeyer: The Third Reich and Slovakia 1939-1945. Political everyday life between cooperation and obstinacy. Paderborn 2003, p. 96; Miroslav Szabó: "For God and Nation": Catholicism and the Far-Right in the Central European Context (1918–1945). In: Historický časopis. Volume 66, No. 5, 2018, pp. 885-900, here p. 892 f.
86. ^ Ľubomír Lipták: The political system of the Slovak Republic 1939–1945. In: Erwin Oberländer (Ed.): Authoritarian Regime in East Central and Southeast Europe 1919–1944. Paderborn 2017 [2001], p. 323.
87. ↑ ^{a b} Ľubomír Lipták: The political system of the Slovak Republic 1939–1945. In: Erwin Oberländer (Ed.): Authoritarian Regime in East Central and Southeast Europe 1919–1944. Paderborn 2017 [2001], p. 323.
88. ↑ Anton Hruboň: K problematike ideology slovenského národného socializmu [= On the problem of the ideology of the Slovak National Socialism]. In: Peter Sokolovič (Ed.): Od Salzburgu do vypuknutia Povstania. Slovenská republika 1939–1945 očami mladých historikov VII [= From Salzburg to the outbreak of the uprising. The Slovak Republic 1939–1945 in the Eyes of Young Historians VII]. Bratislava 2009, pp. 20f.
89. ↑ Anton Hruboň: K problematike ideology slovenského národného socializmu [= On the problem of the ideology of the Slovak National Socialism]. In: Peter Sokolovič (Ed.): Od Salzburgu do vypuknutia Povstania. Slovenská republika 1939–1945 očami mladých historikov VII [= From Salzburg to the outbreak of the uprising. The Slovak Republic 1939–1945 in the Eyes of Young Historians VII]. Bratislava 2009, p. 21.
90. ↑ Anton Hruboň: Slovenský národný socializmus v koncepciách Štefana Polakoviča a Stanislava Mečiara. Dva návrhy posalzburského smerovania prvej Slovenskej republiky [= The Slovak National Socialism in the conceptions of Štefan Polakovič and Stanislav Mečiar. Two proposals for the post-Salzburg orientation of the first Slovak Republic]. In: Anton Hruboň, Juraj Lepiš, Zuzana Tokárová (eds.): Slovensko v rokoch neslobody 1938–1989 II. Osobnosti známe - neznáme [= Slovakia in the years of bondage 1938–1989 II. Acquaintances - unknown personalities]. Bratislava 2014, p. 30.
91. ↑ Anton Hruboň: Slovenský národný socializmus v koncepciách Štefana Polakoviča a Stanislava Mečiara. Dva návrhy posalzburského smerovania prvej Slovenskej republiky [= The Slovak National Socialism in the conceptions of Štefan Polakovič and Stanislav Mečiar. Two proposals for the post-Salzburg orientation of the first Slovak Republic]. In: Anton Hruboň, Juraj Lepiš, Zuzana Tokárová (eds.): Slovensko v rokoch neslobody 1938–1989 II. Osobnosti známe - neznáme [= Slovakia in the years of bondage 1938–1989 II. Acquaintances - unknown personalities]. Bratislava 2014, p. 34.
92. ↑ Anton Hruboň: K problematike ideology slovenského národného socializmu [= On the problem of the ideology of the Slovak national socialism]. In: Peter Sokolovič (Ed.): Od Salzburgu do vypuknutia Povstania. Slovenská republika 1939–1945 očami mladých historikov VII [= From Salzburg to the outbreak of the uprising. The Slovak Republic 1939–1945 in the Eyes of Young Historians VII]. Bratislava 2009, p. 21; Anton Hruboň: Slovenský národný socializmus v koncepciách Štefana Polakoviča a Stanislava Mečiara. Dva návrhy posalzburského smerovania prvej Slovenskej republiky [= The Slovak National Socialism in the conceptions of Štefan Polakovič and Stanislav Mečiar. Two proposals for the post-Salzburg orientation of the first Slovak Republic]. In: Anton Hruboň, Juraj Lepiš, Zuzana Tokárová (eds.): Slovensko v rokoch neslobody 1938–1989 II. Osobnosti známe - neznáme [= Slovakia in the years of bondage 1938–1989 II. Acquaintances - unknown personalities]. Bratislava 2014, p. 30.
93. ↑ Anton Hruboň: K problematike ideology slovenského národného socializmu [= On the problem of the ideology of the Slovak National Socialism]. In: Peter Sokolovič (Ed.): Od Salzburgu do vypuknutia Povstania. Slovenská republika 1939–1945 očami mladých historikov VII [= From Salzburg to the outbreak of the uprising. The Slovak Republic 1939–1945 in the Eyes of Young Historians VII]. Bratislava 2009, p. 29; Anton Hruboň: Slovenský národný socializmus v koncepciách Štefana Polakoviča a Stanislava Mečiara. Dva návrhy posalzburského smerovania prvej Slovenskej republiky [= The Slovak National Socialism in the conceptions of Štefan Polakovič and Stanislav Mečiar. Two proposals for the post-Salzburg orientation of the first Slovak Republic]. In: Anton Hruboň, Juraj Lepiš, Zuzana Tokárová (eds.): Slovensko v rokoch neslobody 1938–1989 II. Osobnosti známe - neznáme [= Slovakia in the years of bondage 1938–1989 II. Acquaintances - unknown personalities]. Bratislava 2014, p. 34.
94. ↑ Martin Pekár: Štátna ideológia a jej vplyv na character režimu [= The state ideology and its influence on the character of the regime]. In: Martina Fiamová and others: Slovenský štát 1939–1945: Predstavy a reality [= The Slovak State 1939–1945: Ideas and Realities]. Bratislava 2014, p. 150f.
95. ↑ Martin Pekár: Štátna ideológia a jej vplyv na character režimu [= The state ideology and its influence on the character of the regime]. In: Martina Fiamová and others: Slovenský štát 1939–1945: Predstavy a reality [= The Slovak State 1939–1945: Ideas and Realities]. Bratislava 2014, p. 151.
96. ↑ See Jakub Drábik: Fašizmus [= fascism]. Bratislava 2019, p. 466 f. (Slovak)
97. ↑ ^{a b} Jakub Drábik: Fašizmus [= fascism]. Bratislava 2019, p. 467. (Slovak)
98. ↑ Yeshajahu A. Jelinek: The Ludak Exile, the Neo-Ludaks and the revival of anti-Semitism in Slovakia. In: Ján. Hančil, Michael Chase (Ed.): Anti-Semitism in Post-Totalitarian Europe. Prague 1993, pp. 151–165, here p. 151 ff.
99. ↑ Anton Hruboň: Slovenský národný socializmus v koncepciách Štefana Polakoviča a Stanislava Mečiara. Dva návrhy posalzburského smerovania prvej Slovenskej republiky [= The Slovak National Socialism in the conceptions of Štefan Polakovič and Stanislav Mečiar. Two proposals for the post-Salzburg orientation of the first Slovak Republic]. In: Anton Hruboň, Juraj Lepiš, Zuzana Tokárová (eds.): Slovensko v rokoch neslobody 1938–1989 II. Osobnosti známe - neznáme [= Slovakia in the years of bondage 1938–1989 II. Acquaintances - unknown personalities]. Bratislava 2014, pp. 20–34, here p. 24 and 30. (Slovak)
100. ↑ Yeshajahu A. Jelinek: The Ludak Exile, the Neo-Ludaks and the revival of anti-Semitism in Slovakia. In: Ján. Hančil, Michael Chase (Ed.): Anti-Semitism in Post-Totalitarian Europe. Prague 1993, p. 151-165, here p. 152 f u. 155 ff.
101. ↑ Yeshajahu A. Jelinek: The Ludak Exile, the Neo-Ludaks and the revival of anti-Semitism in Slovakia. In: Ján. Hančil, Michael Chase (Ed.): Anti-Semitism in Post-Totalitarian Europe. Prague 1993, pp. 151-165, here p. 156.
102. ↑ Yeshajahu A. Jelinek: The Ludak Exile, the Neo-Ludaks and the revival of anti-Semitism in Slovakia. In: Ján. Hančil, Michael Chase (Ed.): Anti-Semitism in Post-Totalitarian Europe. Prague 1993, pp. 151-165, here pp. 155 ff.
103. ↑ Yeshajahu A. Jelinek: The Ludak Exile, the Neo-Ludaks and the revival of anti-Semitism in Slovakia. In: Ján. Hančil, Michael Chase (Ed.): Anti-Semitism in Post-Totalitarian Europe. Prague 1993, pp. 151-165, here pp. 155 ff. And 158 ff.
104. ↑ Yeshajahu A. Jelinek: The Ludak Exile, the Neo-Ludaks and the revival of anti-Semitism in Slovakia. In: Ján. Hančil, Michael Chase (Ed.): Anti-Semitism in Post-Totalitarian Europe. Prague 1993, pp. 151-165, here p. 161.
105. ↑ Tatjana Tönsmeyer: The Third Reich and Slovakia 1939-1945. Political everyday life between cooperation and obstinacy. Paderborn 2003, p. 17; Sabine Witt: Nationalist Intellectuals in Slovakia 1918–1945. Cultural practice between sacralization and secularization. Berlin / Munich / Boston 2015, p. 16 f.
106. ↑ Anton Hruboň: K problematike ideology slovenského národného socializmu [= On the problem of the ideology of the Slovak National Socialism]. In: Peter Sokolovič (Ed.): Od Salzburgu do vypuknutia Povstania. Slovenská republika 1939–1945 očami mladých historikov VII [= From Salzburg to the outbreak of the uprising. The Slovak Republic 1939–1945 in the Eyes of Young Historians VII]. Bratislava 2009, pp. 18–30, here p. 27. (Slovak)
107. ↑ Jakub Drábik: Fašizmus [= fascism]. Bratislava 2019, p. 542 u. 544 f. (Slovak)
108. ↑ ^{a b} Jakub Drábik: Fašizmus [= fascism]. Bratislava 2019, p. 546 ff. (Slovak); Daniel Vražda: Kotleba. o. O. 2020, p. 25 f u. 39 (Slovak)
109. ^ Daniel Vražda: Kotleba. o. O. 2020, p. 40ff. (Slovak)
110. ^ Daniel Vražda: Kotleba. o. O. 2020, p. 56ff. (Slovak)
111. ↑ Jakub Drábik: Fašizmus. Bratislava 2019, p. 553. (Slovak); Karl-Peter Schwarz: Shift to the right in Slovakia: With racist propaganda to an election victory. In: FAZ . November 26, 2013, accessed March 17, 2020; Daniel Vražda: Kotleba. o. O. 2020, pp. 62, 123, 177 and 186. (Slovak)
112. ↑ Jakub Drábik: Fašizmus. Bratislava 2019, p. 559. (Slovak)
113. ^ Karl-Peter Schwarz: Shift to the right in Slovakia: With racist propaganda for an election victory. In: FAZ. November 26, 2013, accessed March 17, 2020; Daniel Vražda: Kotleba. o. O. 2020, p. 137. (Slovak)
114. ^ Daniel Vražda: Kotleba. o. O. 2020, p. 179f. (Slovak)
115. ↑ Jakub Drábik: Fašizmus. Bratislava 2019, p. 559 u. 561. (Slovak)

This article was added to the list of articles worth reading on August 22, 2020 in this version .