Right-wing extremism

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Right-wing extremism is a collective term for fascist , neo-Nazi or chauvinist - nationalist political ideologies and activities. They are based on ethnic affiliation, deny and fight the claim of all people to social and legal equality and represent an anti- pluralistic , anti-democratic and authoritarian understanding of society. Politically, they want to transform the nation-state into an authoritarian “ national community ”. "People" and "Nation ”are defined in a racist or ethno-pluralist way.

Symptoms of such concepts are different right-wing symbols and characters , historical revisionism regarding certain periods, such as for Italian fascism and the Nazi era , Islamophobia open or a " criticism of Islam ," anti-Semitism , xenophobia through to xenophobia and anti-Semitic and / or anti-American conspiracy theories . Organized right-wing extremist acts of violence are referred to as right-wing terrorism .

National state authorities define and treat right-wing extremism differently. Countermeasures include civil and criminal means of militant democracy (→ right-wing extremism in the Federal Republic of Germany , right-wing extremism in Austria , right-wing extremism in Switzerland ).

Neo-Nazi demonstration on April 2, 2005 in Munich


The term contains a content - politically “right-wing” - and a formal component - extremism . Both components are ambiguous and are subject to criticism. The division of the political spectrum into “ right ” and “ left ”, which goes back to the seating arrangement in the French National Assembly of 1789, refers to an indefinite “middle” of society, which has historically been defined in great fluctuations. Positions that were eligible for a majority before 1945 and were considered moderate, such as treaty revisionism in the Weimar Republic , are now considered right-wing extremists.

In addition, the term evaluates something as “extreme (istic)” and thus indirectly defines the political “center” as normality endangered from the “outer edge”. This mostly served to defend the existing order against so defined theories, people, groups and their politics. Therefore, those classified as right-wing extremists rarely use this term to describe themselves, but today mostly as " conservative ", " right-wing conservative " or "national". This makes it more difficult to distinguish from constitutional democratic conservatism and patriotism , which the vague term “right-wing extremism” is supposed to achieve. Political scientists, sociologists and protection of the constitution make the corresponding delimitation by means of more detailed delimitations, which the traditional term does not contain.

Colloquially, the terms “right-wing extremism” and “ right-wing radicalism ” are often equated or not sharply delimited from one another. Brigitte Bailer-Galanda from the Documentation Archive of the Austrian Resistance criticized in 2008:

"Unfortunately, there is also the simultaneous and obviously synonymous use of at least the terms right-wing radicalism and right-wing extremism in the scientific literature, which causes and encourages conceptual confusion even among those interested."

In 1924 the Vossische Zeitung named as right-wing radical "all the groups, federations and associations that call themselves partly nationalist, partly German-social, partly Greater German, partly National Socialist [...]."

Since the 1970s, the German Constitutional Protection Office has used the term "right-wing extremism" for content and activities that are anti- constitutional and against the Free Democratic Basic Order (FDGO), while the term "right-wing radicalism" has been used for political goals in the democratic spectrum that are an expression of legitimate radical criticism of an existing one Social order are understood.

The definition of both terms is (as of 2008) controversial in science and is made more difficult by their historically inconsistent use. The suggestion of some authors to “reserve the attribute extremist for the objects of observation of the constitution protection authorities and to use the term radicalism for the much broader field of social science ” has so far not been successful.

In 2018, the sociologist Wilhelm Heitmeyer proposed the term “authoritarian national radicalism” , since the corresponding phenomena right-wing populism and right-wing extremism aim to destabilize institutions that are important to society.

Key Features

Right-wing extremism is a collective term for ideologies whose common core is the overestimation of ethnic affiliation, the questioning of the equality of all people and an anti-pluralistic and authoritarian understanding of society. The use of conspiracy theories can replace a rational analysis of social grievances. This serves both to relieve and to integrate right-wing extremist groups. In addition, conspiracy theories are used to create historical points of contact with fascism and National Socialism (→ historical revisionism ). The assertion of a "conspiracy of world Jewry " or the connection to conspiracy-theoretical elements of anti-Americanism is often used .

The structural characteristics of right-wing extremism include dogmatism , a sense of mission and a pronounced black and white thinking . In the political style, a latency of violence and acceptance of violence can be recognized, which is expressed above all in verbal attacks on political opponents and those who think differently.


In spite of all other differences, right-wing extremists emphasize a natural belonging of groups of people to a people or nation understood as an ethnicity (unit of descent) or race . The people are so strongly influenced by their biological and cultural origin that no peaceful, equal and self-determined coexistence of different ethnic groups is possible in one state. Society must therefore be unified into a homogeneous “ people's body ”. This goes hand in hand with excessive nationalism and often also racism , i.e. the inflation of one's own people in relation to other ethnicities and nations. To this day, reference is made to racial theories for justification , which are supposed to provide an apparent scientific basis for explaining racist arguments.

Their shape can vary and is usually only vaguely outlined. The "people" is not always clearly defined as "racial", but often circumscribed with an ethnopluralism that emphasizes the peculiarities of the peoples in order to distinguish one's own descent from other peoples and ethnic minorities and to ward off concepts of multiculturalism . Instead of the higher value of one's own nation, this concept partly emphasizes the higher value of one's own culture and derives from this a claim to supremacy. In the older social Darwinism , on the other hand, a compulsion to national self-assertion both internally and externally is postulated.

Inequality of people

Right-wing extremists justify the inferior value and legal status of certain individuals and groups through ethnic, cultural, spiritual and biological differences. This inevitably results in friend-foe attitudes and intolerance towards people of different origins and backgrounds. Xenophobia and xenophobia merge; In most cases, not all foreigners are rejected, but rather specific ethnic, racial and / or culturally alien groups that deviate from their own, usually not precisely defined, norm . A distinction is made between positively assessed (welcome) and negatively assessed (unwelcome) foreigners and the second group is actively excluded.


Right-wing extremists see no possibility of a peaceful coexistence of different interests and views in one state. The social struggles and disagreements are seen as harmful to the community. The cause of social conflicts is seen in the inequality of the people. Therefore pluralistic political institutions should be replaced by authoritarian ones. The constitutional state is seen as an institution that "corrodes" the national community and its foundations, such as parliamentarism , a democratic opposition and the granting of equal basic rights , are delegitimized and / or opposed. Efforts to integrate people of different origins and the concept of a multicultural society are also rejected and defamed as “crimes against one's own people”.


Right-wing extremists want to replace the nation state with an authoritarian national community. An authoritarian understanding of politics based on hierarchical and centralistic structures under the leadership of national “ elites ” is characteristic. An identical will of the people is asserted, so that "freedom" means to submit to it. Individual self-determination and equal opportunities are fought in favor of compulsory social unity. In terms of foreign policy, depending on the particular country situation, this usually results in a policy geared towards demarcation, increasing military and economic power, ethnic “cleansing” and / or territorial expansion.

International scene tendencies

The growing, internationally operating right-wing extremist scene primarily uses the Internet for communication. Joint demonstrations , right-wing rock concerts and events are also organized. The international network plays an important role in the distribution of products with special symbols that are prohibited in some countries. Richard Stöss sees the extent to which right-wing extremists are networked as an important indicator of the potential threat that they pose. A collective identity is created through the idea of ​​belonging to a common race and a common cultural area ( Occident ).

Right-wing extremist networks

In the European Parliament there are attempts a far-right faction build. The Identity, Tradition, Sovereignty parliamentary group existed from January to November 2007. This was preceded by efforts to create a uniform European election platform for the 2004 European elections under the umbrella of the European National Front . A first attempt by right-wing extremists to constitute themselves on a European level was the founding of the Nazi network European Social Movement in 1951 in Malmö (Sweden).

The neo-Nazi Hammerskins were founded in North America and today they have branches in many countries. The Blood and Honor network founded by Ian Stuart Donaldson and his “armed arm” Combat 18 also operate internationally .

Influence on other scenes and subcultures

A relatively constant proportion of the population of modern industrialized countries represents right-wing extremist attitudes, in Germany, according to the SINUS study on right-wing extremism, around 12 to 13 percent. However, there are subcultures in which right-wing extremists prefer to move, express their opinions and views openly and / or try to win new followers. For propaganda purposes, right-wing extremist agitators often seek out protest cultures in which thematic points of contact exist. Only a few scenes, such as Rock Against Communism , are composed entirely of avowed right-wing extremists. In the case of skinheads , they only form a sub-spectrum. Because of the great media attention for it, almost the entire skinhead scene is publicly associated with right-wing extremism. This partly coincides with the strategies of right-wing extremists to co-opt a scene through certain clothing brands, symbols and the imitation of forms of behavior (see also: cross-front strategies) in order to simulate broad social acceptance or at least hegemony .

Hooligans and ultras

Supporters of Karpaty Lviv : SS Galicia banner at the game Karpaty against Zorya. Lviv, Ukraine , 2013

Hooligans are people who stand out for their aggressive behavior , especially in the context of certain sporting events such as football games . They are not only to be distinguished from ordinary fans and ultras , but also from other groups, scenes, and individuals because they cultivate a certain, characteristic type of violence. The first incidents of hooligans date back to the late 19th century. In some cases, the names of the hooligan groups show whether they are politically motivated or not. The police assume that less than 6% of the hooligans are organized, but have far more right-wing extremist attitudes, which suggests, for example, the shouting of racist or xenophobic slogans in stadiums. Many of these hooligans belong to the skinhead scene, some of them also belong to the ultra scene.

In 2008, a right-wing extremist hooligan group, the Blue White Street Elite , was banned by the Ministry of the Interior in Saxony-Anhalt for the first time . The group sued against the ban. After referral back by the Federal Constitutional Court in the appeal proceedings, the ban was lifted in the second legal process by the Higher Administrative Court of Saxony-Anhalt in 2010. The OVG came to the conclusion that the group was not an association within the meaning of the Association Act and that the ban was therefore unlawful (Az. 3 K 380/10).


Since the beginning of the 1980s, various forms of light music have been used more and more as a vehicle for right-wing extremist and neo-Nazi ideas. For this, the term “Rechtsrock” has become established in the German-speaking area, also among the recipients themselves. In English, "RAC" is an abbreviation for Rock Against Communism .

Right-wing extremists and folk esotericism

Black sun

Right-wing esotericism or Völkische Esoterik describes systems of ideas, values ​​and theories that combine esoteric ideas with ethnic or racist ideas and often tie in with ariosophy . The historian and journalist Stefan Meining understands "right esotericism" as a "collective term for ideological directions and practices [...], which are characterized in the most varied of forms by supernatural enlightenment , secret knowledge , group and elite consciousness and in their writings mix anti- enlightenment patterns with crude world conspiracy theses . "


The Externsteine in the Teutoburg Forest , among other things a Germanic place of worship for ethnic groups

Right-wing extremists occasionally use "Nordic" symbols, runes and names as identifiers. Examples of right-wing extremist neo-pagan organizations in Germany are the German Pagan Front (German section of the All-Germanic Pagan Front ) and the Armanen-Orden .

In some right-wing extremist groups, a "Germanic medicine" is propagated, which uses arguments of alternative medicine to advertise allegedly Germanic healing practices. The postulate of a Germanic medicine goes back to the Nazi era (see also: New German healing art ).

Homeland, animal and nature protection

Based on a backward-looking, romanticizing concept of home , neo-Nazis are trying again, in the National Socialist tradition , to focus on nature and homeland protection . Environmental and nature protection is linked with ethnic, racist, Islamophobic and anti-Semitic content, for example through the assertion of an "unmistakable ethnic character and viability ('eternity')". Since the 1980s, the rejection of slaughter has been propagated and linked to anti-Islamic propaganda and anti-Semitism. The magazine Umwelt & Aktiv is regarded as an essential ecological publication of right-wing extremism in Germany .

The importance of protecting nature in the ideology of right-wing extremism, based on National Socialism, should not be overestimated. Nature was a key concept in Nazi ideology, and the period from 1933 to 1945 was a crucial period in the development of nature conservation. He benefited immensely, which is often better known to right-wing extremists than conservationists. The assumed superiority of the "German race" was derived by the National Socialists from a myth that assumed a special relationship to nature for the "Teutons" - and subsequently for the Germans. In doing so, they built on the writing of Cornelius Tacitus De origine et situ Germanorum and assumed that the "Teutons" were an unmixed, "pure-bred" people who were also affected by the inhospitable environment around them - snow, frost, deep forests, wild animals etc. - had been hardened physically and mentally. This is where the supposedly superior properties came from, which they exalted over other peoples and which they developed and genetically passed on over generations. This should justify the "superiority" of the German nation. From this point of view, it was logical that the “German primeval nature” was given a special value and required special protection. As a result, Hermann Göring issued z. B. 1935 the Reich Nature Conservation Act . The farmers as the profession that was most closely connected to the “holy German earth” received special care, such as B. by the Reichserbhofgesetz of 1933.

Right-wing extremists take up the above-mentioned pattern of argumentation in the field of nature and environmental protection almost unbroken. Statements in this context are e.g. B. can be read on the homepage of the NPD in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania under the heading "Responsible Agriculture". Here the peasant class is still heroized. In the artamanic tradition, it is understood as the biological primordial cell of the state, which is to be protected: "The German peasant class is of the greatest importance in economic, folk-biological and cultural terms, which results in the state's duty to protect."

The right-wing extremist party “ The III. Weg “advocates a biologically defined environmental protection that also includes nature conservation. “Environmental protection is homeland security. […] Goal of the party “The III. Path 'is the creation or restoration of an environment worth living in, the preservation and development of the biological substance of the people and the promotion of health. "Under" Preservation and development of the biological substance of the people "not only the environmental media soil, water and air, Flora and fauna understood, but from a right-wing extremist perspective also the “genetic purebred” of humans, animals and plants. This implicitly ties in with the völkisch homeland security of the völkisch movement and the " blood and soil ideology " of National Socialism based on it.

In the perception of right-wing extremists, "alien" animals, mushrooms or plants, so-called neobiota , falsify the reactionary aesthetic notion of "German nature". Industrial agriculture also meets with rejection in these circles because, from a right-wing extremist point of view, the international corporations involved are often suspected to be a “Jewish elite”. Homeland security understood in this way is fundamentally directed against all people who do not correspond to a völkisch-German understanding, since these - according to the right-wing extremist definition - do not fit into the local nature and environment, but change it and thus damage it.

Autonomous nationalists

Autonomous nationalists on NPD demonstration on October 7, 2006 in Nordhausen

Mostly young neo-Nazis from the ranks of the free comradeships call themselves “Autonomous Nationalists” (AN) . This trend has its origin in 1990, when neo-Nazis from the environment of the National Alternative (NA) occupied a house in Berlin-Lichtenberg and thus particularly conspicuously took over a form of action of the left-wing squatter movement. But it was not until around 2002 that they appeared under the name of Autonomous Nationalists and consciously imitated the autonomous movement in their forms of action . In addition to squatting, this includes attracting attention through stickers and spraying , anti-anti- fascist activities and the uniform appearance as a black block at demonstrations. Sometimes black gloves with protectors are worn or demonstratively tucked into the back pockets, which, as in parts of the Autonomous or with hooligans , are to be interpreted as a sign of willingness to use violence.

In the following years individual young neo-Nazis and small groups took over the name and style of the "autonomous nationalists" throughout the Federal Republic of Germany. The aim is to meet the needs of adolescents and young adults with right-wing extremist and neo-Nazi worldviews for a modernized lifestyle and not to correspond to the image of the yesterday and the clichés of the “boot Nazi” and “skinhead”. "Autonomous nationalists" see themselves as deliberate provocateurs of the old Nazis and reject their "black-white-red German foolishness" or "1933 romanticism". The appearance of the right-wing extremist scene at demonstrations and rallies has in the past led to tensions with the NPD, which, as an electoral party, tries to maintain a moderate appearance.

There are also “Autonomous Nationalists” in some other countries, for example in Sweden, where Varenus Luckmann spoke in 2009 as their representative at the Festival of Nations .


Parts of the racist neo-Nazi scene also appear as skinheads

Although Skinhead a collective term for all members of the skinhead culture, a very heterogeneous, teen-dominated subculture that have a common dress code and short to shaved heads. Originally, the skinheads were recruited from supporters of the English working class. At the beginning of the 1980s, more and more so-called naziskins (English), neo-Nazi youths formed in Germany, the USA and England , whose appearance linked to the skinhead movement. These soon shaped the public image of neo-Nazis. Today the term skinhead is often used synonymously with neo-Nazi in public, even in relation to neo-Nazis who do not appear in the habitus of skinheads. This identification was promoted by the mass media, which reported acts of racist violence rather than demonstrations by skinheads against racism. In view of the politically very heterogeneous scene, this equation (skinhead equals Naziskin) is wrong.

Well-known Naziskin groups include Blood and Honor , Combat 18, and the Hammerskins . Some skinheads, mostly opponents of the Naziskins, use the word bonehead for them because they usually appear completely shaved or with very short hair.


Right-wing extremists have been increasingly using the Internet for communication since around 1993. In some constitutional states , including Germany, this is publicly observed and discussed as a problem, especially if the dissemination of right-wing extremist content on the Internet is outside the national criminal law . As in other comparable areas, this abuse has set various social, state and international countermeasures in motion.

Symbols and signs

Supporters of the international right-wing extremist scene use certain symbols and signs to show their sentiments in public. Like all symbols, they are used for quick recognition, i.e. they represent a cross-group and cross-country code.

Right-wing extremists or ultra-nationalist parties in parliaments of European states

List of right-wing extremist parties in the European national parliaments (sorted by election results, as of June 21, 2020, rounded to one decimal place)
country Political party symbol Party leader Votes in%
(last election)
at last election
in parliament
HungaryHungary Hungary Jobbik - Movement for a Better Hungary Arpadflagga hungary.png Jakab Péter.jpg
Péter Jakab
( 2018 )
2. 25 of 199 No
RussiaRussia Russia LDPR Ldpr.svg LDPR Vladimir Zhirinovsky MoscowTass 08-2016.jpg
Vladimir Wolfowitsch Zhirinovsky
( 2016 )
2. 39 of 450 No
TurkeyTurkey Turkey Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi Logo.svg Devlet Bahçeli VOA 2015 (cropped) .jpg
Devlet Bahçeli
( 2018 )
4th 50 of 550 Yes
SlovakiaSlovakia Slovakia Kotlebovci - People's Party Our Slovakia (ĽSNS) Kotleba-ĽSNS New Logo.png Marian Kotleba (portrait) .jpg
Marian Kotleba
( 2020 )
4th 17 of 150 No
PolandPoland Poland Confederation of Freedom and Independence (KON) Janusz Korwin-Mikke Sejm 2016.JPG
Janusz Korwin-Mikke
( 2019 )
5. 11 of 460 No
Cyprus RepublicRepublic of Cyprus Cyprus National Popular Front (ELAM) Image of none.svg
Christos Christou
( 2016 )
8th. 2 of 59 No
UkraineUkraine Ukraine All-Ukrainian Association "Svoboda" Svoboda logo-2.svg Oleh Tyahnybok 2012-10-01.jpg
Oleh Tjahnybok
( 2019 )
7th 1 of 450 No

Country reports

Right-wing extremism is a global phenomenon. In addition to a common core, however, there are different social conditions in different countries, since the term “right” refers to a specific historical context. Particular problems arise with the precise demarcation from religious extremism . In non-democratic countries, however, according to the definition, right-wing extremism cannot be used.


The right-wing extremist worldview , shaped by racist, ethnic, nationalistic and chauvinistic understandings of values, is in contradiction to the Basic Law of the Federal Republic of Germany .

Until the early 1970s, the term “ right-wing radical ” was common for efforts that are now called right-wing extremists. In 1975, the then Interior Minister Werner Maihofer introduced the term extremism in the language used by state authorities in the foreword to the constitution protection report. It was intended to supplement the concept of right and left radicalism that had been used until then , which does not necessarily refer to anti-constitutional attitudes. Today, “right-wing extremism” is used to describe political endeavors on the right edge of the political spectrum, which aim to eliminate the free democratic basic order . Right-wing extremism in Germany is divided into three camps: the parliamentary-oriented parties, the intellectually oriented New Right and the actionist-oriented neo-Nazi and skinhead scene . The heterogeneity can be explained by the history of right-wing extremism in Germany, which began in the 19th century.

In contrast to other European countries, such as Italy or France, no right-wing extremist party was able to establish itself permanently at the state or federal level in the Federal Republic of Germany. Right-wing extremist activities are prosecuted using the instruments of a contentious democracy . The federal and state authorities for the protection of the constitution are concerned with the observation and surveillance of right-wing extremist activities . So currently (2020) the right- wing extremist wing of the AfD under Björn Höcke and Andreas Kalbitz is being monitored by the Office for the Protection of the Constitution. In addition, there are state and often state-sponsored civil society initiatives against right-wing extremism in Germany .

The "right-wing extremism potential (total)" indicates a number of organized and non-organized right-wing extremists of around 32,080 people (2018: 24,100), of which around 13,000 people are classified as violence-oriented by the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution (BfV). According to the Federal Criminal Police Office (BKA), 21,290 crimes were assigned to the phenomenon of "politically motivated crime - right-wing" in 2019.

The Constitutional Protection Report 2019 classifies the following parties as right-wing extremists: NPD , Dierechte and Der III. Way . The following are also observed: the Identitarian Movement Germany , the Junge Nationalisten (JN), the Ring Nationaler Frauen (RNF), the Communal Political Association of the NPD (KPV) and the German Voice Publishing Company (DS Verlag). In the AfD , Der Flügel and Junge Alternative für Deutschland (JA) are classified as suspected cases.

The right-wing extremist Identitarian Movement (IBD) has also appeared since around 2012 , which is mainly described as an offshoot of the French Bloc identitaire and whose membership is estimated at 600 in Germany. Some social networks took action against the members of the IBD and IBÖ in August 2020 and blocked accounts in connection with these organizations. Since then, right-wing extremists have increasingly turned to closed chat groups such as Telegram or Discord .

Latent tendencies towards right-wing extremist positions are also suspected and in some cases observed in other groups. These include the wing of the AfD , small parts of the Bundeswehr and the rest of the public service as well as the Reich citizens and self-administrators .

The new calibration, increase and restructuring of the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution and the Military Counter-Intelligence Service (MAD) , which aims at increased activity to observe the right-wing extremist scene, results from an increase in right-wing extremist crimes and phenomena in connection with the NSU trials , the murder case of Walter Lübcke , the murder and riots in Chemnitz (2018), threats from local politicians, journalists and volunteers, the collection of people on so-called "enemy lists " and the general anti- asylum agitation of the scene.


Jean-Marie Le Pen at the annual Front National meeting to commemorate Jeanne d'Arc in Paris, 2007

In 1968 the Nouvelle Droite began to be constituted in France . The leading protagonist was Alain de Benoist with his theory group GRECE . The Ordre Nouveau (ON) was founded in 1969, and in 1972 it played a key role in the establishment of the Front National (FN). In 1973 the ON was banned.

It was not until 1984 that the FN was able to firmly establish itself as a right-wing extremist party in the French party system. The first electoral successes were based on groups from the traditional middle classes; small business owners, farmers, artisans and some liberal professions were the main voting group. Above all, disappointments about the ruling left-wing coalition helped Jean-Marie Le Pen to mobilize his supporters with neoliberal slogans. During the local elections in 1983, the right managed to make migration a campaign issue. All parties tried to show severity here. The FN achieved its first notable electoral successes; at the same time, racist crime increased dramatically. In the period 1980–1985, 130 racially motivated murders were recorded. Nationwide, the FN received 15 percent of the vote in the mid-1990s and thus reached the same order of magnitude as the RPR (now UMP ) of the former head of state Jacques Chirac . The resigned RPR boss Philippe Séguin and the grandson of General Charles de Gaulle, who had moved to the FN , accused him of “submitting” France to the USA and the EU.

Le Pen, the long-time chairman of the FN, was also controversial in his own party because of numerous scandals. Before the last parliamentary election, FN poster stickers repeatedly fought tangible conflicts with poster stickers of the socialists and the communists . Party leader Le Pen was also convicted for beating a journalist. He cultivated friendships with Gerhard Frey and Wladimir Schirinowski , whom in 1993 he was the first to congratulate on his respectable success.

French political scientists divide the extreme right into the following currents:

  • Nationalistes contre-révolutionnaires , who refer to the tradition of the Catholic monarchy before 1789 and reject the achievements of the French Revolution such as democracy, parliamentarism and secularism , representatives of Catholic traditionalism also have a great influence here.
  • Nationalistes révolutionnaires , on the other hand, see themselves as social revolutionaries and often refer to historical fascism , they reject Christianity and are partly neo-pagan .
  • Other currents are democratic, but authoritarian and national-populist, they are called Bonapartist for historical reasons . The ideas of Charles Maurras , who proposed a hierarchical corporate state to avoid class struggle and held leading positions in the Vichy regime , also had a great influence in these circles .

Representatives of all these groups as well as more moderate nationalists united in the FN.

The strongholds of the FN are Alsace , the former industrial centers in Lorraine and Nord-Pas de Calais , which were marked by economic and social problems, and the southern French regions of Provence-Alpes-Côte d'Azur and Languedoc-Roussillon . In several large cities in the south, including Toulon , the FN appointed the mayor. That is why the predominantly North African immigrants felt threatened. The leaders of the “Charlemagne Hammer Skin” group also came from the south of France.

After the failure in the presidential and parliamentary elections in 2007 , in which candidates from other parties also addressed the issues of immigration, integration and national identity, the FN fell into a crisis that finally ended in January 2011 with the election of Marine Le Pen , the daughter of Party founder, has ended as the new chairman. It stands for an opening of the party towards democracy and secularism and a departure from anti-Semitism and open racism. Instead, it defines the nation in terms of "culture". Since then, the party has kept its distance from right-wing extremist parties such as the British National Party (BNP) or the National Democratic Party of Germany (NPD) and tries to position itself as a center-right force; Her central theme is criticism of Islam and the warning against the "Islamization" of France. The credibility of this turnaround is doubted by experts, however, as many party members hold on to old positions. Tanja Wolf classified the FN in her 2019 typology of right-wing extremist and right-wing populist parties in Europe as a “right-wing populist party with right-wing extremist tendencies”. The National Front was renamed Rassemblement National ("National Collection Movement") in 2018 .

Groups like Renouveau français are even further to the right than the (reformed) FN . This also applies to the Bloc identitaire and the Ligue du Sud , which, like the Lega Nord, combine the rejection of immigration and anti-Islamic racism with the emphasis on regional identities vis-à-vis the central state and, above all, have a certain influence in southern France. The Bloc identitaire was a model for the identity movement in Germany and Austria.

The right-wing extremist and emphatically anti-Zionist movement Égalité et Reconciliation (“Equality and Reconciliation”) of the anti-Semite Alain Soral has also existed since 2007 . He maintains close ties to the comedian Dieudonné M'bala M'bala and the cartoonist Joe Le Corbeau (bourgeois Noël Gérard), who also disseminate anti-Semitic and holocaust-relative content. In doing so, they stand for an opposite course to the Front National, which under Marine Le Pen distanced itself from anti-Semitism and has since presented itself as a friend of Israel and a “protective shield of the Jews”. Also in deliberate opposition to the Islamophobic Front National, Dieudonné and Soral's movement also address young Muslims from the banlieues with their anti-Zionist and conspiracy-theoretical slogans . Dieudonné also maintains relationships with Islamist organizations.

Great Britain

Nick Griffin , Chairman of the British National Party (BNP)

As early as 1945, Oswald Mosley , founder of the Union Movement party, advocated Europe-wide cooperation between right-wing extremist organizations. After the end of the war he tried to build on the successes of the British fascists before 1939 and to give his movement a new mass base. But his efforts failed. Mosley founded the Union Movement party in 1948 (renamed Action Party in 1973), which only officially disbanded in 1994. From this, the League of Saint George, which still exists today, split off in 1974. In 1962 the first openly neo-Nazi organization, the National Socialist Movement (NSM), was founded. In 1967 the neo-fascist British National Front was founded . Here, fed by the strong hooligan and skinhead scene , the " Blood and Honor " movement arose around 1990 , which gathered around the racist band " Skrewdriver ". The "Skrewdriver" singer Ian Stuart Donaldson , who died in 1993, received regular homage at the movement's concerts. The movement has recently been supporting the right-wing British National Party's anti-euro campaign . This numerically strongest right-wing radical organization traditionally has its strongholds in the city centers, but with the support of “Blood and Honor” has been able to expand its field of agitation to include farmers and suburbanites whose fears of falling prices and immigration it seeks to serve. The fight for the inner cities, especially the cities with a high proportion of migrants (these are mostly also the old industrial cities with economic and social problems such as unemployment and crime, Liverpool , Sheffield or Wolverhampton ), on the other hand, was led by the numerically weaker British National Front 1980s is in decline.

The BNP achieved some electoral successes in the 2009 European elections ; since then she has sent two representatives to the European Parliament. The main reasons are disappointment with corruption in the established parties, criticism of the pronounced multiculturalism and fears of "foreign infiltration"; Muslim immigrants from Pakistan or Bangladesh in particular were criticized. Since then, however, the party has lost again in votes, also because other parties raised issues of immigration and integration and the party is considered too radical for middle-class voters due to its partially open racism.

" Combat 18 " (the numbers stand for the 1st and 8th letters in the alphabet, A.H .; translated as "Kampfgruppe Adolf Hitler") takes precedence over migrants in England, Scotland and Wales . The doors of those affected are marked with paint, the houses are attacked with incendiary devices. Explosive attacks are also counted towards Combat 18. Combat 18 is the strongest neo-Nazi movement in Scotland. However , she does not sympathize with the national party there , because supporters of the right-wing extremist scene in Scotland and Northern Ireland are Protestants who pretend to be deeply rooted in England (so-called "unionists"). Although they mostly commit religiously motivated crimes, they often sympathize with the National Socialist ideology and with “Blood and Honor”. On the British Isles, football games are again and again the setting for racist or religiously motivated attacks, with a double-digit number of victims every year. In Scotland, youth players from clubs have been victims of violence. A number of bomb attacks on London gay bars are attributed to the group " International Third Position ", whose shelter in Spain was only found abandoned in November 1999.

Suspected racist attacks by English police officers sparked serious riots, mainly among minority youth , in the cities of Oldham and Leeds in June 2001. Some speakers disagreed, however, that it was a question of race riots; rather, it is about a conflict between young people and the police. Similar attacks by police officers are said to have already occurred repeatedly. This made it possible for representatives of the right-wing extremist parties to win two seats in one of these cities.

The English Defense League is an anti-Islamic organization and small party , where personnel overlap with the violent right-wing extremist scene.


Italy was the first fascist dictatorship in Europe under Benito Mussolini . After the Second World War , the Movimento Sociale Italiano (MSI) party was founded by Giorgio Almirante . She was consistently represented in the Italian parliament, but was never able to participate in power, apart from the support of the short-lived government of Fernando Tambroni (May – July 1960). Their election results were relatively stable at 5–8 percent. Several even more radical splits emerged from the MSI: such as the militant Ordine Nuovo (1954) and the Avanguardia Nazionale (1959). After 1995, the MSI was dissolved and it became the Alleanza Nazionale (AN), which became a national conservative party. Small parties like the Fiamma Tricolore have taken on the neo-fascist legacy . With the exception of a few notable successes, such as the election of right-wing extremist Luca Romagnoli as MEP, these groups are not main actors in the political process. On the other hand, the infiltration of the Italian Ultrà movement by right-wing extremists is quite significant .

The xenophobic statements made by prominent members of the ruling Lega Nord party , some of which are classified as right-wing extremists, caused a sensation, especially abroad . There are also numerous neo-Nazi groups with traditionally good connections to German right-wing extremists, especially in South Tyrol . There have been isolated clashes between Italian and German nationalists in recent years.


In the Netherlands, some political developments came later than elsewhere in motion, because the industrialization came relatively late, and the country has not the First World War took part. Social Democrats were first represented in government in 1939. In the interwar period, left and right-wing extremists each remained below ten percent in the national parliament elections. After the Second World War, denominational parties continued to dominate the political landscape.

The Netherlands has a colonial past and, like Germany, has recruited guest workers. The immigrants are considered to be differently well integrated; Asians are less problematic in this regard than immigrants from the Mediterranean. For a long time, however, immigration was hardly an issue in national politics until, in the 1980s, parties like the Centrumspartij and then the Centrumdemocrats were elected to parliament by Hans Janmaat.

The immigrant issue was first taken up by established politics around 1991, namely by the right-wing liberal Frits Bolkestein ( VVD ). Around 2000 the issue continued to flourish, and in 2002 Pim Fortuyn's electoral roster reached 17% of the vote on the spot. Fortuyn, like the murdered Theo van Gogh, is not to be regarded as a right-wing extremist.

After the murder of the Islam critic van Gogh (2004), riots broke out in which mosques and churches were set on fire. The government under Jan Peter Balkenende has adopted Denmark's more restrictive immigration laws. Right-wing extremism as an anti-democratic movement is rather weak in the Netherlands. The Partij voor de Vrijheid of the Islamic opponent Geert Wilders is classified as right-wing extremist in studies and studies by the Dutch Ministry of the Interior and the Anne Frank Foundation. The Nederlandse Volks-Unie party , founded in 1971 on the German neo-Nazi model, can best be compared with the NPD . She has so far not had any success in elections.


For Poland, nationalism was the ideology that, since the partitions of Poland in the 18th century , had demanded the elimination of foreign rule by Russia, Prussia and Austria, Germany from 1939 to 1945 and the Soviet Union from 1947 to 1989, as well as the establishment of democracy and popular sovereignty, while in Germany it was mainly the ideology of imperialist expansion. Therefore, nationalism is less discredited in Poland than in Western European countries. This fact is often referred to in order to justify why the current disputes between Poland and the EU - whether it is about opening the country to genetic engineering, the role of foreign banks in the Polish financial sector or the unrestricted acquisition of land by foreigners - the insistence of Polish (including social democratic ) politicians on national interests should not be confused with conventional aggressive nationalism.

Roman Dmowski , whose ideas Polish nationalists still refer to today, is regarded as the intellectual pioneer of Polish nationalism . In the upheaval of the early 1990s, radical nationalism also reappeared in Poland. Traditional resentments were strengthened by the feeling that many Poles felt shortly after the fall of the Wall that their country was again being controlled by others and that it would remain dependent, only that the colonial power was no longer based in the East but in the West. Especially recently - in addition to the alleged "tutelage" by the EU - more and more Germany and the Germans have become the object of nationalist propaganda in Poland. Catholic anti-Semitism has also traditionally been a problem in Poland . The socially influential Catholic Church in Poland encourages right-wing extremism with its ambivalent behavior towards the mass murders of Jews in Poland: On the one hand, it only recently apologized for the atrocities, on the other hand, the strong anti-Semitic reservations are still felt. The head of the Catholic Church in Poland, Józef Glemp , said shortly before the apology, which was solemnly committed with a church service: “I am considering whether the Jews should not acknowledge that they are guilty towards the Poles, especially with regard to cooperation with the Bolsheviks and complicity in the deportations to Siberia. "

The right-wing extremist scene in Poland is strengthened by the country's social problems. More than half of young people under the age of 25 are unemployed or work in unsecured auxiliary jobs at home or abroad. After the situation had initially improved in the course of the economic boom in 2006-2010, Poland was hit by the global economic and financial crisis; youth unemployment rose again to 26 percent. The disparity between impoverishment and the supply of consumer goods gives rise to frustrations , which in many cases form a breeding ground for violence and crime. On the other hand, they awaken the desire for an identity beyond the dreary everyday life and in contrast to “the others” ( Germans , homosexuals , Jews , “ gypsies ” etc.). Football fan clubs and hooligan groups take advantage of this, as do nationalist groups such as the youth organization of the Liga Polskich Rodzin (League of Polish Families) and the Młodzież Wszechpolska (All-Polish Youth). In this climate, a neo-Nazi scene developed , which is very similar to the German and sometimes organizes joint actions with it, as happened during a hunt for German and Polish punks in Frankfurt (Oder) . Attacks on concentration camps and Jewish cemeteries are not uncommon. As in Germany, in some regions foreigners are at risk from right-wing extremists. Like most Eastern European countries, Poland is a hub for devotional objects and weapons of all kinds. Here, too, the strong blood and honor movement often organizes skinhead concerts .


Russian right-wing extremists in Saint Petersburg

The Pamjat group , which occupied an important position in the last days of the Soviet Union, disintegrated in the 1990s. From it emerged many other right-wing extremist groups in Russia such as the Russian National Unity and leading right-wing ideologues such as Alexander Geljewitsch Dugin , who was part of the Pamjat leadership in 1988 and 1989. The Liberal Democratic Party of Russia (LDPR) was a major force on the right-wing political spectrum in the 1990s. Its chairman, Vladimir Zhirinovsky , had contacts with Gerhard Frey and Jean-Marie Le Pen , among others . In 1993, Zhirinovsky achieved a success with around 12 million votes, which received wide coverage in the international media. In the following elections, however, it was always below the result of 1993.

It is controversial whether the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (KPRF) belongs to the right. On the one hand, it represents Russian imperialism and nationalism, and its chairman, Gennady Andreevich Zyuganov, has contacts with ultra-nationalist, anti-Semitic organizations. On the other hand, nationalism and xenophobia are not the main elements of the party. The KPRF and the LDPR both tie in with ideologies from different political camps, which makes it difficult to locate them clearly in the right-left spectrum.

In terms of party politics, the National Bolshevik Party of Russia (NBP, under Eduard Limonov ) was also present in some of the larger cities. It was banned in 2005. The SA-like following of the Russian National Unity (RNE) of Alexandr Barkaschow, who is friends with German neo-Nazi circles, still exists today. The Slav Union , led by the neo-Nazi Dimitri Djomuschkin , is still one of the largest right-wing extremist organizations in Russia.

Alexander Geljewitsch Dugin , who represents a quasi-geopolitical ideology of “neo- Eurasism ”, is considered a central figure on the right wing in Russia . He rose rapidly in the 1990s, was an advisor to the Duma spokesman Gennady Seleznew and founded the Evrazija (German "Eurasia") movement, which he later converted into a party to support Vladimir Putin as part of the Rodina party alliance . Dugin belongs to the political and scientific establishment in Russia.

In the 2000s there was an increase in latent racism, with a simultaneous increase in the number of acts of violence against foreigners and minorities. The number of racially motivated murders has also increased. In 2007, 67 people were murdered by right-wing extremists and another 550 injured, some seriously. According to the organization Sowa, at least 20 people were murdered in 2011 and at least 155 people in the three years 2009 to 2011 by autonomous right-wing extremist groups in Russia. The victims are mainly Caucasians, Asians and anti-fascists. Right-wing extremist violent crimes have been on the decline in Russia since the 2010s; but the willingness to use violence within Russian right-wing extremism is still very high. In 2012, 19 people were killed and 178 injured by neo-Nazis. In addition, racist incidents are common in Russian football.

Every year on November 4th, " Russian marches " take place, on which right-wing extremists demonstrate against the policy of foreigners .

The violent right-wing extremist scene in Russia is estimated at around 50,000 people; Xenophobia is also widespread in large parts of Russian society.


In spite of its official neutrality, Sweden supplied iron ore for the German armed forces as early as World War II . Swedish National Socialists already had lists ready in the event of a seizure of power. For a long time, dealing with neo-Nazis was sometimes half-hearted to negligent, and only recently has the scene been taken seriously.

On May 12, 1951, the first “European National Congress” took place in Malmö. 60 delegates from ten nations discussed the formation of a European right-wing extremist network and the cultivation of the SS Europe idea .

Like the laws of most Scandinavian countries, Swedish criminal law also grants a very wide freedom of the press. This makes these countries a bridgehead for the distribution of propaganda material as well as the deployment area of ​​the neo-Nazis on their traditional “memorial days”. The offense of sedition in Sweden is punished with an average of three months probation; Prison sentences or sentences of up to one year - the entry requirement common in the German judiciary - are rarely imposed. This also results from a long tradition of trivializing right-wing extremist violence in Sweden: For example, 30 particularly aggressive neo-Nazis were sent to an elite unit of the Swedish military for a few weeks as a rehabilitation measure to let them "let off steam", according to the underlying idea. In truth, the criminals received free weapons training. One of the leaders of the neo-Nazi scene, Erik Blücher , was sentenced to three months in prison for selling racist phonograms, but this was suspended. Reason: It was assumed that the defendant had committed a single offense. His partner, the German Marcel Schilf , heads the distribution of Blood and Honor , NS-Records . The two Swedes organize the neo-Nazi scene from Helsingborg . According to estimates, this consists essentially of a maximum of 600 people - a small but active scene that can almost exclusively be assigned to the Blood and Honor movement, which is banned in Germany . It is difficult to cope with even with dropout programs.

The radical right in Sweden enjoys its effective, because largely undisturbed propaganda production - CDs, books such as Die Auschwitzlüge by Thies Christophersen, the co-founder of the German neo-Nazi scene who recently died in Denmark, and other devotional items are distributed across Europe by Blücher and Schilf - and with their brutal murders and Assassinations (three dead in 1999 alone; two journalists and one child were injured in a letter bomb attack) Europe-wide "respect" among like-minded people.

In addition to foreigners , homosexuals and anti-fascists , the neo-Nazi scene is increasingly targeting state figures: In 1998, Sweden’s Justice Minister received a letter bomb that did not explode.


Memorial plaque to Sònia who was murdered by right-wing extremists in Barcelona in 1993

In Spain there is a state observatory against racism and xenophobia, but no official statistics on right-wing extremist or racist acts of violence and crimes have yet been kept. Organizations such as the Spanish “Movimiento contra la Intolerancia” (Movement Against Intolerance) estimate the number of racist attacks at 4,000 per year. In the media it is assumed that the number of organized right-wing extremists ranges between 11,000 and 15,000. The extreme right can tie in with the traditions of the Franco dictatorship.

Until Francisco Franco's death in 1975, fugitive National Socialists and later neo-Nazis like Otto Skorzeny found refuge in Spain. Even after that, legally convicted old Nazis, right-wing extremists and Holocaust deniers, such as former Wehrmacht officer Otto Ernst Remer or Léon Degrelle , who were sentenced to 22 months in prison in Germany , were not extradited. Relevant positions in the Francoist state, the National Council, the Royal Council and the Cortes, initially remained occupied by Franquists , which delayed the coming to terms with the Franco dictatorship. At the end of the 1970s there were acts of right-wing terrorism. So it came to bomb attacks by presumably right-wing forces against Carlist members of the Partido Carlista (PC) on the Montejurra and in 1977 the bloodbath of Atocha . The processing of the past has only been intensive since around 2000. The removal of remnants of the dictatorship repeatedly triggers revisionist defenses.

Franquists and Neofalangists are still active today. For example, they organized demonstrations against the expropriation of the property of members of the “International Third Position” neo-Nazi group in hiding, which owns three buildings in the village of Los Pedriches near Valencia and uses one for rent. Right-wing extremists include a. CEDADE (Círculo Español de Amigos de Europa, “Spanish Circle of Friends of Europe”), founded in 1965 , which has networked with right-wing extremist groups across Europe. The right-wing extremists are the Plataforma per Catalunya , Alianza Nacional , Falange Auténtica and Democracia Nacional .

One of Spain's social problems, illegal immigration, is repeatedly exploited by right-wing extremists for their own ends. There are frequent incidents, especially in the region of Andalusia . On February 5, 2000, there was a three-day pogrom against Moroccan guest workers in El Ejido . Locals burned a total of 500 Moroccan homes and destroyed their businesses. The office of the Spanish women's organization Mujeres Progresistas , which takes care of illegal workers, was also attacked. The authorities took two days to intervene.

There are problems with right-wing extremism in Spanish football. Some fan clubs are dominated by right-wing extremists. In December 1998 Aitor Zabaleta died as a victim of racist violence by a football fan. In 2004 and 2005 there was persistent motivated racist violence in soccer stadiums.

Publishers such as Pedro Varela Geiss publish texts by neo-Nazis from all over Europe, including the author of the Auschwitz lie , Thies Christophersen , and the Austrians Gerd Honsik and Walter Ochsenberger . Varela was the first high-ranking Nazi in Spain to be sentenced to five years in prison for inciting racial hatred in early 1999. After Varela complained, Holocaust denial has now been a matter of freedom of expression since 2007. The penal code, which until then provided for a prison sentence of up to two years for this offense, had to be changed.


Hungary lost 71 percent of its territory and 64 percent of its population after the First World War . A third of the approx. 15 million European Magyars today live outside the country's borders, mainly in Romania and Slovakia , others in Serbia , Ukraine , Slovenia , Croatia and Austria. This division of the country, which was confirmed by the Treaty of Trianon in 1920, is still a “ national disgrace ” for Hungarians today . Especially since the end of communism, various groups and parties as well as politicians from the major parties have emerged with revisionist and nationalist slogans against neighboring countries and, not infrequently, anti-Semitic attacks.

Alongside Germany, the country was a stronghold of right-wing extremist activity in Central Europe in the 1990s . There weapons and illegal propaganda material were traded internationally, neo-Nazi concerts, dog fights and military sports camps were held. The most important politically recognized and accredited right-wing extremist party was the MIÉP (Party for Hungarian Justice and Life) , which was represented in Parliament from 1998 to 2002. In the 2006 election, MIÉP and its partner party Jobbik (the name is a Hungarian polysemy and means roughly The Right and Better ) together got 2.9% of the vote. So they did not move into parliament. On August 25, 2007, the paramilitary Magyar Gárda (Hungarian Guard) was founded out of the Jobbik party . This presents itself as a national, charitable association. Their appearance in uniform and armband is clearly influenced by the National Socialists. In the April 2010 elections , Jobbik received 12.2% of the vote, making it the second largest group.

Even before the fall of the Wall in 1989 there were connections between Hungarian and East German neo-Nazis. Hungary was a vacation destination for German neo-Nazis. There you could buy cheap and legal Nazi symbols as tattoos . In recent years, the right-wing extremist scene has been directed primarily against the Roma minority and against homosexuals. Right-wing extremists have violently disrupted the Gay Pride Parade through Budapest since 2007 .

After Bulgaria, Hungary is the country with the highest susceptibility to right-wing extremism. From 2003 to 2009, the proportion of the population that spoke out in favor of it doubled.


A confidential status report from the Europol police agency in September 2019 speaks of the increase in right-wing extremist violence and international networking in Europe. As a result, the number of arrests related to right-wing terror in Europe has risen continuously and significantly over the past three years (2016: 12, 2017: 20, 2018: 44 arrests). Signals are u. a. the murders of Walter Lübcke and the British politician Jo Cox . The latter act of violence is linked to activities in the field of Brexit . Right-wing groups are trying to recruit members from the military and security agencies. Asylum seekers , Muslims, politicians, political opponents from the left spectrum and sexual minorities are named as objects of right-wing terror . The topic will also be on the agenda of the EU Interior and Justice Ministers' Conference at the beginning of October 2019.

United States

Ku Klux Klan symbol: the burning cross of fire

In the 1960s, the American Nazi Party (ANP) was of greater importance. The National Alliance (NA) is still active today . The Ku Klux Klan is still mainly active in the southern states. The fundamentalist organization is particularly directed against Afro-Americans, Jews and Catholics. There are also those of the NSDAP / AO modeled NSDAP organizational structure of Gary "Gerhard" Lauck . In the USA, people who spread Nazi and other right-wing extremist ideas are not legally prosecuted due to the particularly strong right to freedom of expression there .

With the Militia movement sympathizing Terry Nichols and Timothy McVeigh perpetrated on April 19, 1995. Oklahoma City bombing . In this, up to September 11, 2001, the worst terrorist attack in United States history , 168 people were killed. Both perpetrators have since been convicted, and McVeigh was executed. The background to the attack is considered to be multi-causal, right-wing extremist motives are not excluded.

The Southern Poverty Law Center estimates in its annual report that the number of right-wing extremist groups rose by over four percent in 2008. The total number of such groups is 926.

On April 7, 2009, the Department of Homeland Security, in coordination with the Federal Bureau of Investigation, issued a service-only memorandum on right-wing extremism. Since it mentioned American veterans in this context, a public controversy arose, on the basis of which United States Secretary of Homeland Security Janet Napolitano issued an official statement. Finally, in May 2009, Napolitano announced that it would remove the memorandum from the DHS website and replace it with a more precise report.

Brief overview of other countries

Historical peculiarities

country Historical peculiarities
Albania Right-wing extremists in Albania are striving for an ethnically homogeneous Greater Albania. This includes parts of Macedonia and Greece . An extreme minority position can only be assumed to a limited extent here, as parts of the Albanian population welcome these goals and at least wish for unification with Kosovo.
Baltic states Right-wing extremists see the Russian revisionists first and foremost as their enemy.
Bulgaria In Bulgaria there is a traditionalist right-wing extremist movement that ties in with Hitler's fascist supporters. The annual Lukow March in February, in honor of Christo Lukow , has become a magnet for neo-Nazis from all over Europe in recent years.
Denmark In Denmark, there are few legal barriers to right-wing extremist activity through liberal legislation. In recent years, for example, major rallies by the European right-wing, such as the Rudolf Hess memorial marches, have taken place in Denmark. The Danish Nazi movement is ridiculed by its opponents as "nullity", the activists cite the foreign propagandists as the main target.
Greece From 1967 to 1974 right-wing extremist officers under Georgios Papadopoulos took power in Greece through the Colonel coup and established a military dictatorship . In addition to the party Laikos Orthodoxos Synagermos , classified by the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung as right-wing extremist, there are a number of splinter groups with right-wing extremist to fascist backgrounds. In the wake of the financial crisis , Chrysi Avgi , in particular, was very popular.
Ireland In Ireland and Northern Ireland there is a very ambivalent nationalism that runs from left to right through the spectrum of parties and the political fighting groups. Right-wing positions can be z. B. found in the loyalist terrorist organizations UVF and LVF . The republican combat groups like the IRA or the INLA pursue socialist goals, despite the strong nationalism.
Israel After the Second World War, Jewish right-wing extremists tried to prevent reconciliation with Germany and therefore refused German reparations. In 1952, for example, Irgun activists tried to murder Konrad Adenauer with a parcel bomb. Nowadays the actions of (Jewish) right-wing extremists in Israel are mostly directed against the understanding policy with the Palestinians. Territorial claims are made. Parts of the Jewish settler movement are influenced by right-wing extremists. The parties Eretz Jisra'el Shelanu and Otzma LeJisra'el as well as the underground organizations Kach and Kahane Chai are considered right-wing extremists . The attacks that right-wing extremists carried out in Israel include: a. the Baruch Goldstein massacre in 1994, the assassination of Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin by Jigal Amir in 1995, the shooting of Shefar'am by Eden Natan-Zada in 2005 and an attack in the west Jordanian village of Duma in 2015.
Japan Main article: Uyoku ( Japanese右翼, dt. 'Right Wing') is an umbrella term for the political extreme right in Japan , whose nearly one hundred thousand activists and several hundred groups are also referred to by this term. About 800 of these groups are organized in the umbrella organization All-Japanese Conference of Patriotic Associations , which has worked closely with the Yakuza throughout its history . The term ultranationalism (超 国家 主義, chō kokka shugi ) is also used synonymously to characterize the ideology of this movement.
Yugoslavia (formerly) When the former multi-ethnic state of Yugoslavia fell apart in 1989, revanchism and nationalism emerged in all subregions. Both the large population groups of the Orthodox-Slavic Serbs ("Greater Serbia" ideology, among others by Slobodan Milošević ), Macedonians and Montenegrins , the Catholic Croats and Slovenes (here relatively weak due to the peaceful separation from the rest of Yugoslavia and the good cooperation with Austria and Italy) ) and Bosnian and Montenegrin Muslims as well as the Albanian and Hungarian minorities have strong nationalist groups and in some cases paramilitaries as well as a nationalist-minded population.
Croatia The Tuđman government in Croatia was described by opposition groups as the first fascist regime to spawn post-communist Eastern Europe. Croatian right-wing extremists honor the members of the fascist Ustaša movement , which on the side of Hitler acted cruelly against the Serbs, and have maintained close contacts with the right-wing extremist scene again, especially since Croatia was recognized by Germany.
Luxembourg Luxembourg is populated by members of almost all European nations and has no right-wing extremist parties or groups. However, there are more and more people, mostly young people, who subscribe to nationalist ideas and sometimes openly protest against the high proportion of foreigners. So far, however, there have been no riots. Between 1987 and 1995 there was the right-wing extremist national movement in Luxembourg around the economist Pierre Peters, which was unsuccessful in elections. The Wee2050 initiative , which, among other things, advocates the preservation of the Luxembourgish language and against excessive population growth by foreigners and “cross-border commuters” and entered into an alliance with the national-conservative Alternative Democratic Reform Party in the 2018 parliamentary election, is partly accused of failing to distance itself from right-wing extremist positions. On the night of March 1, 2020, 60 officials accessed a single-family house near the capital; an 18-year-old was arrested who is suspected of having become fanatical through propaganda on the Darknet and who may have been in possession of bomb-proof material.
Austria According to information from the Federal Ministry of the Interior , right-wing extremism in Austria does not pose a threat to democracy. In a European comparison, right-wing extremism in Austria is at a low level. Since 2004, however, there has been an increasing convergence within the right-wing extremist scene. The working group for democratic politics (AFP) with its youth organization Bund Freie Jugend (BfJ) is the right-wing extremist collecting basin . The right-wing extremist skinhead scene is characterized by a high potential for violence. There is an overlap with the violent hooligan scene. In the neo-Nazi scene, a shortage of young talent can be seen, which is a threat to the existence of some right-wing extremist groups.
Portugal In 2006, the Portuguese secret service classified neo-Nazis as a "serious threat to the national security of the country". In particular, there is a risk of increased calls for violence.
Romania The majority of Romanian right-wing extremists are calling for Greater Romania to also include Moldova and Northern Bukovina and Southern Bessarabia , which belong to the Ukraine .
Switzerland Right-wing extremism in Switzerland is mostly associated with violent neo-Nazi skinheads; for other groups the term national or right-wing conservative is used.
Serbia National minorities in particular are the target group for acts of violence by Serbian right-wing extremists. These are characterized by anti-European and anti-Western attitudes. A difference to right-wing extremist structures in the West is the closeness of Serbian right-wing radicals to the Serbian Orthodox Church , whereby on the one hand church mythology and symbols are adopted and on the other hand parts of the clergy sympathize with right-wing nationalist ideas.
Slovenia In addition to the Slovenian National Party ( SNS, which is also represented in parliament), there is the National Labor Party NSD with good contacts in the right-wing extremist milieu and, as an organization with paramilitary units, the National Social Union of Slovenia NSZS. In addition to the rejection of immigration, agitation against minorities and the propagation of “keeping Slovenia clean”, a dominant theme of the Slovenian right-wing extremists is, above all, hostility towards Austria, which is based in particular on territorial claims. In addition, allegations against Austria because of its allegedly anti-Slovenian policy (also towards the Slovenian minority) play a role.
Slovakia In Slovakia , the right-wing extremist movement is traditionalist and feeds on the veneration of prelate Jozef Tiso , who was president of the Slovak satellite state established by Hitler after the occupation of Czechoslovakia . In Slovakia, attempts have been made again and again, in some cases with success, to restrict and suppress the rights of the minorities. The Hungarian minority is a historical enemy, as Slovakia belonged to the Hungarian kingdom until 1918 .
South Africa Right-wing extremist parties existed in South Africa mainly under the apartheid regime. After its end, however, its importance fell sharply. The main focus of the dispute were the Boers .
Czech Republic On February 17, 2010, the Supreme Administrative Court in Brno ordered the dissolution of the right-wing extremist "Dělnická strana" (Workers' Party, DS). Occasionally there are attacks on Roma and asylum seekers of other skin color. For the right-wing extremist scene, the Czech Republic is a hub for illegal propaganda material and military equipment. It is also the venue for concerts and meetings of the scene.
Ukraine The Ukrainian right-wing extremists are working with like-minded people from Moldova and Georgia against the claims of Polish, Russian and Romanian nationalists. The all-Ukrainian association “Svoboda” and the paramilitary organization and the Prawyj Sector party are among the key players in the right-wing extremist scene . In the war in Ukraine that began in 2014 , right-wing extremist volunteer battalions played an important role. The populist radical party Oleh Lyashko also had links to right-wing extremists, but is usually not classified as right-wing extremists.

Parties and groups


country Protagonists
  • Jan Slota took up fascist slogans and terms in his speeches as party leader of the SNS
South Africa

See also

Portal: right-wing extremism  - overview of Wikipedia content on right-wing extremism




  • Uwe Backes (ed.): Right-wing extremist ideologies in the past and present (= writings of the Hannah Arendt Institute for Totalitarian Research . Vol. 23). Böhlau, Cologne a. a. 2003, ISBN 3-412-03703-6 .
  • Peter Glanninger: Racism and right-wing extremism. Racist argumentation patterns and their historical lines of development (man and society. Series of publications for social medicine, social psychiatry and medical anthropology, vol. 16). Peter Lang Verlag, Frankfurt am Main 2009, ISBN 978-3-631-57501-7 .
  • Bente Gießelmann, Robin Heun, Benjamin Kerst, Lenard Suermann, Fabian Virchow (eds.): Concise dictionary of right-wing extremist fighting terms . Wochenschau Verlag, Schwalbach 2015, ISBN 978-3-7344-0155-8 .
  • Andreas Lienkamp : Committed to resistance. Right-wing extremism as a challenge for Christians. In: Herder Korrespondenz 63, 9/2009, pp. 477-480 ( online ).
  • Fabian Virchow: Against civilism. International relations and the military in the political conceptions of the extreme right , VS Verlag, Wiesbaden 2006, ISBN 3-531-15007-3 .


  • Henrik Steglich: Right wing parties in Germany. Conditions of their success and failure (= writings of the Hannah Arendt Institute for Totalitarian Research . Vol. 39). Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen 2010, ISBN 978-3-525-36915-9 .

Women and right-wing extremism

Homeland and nature protection

  • Oliver Geden: Right Ecology. Environmental protection between emancipation and fascism. Elefanten-Press-Verlag, Berlin 1996, ISBN 3-88520-576-9 .

International networks

  • Federal coordination of schools without racism - schools with courage (ed.): Right-wing extremism in the immigration society . 2010, ISBN 978-3-933247-50-6 , pp. 70 .
  • József Bayer: Right-wing populism and right-wing extremism in East Central Europe . In: Austrian Journal for Political Science . tape 31 , 2002, p. 265-280 ( online [PDF]).
  • Friedrich Ebert Foundation (ed.): New developments in right-wing extremism. Internationalization and discovery of the social question . Berlin 2006, ISBN 3-89892-492-0 ( PDF; 945 kB ).
  • Thomas Greven, Thomas Grumke (Ed.): Globalized right-wing extremism? The extreme right in the era of globalization . VS Verlag, Wiesbaden 2006, ISBN 978-3-531-14514-3 .
  • Wolfgang Kowalsky, Wolfgang Schroeder (Ed.): Right-wing extremism, introduction and research results . Westdeutscher Verlag, Opladen 1994, ISBN 3-531-12561-3 , pp. 185-276 .


Web links

Wiktionary: right-wing extremism  - explanations of meanings, word origins, synonyms, translations
International networks

Individual evidence

  1. Gabriele Nandlinger: When do we speak of right-wing extremism, right-wing radicalism or neo-Nazism ...? Federal Agency for Civic Education , 2008.
  2. Brigitte Bailer-Galanda: On the concept of right-wing extremism ( Memento from May 10, 2008 in the Internet Archive )
  3. ^ Secret organizations in Germany: 73 right-wing extremist associations. In: First supplement to the Vossische Zeitung. No. 178, 1924.
  4. Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution: Frequently asked questions: "What is the difference between radical and extremist?"
  5. Gero Neugebauer (2008): Extremism - Right-Wing Extremism - Left-Wing Extremism: Some Notes on Terms, Research Concepts, Research Questions and Research Results , p. 3.
  6. ^ Wilhelm Heitmeyer, Thorsten Jantschek: The term 'right-wing populism' is far too trivialized. In: https://www.deutschlandfunkkultur.de/ . DLF Deutschlandfunk, November 10, 2018, accessed on September 24, 2019 .
  7. ^ Armin Pfahl-Traughber: Right-wing extremism in the Federal Republic . 4th edition, Beck, Munich 2006, ISBN 3-406-47244-3 , p. 14f.
  8. a b c Brigitte Bailer-Galanda: On the concept of right-wing extremism ( Memento from January 21, 2016 in the Internet Archive ) . In: Documentation archive of the Austrian resistance ; last accessed on July 2, 2008.
  9. Thomas Grumke, Andreas Klärner: Right-wing extremism, the social question and globalization criticism - a comparative study on Germany and Great Britain since 1990 . Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, Berlin 2006, ISBN 3-89892-503-X (PDF; 1 MB), p. 137ff.
  10. Eckhard Jesse: The up and down of the NPD . In: From Politics and Contemporary History , issue 42/2005, October 13, 2005.
  11. ^ Federal Agency for Civic Education: Nationalism. In: right-wing extremism. Glossary . Last accessed July 2, 2008.
  12. Federal Agency for Civic Education: Racism. In: right-wing extremism. Glossary . Last accessed July 2, 2008.
  13. Werner Weidenfeld, Karl-Rudolf Korte: Handbook on German Unity, 1949 - 1989 - 1999 . Federal Agency for Civic Education, Bonn 1999, ISBN 3-89331-370-2 , p. 358.
  14. Senate Department for Interior and Sport, Berlin (ed.): Right-wing extremism: Ideology ( Memento from January 10, 2010 in the Internet Archive ) . Retrieved November 19, 2012.
  15. State Office for the Protection of the Constitution in Baden-Württemberg (ed.): Main topic: Right-wing extremist opponents of globalization. ( Memento of September 30, 2008 in the Internet Archive ) 7/2003. Retrieved November 19, 2012.
  16. ^ Richard Stöss: Right-wing extremism in united Germany. 3rd edition, Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, Berlin 2000, ISBN 3-86077-940-0 (PDF; 795 kB), p. 20f.
  17. quoted from Thomas Grumke: The transnational infrastructure of the extremist right . In: Greven / Grumke (2006), pp. 130–159
  18. Hooligans: How to recognize them. Network against Nazis.
  19. ^ Joachim Wolf: Football and right-wing extremism in Europe. An overview. Federal Agency for Civic Education, February 15, 2007. Accessed December 7, 2010.
  20. ^ "Blue White Street Elite": Ban on right-wing hooligan groups in Saxony-Anhalt lifted. ( Memento from October 23, 2010 in the Internet Archive ) stern.de , October 21, 2010.
  21. ^ Stefan Meining: Right esotericism in Germany. Constructs of ideas, interfaces and potential dangers . Lecture given on September 3, 2002 at the symposium “Political Extremism as a Threat to Freedom - Right-Wing Extremism and Islamism in Germany and Thuringia”, pp. 45ff. ( PDF; 2.1 MB )
  22. Irminsul magazine of the Armanen Order , quoted in after Franziska Hundseder : Wotan's disciples . Munich 1998, pp. 130f.
  23. Herbert Reier: On Germanic medicine. In: Klinische Wochenschrift, Volume 15, No. 13 (March 1936), pp. 455-460; Detlef Bothe: Neue Deutsche Heilkunde 1933–1945, presented on the basis of the magazine “Hippokrates” and the development of the folk medicine lay movement. Diss. Free Univ. Berlin 1991, published as: Abhandlungen zur Geschichte der Medizin und Naturwissenschaften, Heft 62, Matthiesen Verlag, Husum 1991, ISBN 3-7868-4062-8 ( summary ( Memento from August 17, 2005 in the Internet Archive )
  24. see Ulrich Linse: "Fundamentalist" Heimatschutz. Reinhard Falter's “natural philosophy”. In: Uwe Puschner , G. Ulrich Großmann (Ed.): Völkisch und national. On the topicality of old thought patterns in the 21st century . Knowledge Buchgesellschaft, Darmstadt 2009, ISBN 978-3-534-20040-5 , pp. 156-159.
  25. Eric Stritter: Animal protection as a cover for Nazi ideologies , from: Netz gegen Nazis ; see. also redok ( memento of September 26, 2011 in the Internet Archive ), both accessed April 16, 2010
  26. Brown Ecologists (PDF; 3.7 MB), a publication by the Heinrich Böll Foundation 2012, p. 62ff.
  27. Dana Fuchs: The green browns - right-wing extremism in environmental protection. On: Netz gegen Nazis, published on July 26, 2012, last accessed on November 3, 2012.
  28. Nils Franke: Trees for Auschwitz: The ominous alliance between conservationists and National Socialists. In: Zeit-Geschichte, issue 1/2016, pp. 66–71 ( online ).
  29. Publius Cornelius Tacitus: De origine et situ Germanorum liber, 1–5 The country and its history, section 2.1.
    Christopher B. Krebs: A Dangerous Book. The Germania of Tacitus and the invention of the Germans. Deutsche Verlagsanstalt, Munich 2012, ISBN 978-3-421-04211-8 , pp. 17, 248.
  30. W. Weber, W. Schoenichen (Ed.): The Reich Nature Conservation Act of June 26, 1935 (RGBl. IS 821) and the ordinance for the implementation of the Reich Nature Conservation Act of October 31, 1935 (RGBl. IS 1275) together with supplementary provisions and detailed explanations . Berlin 1936.
  31. ^ Reichserbhofgesetz of September 29, 1933
  32. ^ Nils M. Franke: Nature protection against right-wing extremism (PDF). 5. revised Edition. Ed .: State Center for Environmental Education Rhineland-Palatinate, 2016.
  33. 25 Positions of the NNPD on the 2011 state election, p. 15.
  34. Environmental protection is homeland security. Leaflet of the party “The III. Path".
  35. Right-wing extremist arguments and myths | On the subject of Heimatschutz, the specialist center for radicalization prevention and engagement in nature conservation
  36. ^ Klaus Wahl: Skinheads, neo-Nazis, followers: perpetrator studies and prevention. Pp. 42-44, p. 183.
  37. Klaus Farin , Eberhard Seidel-Pielen : Skinheads.
  38. Thomas Grumke, Andreas Klärner: Right-wing extremism, the social question and globalization criticism - a comparative study on Germany and Great Britain since 1990 . Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, Berlin 2006, ISBN 3-89892-503-X ( PDF ; 1.01 MB), p. 169ff.
  39. Federal Agency for Civic Education: Chauvinism. In: Dossier right-wing extremism.
  40. Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution: Report on the Protection of the Constitution 2018 . Ed .: Federal Ministry of the Interior, for Building and Home. ISSN  0177-0357 , p. 46 .
  41. Uwe Backes: Development and elements of the extremism concept ( Memento from March 18, 2013 in the Internet Archive )
  42. Brandenburger Verfassungsschutz puts AfD under observation. In: world. June 15, 2020, accessed August 28, 2020 .
  43. Seehofer presents the Constitutional Protection Report 2019. Retrieved July 10, 2020 .
  44. Constitutional Protection Report 2019. Facts and trends. Retrieved July 9, 2020 .
  45. Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution: Constitutional Protection Report 2019 . Ed .: Federal Ministry of the Interior, for Building and Home. Cologne 2020, p. 75 ff . ( Online [PDF]).
  46. LfV: December 6th, 2012 - Reactions of Saxon right-wing extremists to the establishment of the “Identitarian Movement in Germany” (IBD). Archived from the original on March 5, 2016 ; Retrieved on November 24, 2017 (from the State Office for the Protection of the Constitution, Saxony , December 6, 2012).
  47. Kevin Fuchs: The "Identitarian Movement" declares war. New strategy and appearance of the extreme right. In: Lotta , January 15, 2013.
  48. Natascha Strobl in conversation with Gesa Ufer: Deplatforming of right-wing extremists - blocking the identities hits the movement. In: deutschlandfunkkultur. August 7, 2020, accessed on August 28, 2020 .
  49. Twitter blocks accounts of the Identitarian Movement. In: ZEIT online. July 11, 2020, accessed August 28, 2020 .
  50. Patrick Gensing: Social networks - How trolls manipulated in the election campaign. In: tagesschau.de. April 22, 2020, accessed August 28, 2020 .
  51. ^ Federal Ministry of Defense: Reconstruction in the Federal Office for the Military Counter-Intelligence Service. In: https://www.bmvg.de/de/aktuelles/umbau-im-bundesamt-fuer-den-militaerischen-abschirmdienst-101422 . Federal Ministry of Defense, September 6, 2019, accessed on September 7, 2019 (German).
  52. ^ Bernhard Schmid: The Right in France . Berlin 1998, p. 181.
  53. ^ Bernhard Schmid: The Right in France . Berlin 1998, p. 183.
  54. ^ Bernhard Schmid: The Right in France . Berlin 1998, pp. 186f.
  55. K. Biswas: Right and Right . Le Monde diplomatique , October 14, 2011, accessed June 12, 2017.
  56. ^ Tanja Wolf: Right-wing extremists and right-wing populist parties in Europe. Typology and comparison. Springer VS, Wiesbaden 2019.
  57. Helga Embacher, Alexandra Preitschopf, Bernadette Edtmaier: Anti-Semitism in Europe. Case studies of a global phenomenon in the 21st century. Böhlau Verlag, Vienna a. a. 2019, pp. 69–72.
  58. ^ Morris Beckmann : The 43 Group - Antifascist Struggle in Great Britain 1946-1950. Berlin 1995.
  59. Wolfgang Koydl: Uprising of the Hypocrites , sueddeutsche.de, September 13, 2009, 9:40 pm.
  60. Armin Pfahl-Traughber: Right-wing extremism - A critical inventory after reunification , Bouvier Verlag, Bonn 1993, p. 242.
  61. Politics: Researchers classify Wilder's party as “right-wing extremist”. University of Munster
  62. Geert Wilders. II. State of research. University of Munster
  63. Quoted from Gabriele Lesser in taz No. 6455 of May 26, 2001
  64. Michael Minkenberg : Right-wing radicalism in Central and Eastern Europe after 1989 . In: Thomas Grumke, Bernd Wagner (Hrsg.): Handbook right-wing radicalism: People - Organizations - Networks from neo-Nazism to the middle of society . Leske + Budrich, Opladen 2002, ISBN 978-3-8100-3399-4 , p. 70.
  65. Wolfgang Benz u. a .: Handbook of Antisemitism: Anti-Semitism in the Past and Present . Vol. 5. Organizations, institutions, movements. KG Saur, Munich 2010, ISBN 978-3-598-24071-3 , p. 477.
  66. a b c Michael Minkenberg: Right-wing radicalism in Central and Eastern Europe after 1989 . In: Thomas Grumke, Bernd Wagner (Hrsg.): Handbook right-wing radicalism: People - Organizations - Networks from neo-Nazism to the middle of society . Leske + Budrich, Opladen 2002, ISBN 978-3-8100-3399-4 , p. 67 f.
  67. a b Tom Thiem: Country portrait: Russia. In: Yearbook: Extremism and Democracy. 2006, pp. 220-237, p. 221.
  68. Andreas Umland : Cultural hegemonic strategies of the Russian extreme right: the connection of fascist ideology and metapolitical tactics in "Neoeurasism" of Aleksandr Dugin. In: Austrian Journal for Political Science . 33, No. 4, 2004, pp. 437-453.
  69. Vladimir N. Ivanov: Alexander Dugin and the right-wing extremist networks: facts and hypotheses on the international interdependence of the Russian new right. Ibidem-Verlag, Stuttgart 2007, ISBN 978-3-89821-804-7 , p. 25.
  70. 3 immigrants killed in Russia amid wave of ethnic violence
  71. ^ Andrea Röpke: Braune Subkultur , in: bnr.de, September 17, 2009.
  72. - ( Memento from January 23, 2012 in the Internet Archive )
  73. http://www.bpb.de/internationales/europa/russland/159431/analyse-rassistische-gewalt-und-neonazistische-bewegungungen-in-russland
  74. http://www.11freunde.de/artikel/rassismus-im-russischen-fussball
  75. “Nobody knows when and where to strike” ( Memento of December 23, 2014 in the Internet Archive ), Arte, November 5, 2013.
  76. ^ Anne Schmidt: Chronology of right-wing extremism in the Federal Republic of Germany and other Western European countries from 1945 . In: Kowalsky / Schroeder (Ed.): Right-wing extremism - introduction and research results . Westdeutscher Verlag, Opladen 1994, pp. 383-410.
  77. European Agency for the Monitoring of Racism and Xenophobia (Ed.): European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights. Annual Report 2008. p. 28.
  78. a b Frauke Büttner: A movement against intolerance in Spain ( Memento from November 23, 2011 in the Internet Archive ) , 2007.
  79. Tages-Anzeiger: Spain wants to remove Franco symbols. October 11, 2007. Archived from the original on October 24, 2007 ; Retrieved November 14, 2012 .
  80. ^ Paul Kelso: Two 'Catholic' charities linked to Nazis, says report , in: Guardian online archive, September 18, 2000.
  81. Marina Achenbach: Friday of February 20, 2004, El Dorado under plastic , in: Friday online archive, February 20, 2004.
  82. Denial of the Holocaust is no longer punishable in Spain. Spiegel online, November 9, 2007
  83. Pictures of the uniforms can be seen on index.hu and Spiegel-Online .
  84. Right-wing extremists attack the gay parade , spiegel-online from June 5, 2008
  85. Veronika Gulyas: Right-Wing Extremism? Yes, Please, One-Fifth of Hungarians Say. Wallstreet Journal , February 16, 2010.
  86. Florian Flade, Martin Kaul: Right-wing extremist violence alarms Europol. In: Tagesschau. Westdeutscher Rundfunk WDR, September 23, 2019, accessed on September 24, 2019 .
  87. Martin Kaul, Georg Mascolo: Europol warns of right-wing violence. In: https://www.sueddeutsche.de/ . SZ Süddeutsche Zeitung, September 23, 2019, accessed on September 24, 2019 .
  88. Marc Pitzke: Right-wing US polemicist: "The revolution will come!" In: Spiegel Online . April 19, 2009, accessed February 8, 2015 .
  89. Memorandum on the website of the Federation of American Scientists : http://www.fas.org/irp/eprint/rightwing.pdf
  90. ^ Cam Simpson, Gary Fields: Veterans a Focus of FBI Extremist Probe. In: Wall Street Journal , April 17, 2009.
  91. ^ Statement by US Department of Homeland Security Secretary Janet Napolitano on the Threat of Right-Wing Extremism. DHS, April 15, 2009.
  92. AFP: Napolitano defends security budget, extremism report. May 12, 2009.
  93. ^ Forbidden Lukov March: Neo-Nazis from all over Europe in Sofia. Euronews , February 25, 2020.
  94. Martín Steinhagen: Is the comeback of the neo-Nazis threatened by the golden dawn? Frankfurter Rundschau , September 30, 2019.
  95. Gil Yaron: Israel: The struggle for true Zionism rages among radicals. From: welt.de on August 5, 2015, accessed February 27, 2016.
  96. Andreas Hippin 1998/1999.
  97. ^ David McNeill: Media Intimidation in Japan. A Close Encounter with Hard Japanese Nationalism , in: electronic journal of contemporary japanese studies. Discussion Paper 1 in 2001 .
  98. Pascal Federspiel, Frank Goebel: House search / alleged right-wing extremist (18) is said to have hoarded explosives in streets. Tageblatt , March 2, 2020.
  99. ^ Sandra Schmit: House search in Strassen: Possibly right-wing extremist background. Luxemburger Wort , March 2, 2020.
  100. RTL.lu (Update: 02.03.2020 14:10): Close 60 officials were at the Asaz - Stoung Lëtzebuerg virun the dot of narrow presumed Riet extremist?
  101. Federal Ministry of the Interior / Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution and Combating Terrorism (ed.): Security Report 2007 . (PDF; 1.3 MB), p. 39ff.
  102. ^ Above : influx of neo-Nazis in Portugal. On: bnr.de, from: June 5, 2006, last accessed December 20, 2012, fee-based offer.
  103. ^ Sophie Guggenberger: Country portrait: Switzerland . In: Yearbook Extremism & Democracy 17, 2005, pp. 195–217.
  104. http://www.dw.com/de/rechtsextremismus-serbischer-art/a-15539259 , November 17, 2011
  105. Bayer (2002), pp. 276f.
  106. Supreme Court forbids Labor Party. Prague Newspaper , February 18, 2010.