Aliens Policy

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The policy on foreigners aims at bindingly regulating the legal, political and social position of foreigners, including stateless persons, in the state in which they live. The legal position is regulated by the law on foreigners . The term encompasses both the relevant institutions and political endeavors and decision-making and decision-making processes. The policy on foreigners affects other policy areas such as domestic policy , foreign policy and labor market policy .

Developing EU citizenship

Passport control at the airport in Madrid, July 2009

The Maastricht Treaty introduced European citizenship in Article 17 of the EC Treaty . Since 2009 EU citizenship has been regulated in the Lisbon Treaty in Article 20 on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). In Germany, non-German Union citizens are colloquially referred to as EU foreigners .

EU citizens have the right to move freely and freely choose their place of residence within the Union as well as to family reunification of EU citizens or third-country nationals. They have the right to vote and stand for election in local and European elections at their place of residence and they can submit petitions and complaints. Consular protection abroad can be used by any consular mission of a member country.

Development of the European migration policy

The European Union is playing an increasingly important role in the political fields of integration , migration and asylum law in a Europe without internal borders. The supranational EU has issued various directives, especially in the area of asylum policy , which the member states are required to implement in national law. The influence of the European Union is exemplified by the current draft for an anti-discrimination law , which is based on EU guidelines.

Petra Bendel distinguishes three phases in European migration and asylum policy:

  • 1957–1990: coordinated policies of the EU states
  • 1990–1999: increased cooperation between the EU states
  • 1999 – today: Common Migration Policy

Coordinated Policy

Until 1990 the EU had no competences in migration policy. Each state regulated its own interests and there were only initial joint agreements in areas such as the fight against crime. In 1989 the wall fell and the ' iron curtain ' had opened; therefore, in 1990, European migration policy gained in importance.

Cooperation between the individual states

From 1990 to 1999 the number of asylum applications rose and some European countries agreed on cooperation and the distribution of asylum seekers. The following agreements were made:

Common politics

The Amsterdam Treaty , which has been in force since 1999 , shifts the competencies of the individual member states on migration and asylum to Brussels.

Legislative structures

In the course of this communitarisation of asylum policy , immigration policy and refugee policy , the supranational authority has now adopted corresponding joint guidelines that are binding for the member states. This was accompanied by the endowment of the European Parliament with more legislative power. The European Commission can initiate legislative proposals of greater importance. These in turn require the consent of the Council of the European Union (see also Directive (EU) , Regulation (EU) , European Union legislation ).

Development of the German policy on foreigners

German Empire (1871-1918)

The Prussian model

The Prussian foreigner policy at the turn of the 20th century shows clear similarities with regard to the employment of foreigners, reasons of state and security policy with the recruitment policy of the Federal Republic of Germany in the guest worker phase . The rotation principle made it much easier for the German Reich to change from an agricultural state to an industrial state and considerably mitigated the social impact of the transformation on the locals; the migrant workers cushioned hardships.

As early as 1885, the Hohenzollern monarchy operated the mass expulsion of foreign Poles from the border regions and issued a ban on immigration. Chancellor Bismarck used the loudly discussed national-political threat from the eastern provinces to consolidate his rural-conservative government coalition. The fear of security policy was based on the danger of a Polish nation-state, which people of Polish origin from Prussia, Tsarist Russia and Austria-Hungary could establish. Calls for the restoration of a whole Polish state had been loud since 1848. Prussia's takeover of Silesia in 1742 and the inclusion of the Province of Posen in the German Empire also had an underlying effect, despite considerable protests from Poland. The Alvensleben Convention of 1863 is also part of the political prehistory in which Prussia participated in the suppression of the January uprising in the Russian Empire. In addition, from 1871 to 1885 Prussia led a bitter struggle against the Catholic Church and vigorously pursued the Germanization of schools and administration.

In 1873 the world economic price for grain expired. The Great Depression (= founder crisis) began and with it an east-west migration . The farm workers from the rural East Elbe estates moved to West Germany. In the course of industrialization there, wages that were non-seasonal and more attractive than in domestic agriculture were tempting. As a result, the large farmers in East Prussia lacked workers. The prospect of work initiated increased immigration from Poles to the eastern provinces. In the affected areas, the situation within the population shifted in favor of immigrants. In 1871 the Polish population in the province of Posen was 57.2 percent, in 1910 60.9 percent, with the Polish balance of +41.2 percent well above the growth rate of the Germans of +18.9 percent, despite the mass expulsions of 1885. Prussia Policy on foreigners saw itself challenged to weigh up security concerns and economic interests. The decision was made to use an anti-Polish, controlled, transnational and seasonal recruitment policy .

In 1914, according to official estimates, continental immigration into the German Reich amounted to 1.2 million migrant workers. Eight out of ten of these Germany goers were Prussian people who immigrated to the Prussian lands as seasonal workers. The most important groups came from central Russian Poland, to a lesser extent from Austro-Hungarian Galicia and Italy. The Italian migrant workers were particularly active in brick factories, civil engineering, mining and industrial production, hardly in agriculture.

Only in the eastern Upper Silesian regions , which were struggling for miners , were the Polish-Russian workers allowed to work in coal mining. In 1910, Upper Silesia had a population of 1,169,340 Polish (53%), 884,045 German (40%) and 154,596 bilingual residents. The German-Polish miners moved as Ruhr Poles to the west in the Ruhr area, which Prussia could not prevent them from doing because of their nationality. Without coal as the engine of the economy, industrialization would have come to a standstill.

The direct state intervention meant that the German Reich did not develop from a country of emigration to a country of immigration in the pre-war decade, but to the second largest import country in the world after the USA (Ferenczi).

The Prussian people hardship was the result of transatlantic emigration and emigration of workers to the better-paid West and was initially evident in the East Elbe manor districts. The large companies covered their needs with migrant workers across the Prussian eastern borders. There were numerous cheap and willing workers for cultivating root crops with beets and potatoes. The work columns consisted mostly of women headed by a bilingual male column leader. The men oppressed the subordinates both psychophysically and financially through the wage administration.

Since the end of the 1880s , the catastrophic labor shortage in the agricultural sector in East Prussia forced Berlin to look for a solution that would satisfy economic interests without endangering security policy. The aim was not to let the necessary influx of workers from eastern countries encourage immigration, but to keep them in the path of a transnational seasonal migration.

For this purpose, Prussia established a control system from 1890 to control and monitor the labor migration of the Polish workforce. The increasing demand in the eastern zones led to fierce competition between the individual recruiters. This tightened recruiters from overseas, who also acted on the market. This in turn led to disagreements with Moscow and Warsaw, which forbade manipulation of the domestic labor market, as wages in agriculture rose due to dwindling job offers. In return, Berlin felt compelled to make the recruitment process for women, mainly Polish, more transparent. A major step in 1907 was the transfer of the recruitment monopoly to the Prussian Field Workers Center .

The management of the rotation procedure was taken over by the Prussian Field Workers 'Center from 1907 , from which the German Workers' Center later emerged. Prussia initially transferred the licensing monopoly to the semi-official authority over foreign Polish immigrants. Until the First World War, the head office was given the monopoly of legitimation for keeping suitable statistics on all foreign workers, although no restrictions were required because of the non-Polish proportion. Along the eastern border, 141 branches of the field workers' central office controlled entry traffic. In 1913 alone, 39 border offices with their barrack camps were able to take in up to 10,000 people a day. Only seasonal workers with a permanent contract and employer were admitted. The evidence entitles the holder to purchase a legitimation card as a residence permit for a fee on the territory of the German Reich. The cards were sorted by color - Dutch and Belgians received blue immigration permits, Poles red, and Ruthenians yellow. The private company, equipped with official functions, financed itself through fees for the identification cards for which it had the monopoly.

Berlin's policy on foreigners towards Polish workers was based on the mandatory domestic legitimation , which was anchored in law from 1909, and the mandatory return for the Poles during the blocking period ( waiting period ) in winter as a flanking measure to the rotation process. The compulsory legitimation stood for rigid immigration controls and temporary permits, valid only for the current season, for residence and work in Prussia outside the blocking period from December 20th to February 1st. During this period there was no toleration of Polish or Russian foreigners in the Prussian interior. In order to prevent those affected from evading to other parts of Germany, Prussia tried unsuccessfully to persuade them to support the forced rotation throughout the German Reich. In some cases, the migrant workers also evaded illegal employment with the help of German employers.

The regulation did not apply to particularly qualified immigrants in the non-agricultural sector with secure wages.

The rotation principle kept the cross-border migration going and at the same time the necessary legitimation cards restricted the freedom of movement of migrant workers considerably, as employers and employees were noted on them. The employee needed the employer's consent to change jobs. Otherwise, there was a threat of immediate deportation due to a lack of work zeal or “breach of contract”. If a Polish worker was unable to identify himself, he was immediately deported because of illegal residence or an obvious suspicion of breach of contract.

The Polish migrant workers were deliberately sorted out from possible groups, family associations and groups torn up. Family reunification was not permitted, and the individual columns were separated according to their gender. Any pregnancies resulted in immediate deportation at your own expense. In the spring Prussia welcomed the workers and in the autumn regulatory measures against the annoying foreigners increased the pressure to re- migrate .

The tasks of the workers' center expanded over the years from recruiting abroad and mediation at home to coordinating the migration process. The institution sent its own observers and also foreign contract workers to the recruiting areas to analyze the situation. On the basis of the forecasts, the headquarters consulted with the individual chambers of agriculture and employers' associations . After that, the recruitment authority published the annual conditions for entitlement for the following year. The order slips were handed over to the contract agents, who in turn activated their networks of negotiators, recruits and smugglers. In Galicia , Austria , the authority maintained close contacts with Ruthenian organizations such as the Welfare Association and the influential clergy on the National Committee . (see also General Director Heinrich Nordhoff of the Volkswagen works in Wolfsburg )

In the course of the coordinated recruitment policy, Prussia became dependent on the entry of seasonal workers. Instructions were secretly given to the police and district offices not to block immigration under any circumstances. Officially, the rigid policy against Polish recruits was continued in order not to spur Poland and Galicia to hinder constant immigration.

Over time, four types of recruitment emerged:

  • private recruitment
  • the commercial demand for mediation
  • the chamber certificates of the chambers of agriculture
  • the mediation by the semi-state field workers center
Agent malice

The foreign agents often worked fraudulently against both the recruiting country and the recruiting country and, last but not least, against the placed workers themselves. The internal Prussian regulations, however, deal only with legal protection for the employer and not for the employees concerned. The resulting international conflicts overshadowed the legitimate questions that Prussia should have posed about its own recruitment policy.

The agents and shop stewards of the field workers' center usually took advantage of several advantages: The employers often did not pay the placement fees, as they forced the migrant workers to pay in advance. If they had the status of column leader, they kept half of the wages of the subordinates for themselves.

The Galicians were a special case. In contrast to Polish case law, commercial recruitment was not illegal and a corresponding number of agents were involved in the domestic market. The Austrians developed their own strategies to get at least as far as the Prussian border unmolested and to be recruited as a self-employed person under their own direction and in large groups by the Prussian agents in one of the 141 branches of the field workers' center, whose close-knit network observed the border movements far more closely than the Prussian border police.

Conflicts with Russia and Poland

The Russian authorities saw in transnational labor migration a danger of the Polish population emigrating overseas. The loss of large proportions of the working population would inevitably have driven up the prices of what are currently cheap agricultural produce from Congress Poland. The financial advantage of the products resulted from the low wages in agriculture due to an oversupply of labor.

The low wages in turn allowed many Poles only a modest way of life, which they maintained in Prussia. In turn, Max Weber saw a danger of the Polonization of the East in the small business owners who hardly consumed meat but all the more potatoes . In his opinion, the poor peasant Poles abroad with a low level of culture displaced only the Prussian low-wage workers, but not the Prussian-Polish ones.

Between 1890 and 1900, 300,000 central Poles moved their center of life outside of the country. The destination was usually America or Brazil. In 1892/93, 40,000 Russian Poles alone emigrated to South America ( Brazil fever ). The emigration movement drove up the price of day laborers enormously and in 1904 reached values ​​of up to 88 kopecks in the border regions , which corresponded to about 1.9 DM . Since overseas networks had developed in the meantime, even top wages could not stop emigration. By the First World War , five million people emigrated from Russia (especially Poles and Jews) and from Austria-Hungary as a transit country to America via the German Reich .

Even Saint Petersburg's policy of limitation, with the exception of the crisis years 1907 and 1908, was unable to put a stop to mass emigration. Prussia, in turn, took note of the Russian threat with concern, but the German dependence on Polish migrant workers was already too great. For example, the then Council of Economic Wise Men , the Prussian State Economics College , announced that preventing or restricting the access of foreign migrant workers to agriculture would almost result in death. This was later confirmed by a research study: The absence of foreign migrant workers puts the people's nutrition into question. And the Upper Silesian government president added that the Upper Silesian industry can in fact not maintain its operations without foreign workers. The director of the Workers' Center, Baron von Bussche-Kessel, summed up that in the worker-importing countries there will be a burning need for employers to bring in workers from abroad for a long time to come.

With these words, the baron destroyed all hopes of settling the issues of migration and the labor market amicably with the other participating states at the Conference of Central European Business Associations convened in Budapest in 1910 . The talks also petered out because of the opposing positions.

International politics was only able to negotiate small concessions in the Weimar Republic .

Comparison to later policy on foreigners

The special case of Prussia served as a model for later labor policy processes from the Weimar period to the guest worker policy in the 1950s. The national primacy of 1927 and immigration restrictions expanded the original immigration policy instruments. During the First World War, the semi-state field workers' center was transformed into a state public labor administration, which emerged from the labor record associations formed in 1890 . The new administration relied on the organizational experience of the previous authority and adopted the systems for immigration control and restrictions on residence and employment.

The newly introduced quota regulations represent a significant expansion in that they had the aim of both satisfying the needs of employers and protecting local workers from competition with wages.

In contrast to modern labor market policy , Prussia's anti-Polish policy on foreigners was based solely on security considerations, not on labor market policy or protectionist considerations .

Third Reich (1933–1945)

According to the census of June 1933, 756,000 foreigners lived in the Reich. Friedrich Heinrich Karl Syrup from the Schleicher cabinet issued the ordinance on foreign workers in 1933. The state labor offices reintroduced the domestic legitimation requirement, distributed work cards and monitored the newcomers. From 1936, due to the lack of workers in agriculture, workers were recruited through state contracts with neighboring countries who were given temporary employment contracts until the attack on Poland in 1939. Since there was initially no quota agreement with Poland, the Reich Minister of the Interior decreed that Polish workers could cross the border illegally and with state tolerance, even without valid papers. In 1938, international contracts were signed with Italy, Yugoslavia, Hungary, Bulgaria and the Netherlands for recruitment because of the lack of manpower due to armaments.

When the war began, on September 5, 1939, members of enemy states were banned from leaving the country and they could be sent to concentration camps in the event of misconduct.

Workability study in the civil administration employment office, Artemovsk , May 1942, (Wehrmacht propaganda photo)

Despite National Socialist and racist ideology, the regime had to promote the deployment of foreign workers from 1939 onwards because of the war-related labor shortage in Germany. Millions of civilians and prisoners of war were brought into the German Reich as "foreign nationals" workers and had to do forced labor there separately under inhumane conditions according to racial criteria such as the Poland decrees and the East Workers decrees . In France, entire cohorts were obliged to work in Germany through the Service du travail obligatoire . In January 1942, Göring ordered the east recruiting by decree of December 19, 1941 and made all residents of the occupied eastern territories subject to public work, as the transition to a war of attrition had led to a dramatic shortage of labor. The recruitment was to take place on a large scale in all occupied Russian territories and previous ideological and popular political considerations faded into the background and Hitler also agreed to the use of Russian prisoners of war, which he had prevented for a long time.

If at the beginning of the war special consideration was given to Italian civilians, they lost this status in the foreign labor hierarchy after the fall of Mussolini . The Italian soldiers were not classified as prisoners of war, but as military internees , so that they could be used as desired for work, regardless of the Geneva Convention .

German Democratic Republic

Apprenticeship as a Mozambican master craftsman, maintenance of an opencast mining equipment, Welzow 1984

After the fall of Salvador Allende, the GDR granted asylum to around 1,800 Chileans. Most of them were persecuted members of left parties or intellectuals. To cover its labor shortage, the GDR signed agreements on the training and employment of workers with Hungary, Poland, Algeria, Cuba, Mozambique and Vietnam. The largest group of these contract workers were the Vietnamese with 59,000 workers, most of whom were employed in large factories in 1989. The foreigners were suspected and contacts and friendships with locals were undesirable. In the case of pregnancies, the women had to have a forced abortion or were sent back home. The Stasi registered numerous right-wing extremist and racist attacks. Foreigners were only tolerated as symbols of the much-invoked friendship between peoples on official occasions and as workers. As humans, they weren't welcome.

Foreign commuters enjoyed a special status in the border districts of the GDR, as no expensive residential infrastructure had to be built in the border regions. B. the People's Republic of Poland social contributions, because this continued to guarantee the social security of Polish commuters. These commuters therefore did not receive a social security card from the GDR.

Federal German policy on foreigners

Between 1987 and 2001 alone, Germany took in more immigrants in absolute terms than the classic immigration states of Canada and Australia in total. Nevertheless, for a long time politics refused to accept its own reality as a country of immigration and tabooed the subject with statements to the contrary. This refusal ended at the end of 1991 with the Dresden party congress of the CDU and the deletion of the formula “Germany is not a country of immigration” from the Dresden manifesto.

Some political decisions in the course of Agenda 2010 of the red-green federal government, Cabinet Schröder II under Federal Chancellor Gerhard Schröder (SPD) worsened the position of migrants in terms of pensions , social security , health care and the labor market . For example, a long-term unemployed immigrant from a non-EU country can lose his right of residence in Germany since Hartz IV was introduced .

History of German policy on foreigners

The basis of the policy on foreigners has been rooted in the Basic Law since May 24, 1949 :

  • Article 16 originally provided for a right to asylum as an individually enforceable right with constitutional status.
  • Article 116 (1) created the basis for the influx of ethnic German repatriates and in paragraph 2 for the return to Germany of people who were expatriated during National Socialism .
  • Adoption of the principle of descent in Article 116.
  • Introduction of the criterion of ethnicity

The Basic Law defined the people of the Federal Republic of Germany as an ethnically homogeneous community of descent. With the Federal Expellees and Refugees Act of 1953, recognized German-speaking repatriates were given the right to German citizenship.

Historically, according to Klaus J. Bade, there are four phases in the foreign policy of the Federal Republic.

Recruitment Agreement of the Federal Republic 1955 to 1968
Italian guest workers at Stollwerck, Cologne 1962
  • The " recruitment phase " or guest worker period from 1955 until the recruitment stop in 1973. During this time, 14 million foreigners came to Germany and 11 million left again in accordance with the originally intended rotation model. At the beginning of the 1970s, the remaining 20% ​​moved their center of life to the Federal Republic. At that time, the discourse on the employment of foreigners and the “guest worker question” determined foreign policy. The Italian share of the foreign resident population had fallen to ten percent and the Turkish share had risen to 30%.
  • From 1973 to 1979, the focus was on the overall concept of consolidating the employment of foreigners . The policy on foreigners concentrated on the limitation of immigration, the promotion of return and on cautious approaches to the social integration of the labor migrants and their families . The foreign resident population grew as a result of family reunification and natural increase. After the recruitment stop, many consolidated their legal residence status by staying in Germany permanently. Five years of residence was sufficient for the permanent residence permit, and eight years resulted in an optional right to a residence permit.
  • The phase of integration concepts from 1979 to 1980 developed the concepts from the consolidation phase . In 1978 the newly created office of the foreigners commissioner was assigned to the Ministry of Labor and occupied by the former North Rhine-Westphalian Prime Minister Heinz Kühn ( SPD ). In September 1979 Kühn published a memorandum on the 'Status and further development of the integration of foreign workers and their families in the Federal Republic of Germany'. This so-called Kühn memorandum stated that an irreversible development had occurred and that the majority of those affected were no longer simply 'guest workers' but 'immigrants', for whom a return to their countries of origin could not be considered for various reasons come This applies particularly to the second generation, which has now grown up, and to immigrants who immigrated as children. In his memorandum, Kühn called for the fact that the country to be immigrated to be accepted and for political steps that would give those willing to stay the chance of unreserved and permanent integration. The memorandum also explained the necessary steps and later included proposals that were recognized as groundbreaking, such as an option right to naturalization for children born and raised in the country of foreign parents as well as a municipal right to vote for foreigners. As a counter-concept, the coordination group of foreign workers of the Federal Ministry of Labor developed a “concept for the integration of the second generation of foreigners”, which was far more cautious than Kühn's proposals. The political decisions of the federal government led by the SPD and FDP remained with the previous labor market policy of the preliminary phase, supplemented by integration concepts.
  • The phase of the “turnaround in foreigner policy”, which lasted from 1981 to 2000, began with the appointment of the former North Rhine-Westphalian Economics Minister Liselotte Funcke (FDP) to the office of foreigners commissioner in January 1981. Meier-Braun also described this period as a “race for one Limitation Policy ". (Meier-Braun)

Federal Commissioner for Foreigners

To reduce existing integration deficits and to promote understanding between the Germans and the foreigners living here, the social-liberal federal government set up the office of the Federal Government Commissioner for Foreigner Issues in 1978 . The commissioner for foreigners , Heinz Kühn , submitted the first report of the Federal Government Commissioner for Foreigners to the Federal Government in 1979.

In November 1997, the law amending the regulations governing immigration and asylum procedures came into force. The law improved the legal position of foreigners living in Germany, made it easier for the state to expel and deport criminal foreigners, and at the same time established the office of the foreigners commissioner in law.

In accordance with the provisions of the Aliens Act of 1991, the Federal Commissioner for Foreigners submits a report to the German Bundestag every two years on the situation of foreigners in the Federal Republic of Germany , which is also published on the Internet . From an integration policy perspective, this includes developments in the areas of law, the social, professional and economic situation, living and other important areas of life.

After the election victories of the CDU and FDP, the states of Hamburg and Saxony-Anhalt tried unsuccessfully to abolish their commissioners for foreigners.

The fourth report from 2000 identified the reform of German citizenship law and the envisaged improvement of the right of residence for spouses as the most important progress in integration policy. The report warned of the falling proportion of foreigners in the training sector and the historical high of foreign unemployment.

In 2002, the federal and state commissioners for foreigners decided to set up an “Integration Working Group” to accompany and coordinate the implementation of integration support under the Immigration Act. The primary goal was to design integration courses for new immigrants, which have been mandatory from the federal and state governments since 2003. Above all, the officers want to ensure that the offers vary according to the very different needs and requirements of newly arriving migrants. After all, there is a gap here from highly qualified people to people without any written language skills.

Since January 1, 2005, the term “foreigners commissioner” is no longer correct, because according to Section 92 the federal government appoints a “ commissioner for migration, refugees and integration ”. The office of commissioner is assigned to the Federal Ministry for Family, Seniors, Women and Youth . Membership in the German Bundestag is not mandatory. The office is bound to the legislative period of the Bundestag.

The race for a policy of limitation

A later phase began with the West German awareness of the reality of Germany as a country of immigration . At that time, increasing unemployment and rising numbers of asylum seekers shaped the German present ( see also: Refugee policy ). In 1980 and 1981, politicians drew up horror scenarios in the discourse on the right to asylum and fueled fears and defensive attitudes in the population against the proclaimed flood from abroad, which led to further exclusion and rejection of the foreign resident population. In 1981 the SPD, FDP, CDU and CSU introduced their recommendations on policy of limitation. Politics shifted to the limitation of the reunification of spouses as well as to a lowering of the reunification age. At that time, the government was faced with an opposition that made no objective contributions, but rather limited itself to denouncing incompetence in foreign policy.

In the summer of 1982, the social-liberal government decided to promote return , which the later Kohl government implemented. The main issues were the return premium , the reimbursement of employee contributions to the pension insurance and the mobility advice assigned to the employment office . The latter measures were initially only valid for half a year and rather - analogous to the French model - led to the so-called deadweight effects , which were later exploited politically. The media later reported that "false hopes" had been awakened by politics and that many people who wanted to return had initially "sat on their packed suitcases" in the hope of much higher amounts.

In the political discussion, the fact that the package was very useful for the German state budget was kept quiet. The budget increased to three to four billion marks because the employee's share was not paid out. In addition, the German household saved enormous amounts of money through savings in unemployment benefits and short-time work benefits due to the palatable "export" of the unemployed.

The policy on foreigners itself, however, lacked concepts and the will to act. Although it was put on an equal footing with economic, social and foreign policy, the reform of the law on foreigners, which all parties felt was urgent in 1982, turned out to be lip service. Nevertheless, the local population was mobilized against the foreigners living in Germany. The objectives of the current policy were to promise integration measures , consolidate the recruitment stop and encourage return. The immigration and asylum discussion was exhausted in allegations of " asylum abuse ". The government of the CDU and FDP also called for family reunification to be tightened. In 1983, the dispute between Friedrich Zimmermann ( CSU ) and Liselotte Funcke (FDP) about reducing the age of immigration of foreign children shaped the discussion.

The results were

  • Relocation of competencies in foreigner policy from the Federal Ministry of Labor to the Federal Ministry of the Interior
  • a strengthening of the enemy in the company by the less relevant, but populist theme of "asylum abuse" and failing to implement a priority declared topics promoting integration and amendment of the law on aliens . The policy on foreigners degenerated into a playground for right-wing extremist demagogy for reasons of election tactics . This is sometimes shown by the unwanted publication of a draft by the Ministry of the Interior in 1988. This was initially denied, then weakened in its explosiveness and later discarded entirely. The debate led to the replacement of Zimmermann in the Interior Ministry by Wolfgang Schäuble (CDU). In 1989, right-wing extremist parties that successfully practiced xenophobic demagogy achieved unexpectedly high election results in Hesse and Berlin. Schäuble's Aliens Act, which was pushed through under this impression, again served the purpose of depoliticising the issue of foreigners before the upcoming elections. (Frankfurter Rundschau, November 10, 1989). However, central questions such as the reunification of families and the right of residence, the binding regulation of deportation , the right to return and multiple nationality remained unresolved . The arbitrariness granted to the competent authorities remained essentially opaque. And the core question remained unsolved: Can the national policy on foreigners still intervene to regulate the situation in view of the rules of freedom of movement within the internal borders of the EU and the associated pressure to migrate from south to north and from east to west? There was a lack of commitment to the EU as a continent of immigration and to the reality of the immigration country . The discussion was overshadowed by the demand made by the GDR's commissioner for foreigners , Almuth Berger , that foreigners should be given options and thus political options. The local elections in the GDR on May 6, 1990 took place with the involvement of migrants. However , in a ruling of October 31, 1990, the Federal Constitutional Court declared local voting rights for foreigners to be incompatible with Article 28 (1) sentence 2 of the Basic Law . The "people", which according to this provision must have an elected representation in the federal states, districts and municipalities, is just like the people, from whom, according to Article 20, Paragraph 2 of the Basic Law, all state power proceeds, which it in elections and votes and through exercises special legislative, executive and judicial organs, only the German people, the state people of the Federal Republic of Germany. That excludes the granting of local voting rights to foreigners.

The new Aliens Act came into force on January 1, 1991. According to OVG judge Fritz Franz , the reformed law violated international law , the protection of legitimate expectations , proportionality and the guarantee of legal recourse against the Basic Law. (The Greens / Bündnis 90, press release No. 888/90 (November 8, 1990); F. Franz, Aliens' Law on a Collision Course with the Constitution. Report on the constitutionality of the AusIG'90, November 1990.) Helmut Rittstieg opposed this: “His Regulations on permanent residence, family reunification, the legal rights of the young generation and naturalization give former guest workers, their spouses and children and other residents of foreign nationality (sic!) The immigrant status for the first time on the legal level. "But the lawyer also criticized:" The new Aliens Act still treats residents of foreign nationality (sic!) As a potential danger to society. In Sections 75 and 76, it is subject to official notification and surveillance regulations that are based on a totalitarian surveillance frenzy. ”In addition, there was the noticeable tightening of the expulsion guidelines due to the issuing of temporary and permanent residence permits. Rittstieg classified the law as a typical lawyer law, which is incomprehensible to laypeople and least transparent to foreigners concerned: "First and foremost, it does not bring more legal certainty for those affected, but perfects the instruments of foreign authorities". According to Karl-Heinz Meier-Braun , the reform was necessary, but he judged the law to be in urgent need of reform on many points. (H. Rittstieg, 1991: 23-32;; K.-H. Meier-Braun, p. 21 and HH Heldmann 1991 cf. K. Sieveking 1990). The law allowed neither political participation nor multiple nationality, so it relied on assimilation and not on integration . Based on the shameful collective experience of the migrant workers, to be welcomed as an interchangeable guest worker and not as a person and immigrant, the decision for German citizenship is often difficult for the second generation and is made even more difficult by the denial of dual citizenship. These rather took refuge in the "ideal statelessness of a diffuse cosmopolitanism " (Bade) or in the " multicultural and supranational identity of self-confident EC citizens" (Bade), as far as their home country allows this self-confidence.

In 1992, after a heated asylum debate that lasted for several years, the asylum compromise was reached .

Green card

In 2000 the Association of German Engineers (VDI) reported 100,000 vacancies for IT specialists in Germany, despite high unemployment, because the labor market did not offer enough qualified workers. In response to pressure from the economy, the federal government introduced the so-called green card in 2000 to recruit skilled workers from the IT industry . This was a special regulation for 20,000 foreign highly qualified IT specialists with limited residence status , which suspended the recruitment ban. Because of the temporary work and residence permit, the recruitment was only hesitantly received.

Between August 1, 2000 and December 31, 2003 information technology companies were granted 15,658 work permits, of which 11,326 were used.

The original American green card does not limit the length of stay, but promotes naturalization. Therefore, the term is a euphemism for the rotation principle from the guest worker phase.

Residence Act; Situation since 2005

On January 1, 2005, the Residence Act (AufenthG) replaced the Aliens Act . For the first time, this also regulates the overriding immigration policy objective of promoting integration. The principles of state integration measures, the integration courses , can be found in Sections 43 to 45 of the Residence Act. Supplements can be found in the ordinance on the implementation of integration courses for foreigners and repatriates. The law does not apply to EU citizens and their family members who are entitled to freedom of movement, or to diplomats. The law has not yet adapted to the binding guidelines of the EU on immigration and asylum and to the anti-discrimination law. (As of December 2005). According to European law, EU directives are to be transposed into national law by the member states through their own law .

From January to the end of August 2013, around 12,700 refugees from the Russian Federation came to Germany. More than 90 percent of them come from Chechnya and the North Caucasus. In 2012 a good 3,000 refugees came from there. At the Polish-Russian border ( EU external border ) they hand in their identity card and leave a fingerprint. With that they have applied for asylum. Most of them continue to Germany. Asylum seekers are entitled to payments that are based on the Hartz IV rates; the Federal Constitutional Court ruled that way in July 2012. In Poland they would receive significantly less.

Immigration Act

see also: Immigration Act

Already at the beginning of the term of office in 1998 the red-green coalition pushed for a reform of the citizenship law . However, the opposition at the time refused to allow multiple citizenship in the event of naturalization .

The discussion in society and politics was highly controversial. To clarify this, a special committee was convened to work out proposals for structuring immigration and promoting integration. The body was the Independent Commission on Immigration, which was also called the Süssmuth Commission after its chairman .

The first bill in 2001 was based on the report of the Süssmuth Commission and contained a points system based on the Canadian model. In the point system, immigrant applicants were graded and points were awarded based on qualifications , skills and usefulness. A distinction was made between immigrants, i.e. young, well-educated people whose usefulness was assessed according to a point system, with permanent residence status and the prospect of naturalization, and immigrants who were supposed to bridge short-term bottlenecks in the labor market without permanent residence rights. After disputes between the government and the opposition, this passage from the legal text was dropped.

History of origin

On July 12, 2000, Federal Interior Minister Otto Schily ( SPD ) set up a non-partisan “Immigration Commission” headed by Rita Süssmuth . This should develop practical solutions and recommendations for a new policy on foreigners and immigration. The Süssmuth Commission presented its final report on July 4, 2001. On August 3, 2001, the presentation of the carried out the draft bill for an immigration law, which the union led government rejected on 20 December 2,001th The governing coalition revised the draft law and accepted numerous demands of the Union, which, however, on February 25, 2002 again rejected the consensus proposal.

On March 1, 2003, the Bundestag passed the Immigration Act with the votes of the SPD and the Greens . On March 22, 2003, the Federal Council approved the Immigration Act in a controversial voting process. On July 16, the Federal Constitutional Court was appealed to because of a formal error in the Federal Council vote. It ruled on December 18 that the immigration law had not been legally enacted and was therefore null and void.

On May 9, 2003, the Bundestag again passed the unchanged immigration law, which the Bundesrat once again refused to approve. That is why the federal government called the mediation committee .

On May 25, 2004, the chairmen of the SPD, Greens, FDP , CDU and CSU agreed on a compromise . Otto Schily, Union negotiator Peter Müller and the Bavarian Minister of the Interior Günther Beckstein were commissioned to draft a bill.

The law was passed in the German Bundestag on July 1, 2004, and the Bundesrat approved it on July 9. On January 1, 2005, the Immigration Act came into force.

Integration courses

One of the main innovations is the requirement for immigrants to attend integration courses from 2005 . Essentially, it is a language course of several hundred (currently 600) hours in German. It is assumed that German language skills are an indispensable prerequisite for the professional and social integration of migrants. The need for German language skills for promising integration is underpinned by the last study by PISA ( Program for International Student Assessment ), in which the school performance of 15-year-old students in 28 OECD and four non-OECD countries was compared.

Language training

According to the PISA study, students from Germany whose colloquial language was not German showed significantly lower reading skills . In addition, in no other of the participating countries is the connection between the level of education and social class of the parents and the educational success of the children as pronounced as in Germany. In addition, the high school recommendation is made by teachers for academic children six times as often as for children from the lower quarter, if the reading and math skills are the same. I.e. better reading skills alone will not be enough. The study also warned about the relevance of early childhood and school education for integration. The discussion that had been initiated was not yet concluded in December 2005. It is mainly about

  • the need for pre-school language training
  • a compulsory preschool year
  • the expansion of the all-day school
  • the negative effects of a structured school system in which pupils are selected very early on according to their social origin.

According to Marieluise Beck , Commissioner for Foreigners in 2000, a new concept for language training is required in order to strengthen the chances of foreign applicants on the German job market and to encourage greater participation in vocational education and training. She underlines that integration does not only mean the elimination of actual or perceived deficits of migrants. At the same time, it is also about balance, namely a new balance of rights and obligations in integration policy, in which clear and achievable expectations are set against clear and guaranteed claims.

Disputes over Islam and Islamism

Just as PISA brought the fundamental importance of education to the agenda, the attack on the World Trade Center in New York on September 11, 2001 sparked discussions about the socio-cultural integration of the Muslim community of over three million members in Germany - as well as in other Western European countries. The focus was on the dangers of Islamism and Islamic fundamentalism among Muslim immigrants and their descendants. This was reflected in the Immigration Act

  • Debates on a headscarf ban for teachers in state schools and other state employees. While the headscarf was still considered a fashion accessory in the 1960s, similar to the German women of that time, it has changed over time into a religious symbol. Thus, in individual cases, a certain way of wearing can express belonging to a certain religious community. There are no corresponding regulations in the Koran itself. Wearing the veil can in turn express a silent protest. The headscarf dispute divided both political camps: while supporters of the headscarf ban in the SPD and the political left spoke out in favor of renouncing any religious symbolism in schools, the Christian democratic parties emphasized Germany's Christian character, which has a prerogative of Christian symbols over those of them other religions. Proponents of the ban have argued that the headscarf is a symbol of the oppression of women. On the other hand, left as well as conservative politicians referred to religious freedom , which in Germany was traditionally understood more as positive religious freedom. In this context, reference was also made to the crucifix ruling, in which the Federal Constitutional Court had prohibited the general installation of crucifixes in public schools in Bavaria and justified this with the religious and ideological neutrality of the state. The Federal Constitutional Court saw in its so-called headscarf ruling of September 2003 a disadvantage through the headscarf ban as long as the legal basis was missing. In addition, in a multicultural society it is not possible to be spared from cultic acts and religious symbols of another belief. As a result, some federal states issued regulations that prohibited the wearing of a headscarf. In June 2004, the Federal Administrative Court in Leipzig confirmed the regulation initially introduced in the Baden-Württemberg School Act , which stipulates the unequal treatment of Christian and Muslim symbols by allowing nuns to habit but forbidding the Muslim headscarf. In March 2015, the Federal Constitutional Court finally decided that a general statutory headscarf ban is inadmissible. A legal implementation of this decision in the legislation of the countries concerned is still pending.
  • the organization of Islamic religious instruction under state supervision in order to break the previous monopoly of Koran schools by means of public denominational instruction and to do justice to Article 7 of the Basic Law with regard to Muslims and their equal treatment . In Islamic religious instruction, the young Muslims mainly learn Islamic ethics , Arabic script and the most important prayers and rules of the Koran.
  • an easier deportation of so-called hate preachers , as long as the offense of anti-democratic sedition (§ 130 StGB ) is fulfilled.

Further developments

With the law to improve the identification and recognition of professional qualifications acquired abroad, the professional prospects of migrants improved with effect from April 1, 2012. A binding final year of kindergarten was also in the political discussion, but was not implemented (as of 2016).

See also: Integration policy in Germany since around 2005
See also: "Promote and Demand" in the immigration and integration policy and the Integration Act (Germany)
For developments from around 2015 see also: Refugee crisis in Germany 2015/2016
See also: Immigration Act

On November 19, 2018, the Federal Ministry of the Interior presented a draft for a skilled worker immigration law. The law is intended to facilitate the immigration of qualified workers from third countries . The draft was approved by the cabinet on December 19 . This draft law no longer contained, as originally intended, provisions for toleration of employment; these regulations were drafted separately as a draft for an employment tolerance law, which is to be limited to June 30, 2022. The Skilled Workers Immigration Act was enacted on August 15, 2019 ( Federal Law Gazette I p. 1307 , see also: Migration package ).

Mobility advice

The Federal Employment Agency advises foreign workers who are willing to re-migrate from those recruiting countries that do not belong to the EU in the context of mobility advice on the opportunities and risks of reintegration in their country of origin. However, the quality of the advice is heavily dependent on the professional competence of the respective consultant.

Citizenship Act

The law on the revision of the law on foreigners of January 1991 already made it possible for the first and second generation of guest workers in particular to acquire German citizenship under easier conditions by means of regular claims to naturalization . The entitlements were initially limited to five years.

In 1993, through the reform of the Citizenship Act , a legal right to naturalization arose for the first time. The prerequisite was 15 years of legal and permanent residence in the Federal Republic. For young people between the ages of 16 and 23, the deadline was shortened to 8 years. The previous standard claims to naturalization in the Aliens Act have been converted into unconditional claims (must be naturalized upon application), which from now on apply indefinitely.

Integration is to be understood as a task for society as a whole; laws alone cannot bring about it. In spite of this, the federal government tried to take into account the fact of the currently observable and foreseeable increase in immigration with the introduction of citizenship law. The aim was to strengthen the opportunities for social participation and the formation of political will (participation). The law closes the gap between the social reality of currently 7.3 million foreigners permanently resident in Germany and their legal affiliation.

Two new regulations make up the core of the law: On the one hand, the addition of the principle of descent from the imperial era , the ius sanguinis (blood right), through the acquisition of citizenship by birth, the place of birth principle ( ius soli ), in order to promote integration. Since then, children born in Germany to foreign parents have been able to acquire German citizenship at birth and grow up on an equal footing - however, in the course of a compromise between the political parties, the option obligation was introduced, which required them to choose between German citizenship after they reached the age of 18 and that of the parents to decide. On the other hand, the naturalization period was shortened from 15 to eight years. Anyone who lives legally and permanently in Germany during this period acquires a right to naturalization (naturalization entitlement). Further requirements are a commitment to the German constitution, sufficient knowledge of the German language, impunity and the ability to finance one's own livelihood independently . An extremist clause was included as a reason for refusal.

With citizenship, those affected receive unrestricted civil rights such as the right to vote , freedom of movement , the right to freely choose a career or protection from extradition and deportation . On the other hand, they are then also subject to conscription , for example .

Multiple citizenship describes the possession of citizenship of several states by one person (multiple states or dual states ). This relationship can raise questions on complex issues such as military service . The abandonment of the original citizenship can also be associated with considerable disadvantages. In the case of Turkey and Yugoslavia, the change has a significant impact on inheritance law. Another obstacle to integration is the requirement that foreign partners give up their original citizenship in mixed marriages before naturalization.

Multiple nationality , the law allows only in cases of hardship , when constructed, for example by the other state insurmountable obstacles against the dismissal of a nationality. This can be the failure to hand over important papers. Otherwise, those affected who, according to their birthright, have both German and the nationality of their foreign parents, have to choose one of the two nationalities at the age of 18 and 23. In 2003, 41% of naturalized people retained their previous citizenship. It is estimated that repatriates make up the largest proportion of dual nationals. Although this group is not recorded statistically, the Federal Ministry of the Interior announced in 2002 that between 1993 and 2000, around 1.2 million resettlers were granted dual citizenship . According to an estimate by the Federal Ministry of the Interior, a total of at least two million multi-nationals live in Germany in 2005.

More than half of the foreigners living in Germany have been in the country for more than eight years. Therefore, the number of those entitled to naturalization has increased significantly with the changes in German citizenship law. The then Federal Minister of the Interior, Otto Schily , emphasized that the reform expresses the will of the Germans to promote peaceful coexistence of all people, regardless of their cultural origin. Nevertheless, the collective memory of the long-time residents of the immigrants' feeling of being undesirable, which has been intensified by the immigration policy pursued to date, makes it difficult to give up their old citizenship.

From 2000 to 2002 the birthright was used in 117,425 cases. Between 10,000 and 20,000 naturalizations were granted annually until 1990. In 2000 the number of naturalizations was 186,688. Since then the number has decreased again, in 2003 140,731 foreigners were naturalized. In 2003, among others, a total of 56,244 people of Turkish origin, 9,440 Iranians and 5,504 citizens of the former Yugoslavia successfully applied for citizenship.

Access to many social, non-political offers is now also possible for immigrants without German citizenship.


The official statistics of the foreign population shares are only of limited informative value. The statistics do not provide any information as to whether a foreigner immigrated or was born in Germany. It is known, however, that in 2004 1.4 million (21 percent) of the 6.7 million people listed as foreigners were born in Germany. In addition, the statistics for German citizens do not differentiate between people with and without a migrant background . These include, for example, repatriates, ethnic German repatriates or naturalized people. Between 1970 and 2004, around 1.5 million naturalizations were made.

In order to better describe the population structure and integration, the legislature introduced the microcensus law in 2005 . Accordingly, in addition to the current nationality, the previous nationality and the year of naturalization are also recorded in the microcensus . In addition, information on the nationality of the parents is collected every four years if they have or had a permanent residence in Germany after 1960. The characteristics are the year of arrival, the former nationality and the year of naturalization if naturalization took place.

Development of the Luxembourg policy on foreigners

Up until the Second World War, migration policy aimed at a constant rotation of foreign mostly Italian workers. The amount of immigration was not controlled by political rules, but followed economic developments. In 1948 a recruitment agreement was signed with Italy, which was restrictive and did not allow family reunification. The first Portuguese migrants immigrated from 1960 and in 1970 a labor agreement was concluded with Portugal, which also took account of the demographic development of the Luxembourg population and allowed family reunification. The immigrants were supposed to be "white and catholic" like the Luxembourgers, so no agreements were made with North African countries. In 2008 a comprehensive immigration law and an integration law were passed. EU citizens enjoy freedom of movement, while third-country nationals are made easier for the highly qualified and, on the other hand, there are strict controls and restrictions for all other immigrants. Although the unemployment rate of foreigners is higher than that of Luxembourgers, gainful employment is significantly higher due to the younger age structure.

Due to the low rents in the structurally weak border regions compared to Luxembourg, the number of foreign commuters ( frontaliers ) from France, Germany and Belgium rose to 160,000 or 44 percent of the labor force by 2014.

Development of the Austrian policy on foreigners

With the General Civil Code , the codification of the rights and duties of citizens in the German hereditary countries of the Austrian Empire came into force in 1812, which for the first time stipulated which rights foreigners were entitled to.

During the First World War, the Austrian military administration evacuated the local population in the deployment areas because of the general suspicion of espionage and national minority resistance. Deportees, evacuees and refugees were mostly housed in Bohemia , Moravia , Styria and Lower Austria (especially Vienna). When the empire fell apart at the end of the war, the Republic of German-Austria pursued a repatriation policy. Refugees from Galicia and Bukovina were denied the option of Austrian citizenship. The Citizenship Act of 1918 made numerous people stateless, including many Jews. It was only from 1925 onwards that it became possible to acquire the right of home and citizenship, which, however, required the possession of financial means.

In the interwar period, Austria concluded migration agreements with Czechoslovakia (1921), Hungary (1926) and Germany (1928), as the collapse of the Habsburg monarchy affected traditional internal labor migration as a result of the new borders and nationalities. By the global economic crisis , labor migration has been hampered in the 1930s with protectionist measures.

Between 1950 and 1989, refugees from the Eastern Bloc were seen by the population as fighters for their personal and political freedom and were perceived as open-minded. Particularly during the Hungarian uprising , private individuals worked with the Red Cross and the armed forces to provide first aid to the refugees. The Austrian government signaled its readiness to accept refugees on a humanitarian basis and positioned Austria as a country of asylum for refugees from communism, while at the same time maintaining relations with the countries of origin as a neutral country. At the same time it was emphasized that Austria was too small and that the international community had to stand up for the permanent settlement of the refugees.

In the 1950s, hiking contracts were signed with Germany (1953), Denmark, the Netherlands, France and Sweden (1955), Belgium and Switzerland (1956), Italy (1958), Luxembourg (1959) and Finland (1962) that did not involve recruitment , but provided for the numerically limited exchange of guest workers. When labor became scarce during the post-war boom, Austria entered international recruitment policy late. 1962 through a treaty with Spain, 1964 with Turkey and 1965/66 with Yugoslavia. The social partners had previously agreed in the Raab-Olah Agreement, the stability of prices and wages, the quota for labor migration and the time limitation (rotation) based on seasonal work experience. Initially, the Nazi term foreign workers was adopted uncritically , which was replaced by guest workers in the early 1970s and later by foreign workers . In the scientific and media discourses it was noticeable that “guest workers” were discussed almost exclusively with “problems”.

Development of Swiss policy on foreigners

As a result of the early industrialization of Switzerland, more immigrants than emigrants were counted for the first time in 1890. In 1914, at the beginning of the First World War, around 600,000 foreigners lived in Switzerland, which corresponded to a population share of 15%. Most of the migrants came from Germany, Italy and what was then Austria-Hungary . There were no laws to limit immigration at the time. Although the liberal principles of freedom of trade , commerce and settlement brought Switzerland prosperity, fear of foreign infiltration and the decline of traditional values ​​grew. The Aliens Police was introduced in 1917 because workers feared competition and the middle class felt threatened by the German elite. From 1921, foreigners had to show a work permit if they wanted to live in Switzerland.

In 1931 the Federal Act on the Residence and Settlement of Foreigners (ANAG) and in 1934 the seasonal statute , which regulated the residence of seasonal workers, were introduced.

The 24 percent share of foreigners in the total population is a top figure across Europe. The proportion in the French-speaking cantons tends to be slightly higher than in German-speaking Switzerland, which represents the majority of the population. A political controversy is raging in Switzerland: There are circles who are of the opinion that this proportion of foreigners should not increase any further. Since the country is part of the agreement on the free movement of persons with the EU, the proportion could only be stabilized through persons from third countries. The opinion of the other side amounts to blaming an allegedly comparatively restrictive naturalization policy for the high proportion of foreigners. Right-wing bourgeois circles are currently resisting with a popular initiative against liberalizing this naturalization policy because they consider the argument to be wrong. It is said that anyone who plays international football matches with two players from Africa can hardly have a restrictive naturalization policy. In this regard, Switzerland cannot be compared with France or Great Britain, where this is more normal, because it has no history of non-European colonies . In the asylum sector, the country is striving to comply with international humanitarian law, with asylum legislation recently being tightened against abuse. It is affiliated to the Dublin Convention .

Article 100 of the Aliens Act ("International Treaties") laid the foundation for "migration partnerships" with effect from January 1, 2008, in which various aspects of migration - including: the use of migration and recruitment, humanitarian aspects, return and reintegration - through bilateral partnerships with other countries are regulated. "Migration partnerships" exist with Bosnia-Herzegovina, Serbia, Kosovo, Nigeria, Tunisia and Sri Lanka (as of May 2019).

On February 9, 2014, the Swiss population approved the Swiss popular initiative “Against mass immigration” submitted by the SVP , which - in violation of the agreement with the EU on the free movement of people - would have limited immigration of foreigners from the EU. In order not to jeopardize the bilateral agreements with the EU and thus access to the EU internal market, no maximum numbers and quotas were decided, but an agreement was reached on the preferential employment of unemployed Swiss and similar measures. In 2018, the SVP submitted the federal popular initiative “For moderate immigration” , also known as a limitation initiative or dismissal initiative . This is intended to be a binding decision to end the free movement of persons with the EU states. This would result in significantly higher recruiting costs for Swiss companies and the exit from the EU internal market would be mapped out for Switzerland, since the free movement of people was a non-negotiable part of the internal market for the EU even at Brexit.


With the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration (GCM), the signatory states undertake to work together to ensure that the situation of potential migrants in the countries of origin is made more adequate so that they can stay there if possible, and at the same time in the event of a situation migration, their human rights are protected. The GCM is a legally non-binding political declaration of intent.



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Federal German policy on foreigners

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  • Karl-Heinz Meier-Braun: On the way to a multicultural society?
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Aliens Act

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  • Comment: HH Heldmann: Aliens Act , 1991, Frankfurt a. M. 1991; see. K. Sieveking: Aliens Law and Aliens Policy 1990 (Center for European Legal Policy at the University of Bremen), Bremen 1991

Web links

Individual evidence

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