Alliance 90 / The Greens
|Alliance 90 / The Greens|
Federal Political Director
Spokesperson for Women's
Politics Jamila Schäfer
European and international coordinator
|Federal Managing Director||
Emily May Büning
Organizational Federal Director
|Federal Treasurer||Marc Urbatsch|
|founding||January 13, 1980
September 21, 1991
May 14, 1993
|Place of establishment||
Karlsruhe (The Greens)
Potsdam (Alliance 90)
|head office||Place in front of Neuer Tor 1
|Youth organization||Green youth|
|newspaper||The magazine of the Greens|
|Party-affiliated foundation||Heinrich Böll Foundation|
|To dye)||green ( HKS 60)|
|Seats in state parliaments|
|Government grants||€ 25,622,757.67 (2020)|
|Number of members||106,000 (as of November 2020)|
|Average age||48 years
(as of December 31, 2019)
|Proportion of women||41 percent
(as of December 31, 2019)
|International connections||Global Greens|
|European party||European Green Party (EGP)|
|EP Group||The Greens / European Free Alliance (Greens / EFA)|
Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen ( short name : Greens ; also known as Bündnisgrüne , B'90 / Greens , B'90 / Die Grünen or Die Grünen ) is a political party in Germany . One main focus is environmental policy . The guiding principle of “green politics” is ecological , economic and social sustainability .
In West Germany and West Berlin, the on 12./13. The Greens party of the anti-nuclear and environmental movements , the New Social Movements , the Peace Movement and the New Left of the 1970s , founded in Karlsruhe in January 1980 . In the federal election in 1983 , the Greens succeeded in entering the Bundestag , and from 1985 to 1987 they appointed Joschka Fischer as a state minister for the first time in a red-green coalition in Hesse . After the reunification of the failed West German Greens in the Bundestag election in 1990 at the five percent hurdle .
Two further lines of development go back to the citizens' movement in the GDR . The initiative Peace and Human Rights , Democracy Now and the New Forum , which was founded during the political upheavals in autumn 1989 , formed Alliance 90 . This moved into the Bundestag as a parliamentary group in the 1990 Bundestag election together with the Green Party in the GDR , which was founded at the turn of the year 1989/1990 , the Independent Women's Association and the United Left . After the Green Party in the GDR had merged with the West German Greens immediately after this election, whereby the Greens were represented by two East German MPs in the Bundestag, the union of the Greens with Alliance 90 did not take place until May 14, 1993. The fourth line of development was the Alternative List for Democracy and Environmental Protection (AL) , founded on October 5, 1978 , which as an independent party from 1980 performed the tasks of a state association of the Greens under its own name and also merged with Alliance 90 on May 14, 1993.
After re-entering the Bundestag as a parliamentary group in 1994, Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen was part of a red-green coalition in the federal government for the first time from 1998 to 2005 . Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen has been an opposition party in the Bundestag again since 2005. In the 2009 Bundestag election , the party achieved the best national result in its history with a share of the vote of 10.7 percent, and in the 2019 European elections, Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen achieved the best international result in its history with 20.5 percent. In Baden-Württemberg, since May 2011, Winfried Kretschmann has been the prime minister for the first time, who has headed a green-black state government since 2016 after a green-red government . In addition, the Greens are involved at state level in a red-green government in Hamburg and in a Jamaica coalition in Schleswig-Holstein . In Hesse , the Greens form a black-green coalition with the CDU . Since 2014, the Greens have been ruling Thuringia with the party Die Linke and the SPD for the first time in a red-red-green coalition under Prime Minister Bodo Ramelow (Die Linke). In addition, the Greens have been involved in government since 2016 in a Kenya coalition in Saxony-Anhalt and in a traffic light coalition in Rhineland-Palatinate. Another red-red-green coalition has ruled Berlin since December 2016, but under the leadership of the SPD; in Bremen since the 2019 election as well. In Saxony and Brandenburg, the party has also been involved in Kenya coalitions since 2019. Overall, the party is currently represented in 14 of 16 state parliaments and involved in 11 of 16 state governments .
The Greens are considered a "program party". Since their founding, they have made a change from radical ecological and pacifist demands to a more pragmatic focus on content. This development did not take place continuously, especially in the first few years. While the programs were initially characterized by conceptual innovation and a discursive style of argumentation, they radicalized themselves verbally and in terms of content around 1986, only to consolidate again from 1990 onwards.
As a “fundamental alternative” to all established parties, the Greens emphasized in their first party program from 1980 their character as ecological , social , grassroots democratic and non-violent . The social and economic policy demands clearly bore the Marxist signature of the eco-socialists who had converted from the K groups to the Greens . These include the " Realos " Winfried Kretschmann , Ralf Fücks , Krista Sager (all of the Communist League of West Germany ) and Jürgen Trittin (the Communist League ). For a long time, bitter disputes between “ Fundis ” and the pragmatically oriented “Realos” determined the struggle over the fundamental lines of the Greens.
After German unification , the failure of the West German Greens to pass the five percent hurdle in the 1990 Bundestag election and the union of the Greens with the GDR citizens' movement, which was united in Bündnis 90 , in 1993, Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen was repositioned. An intermediate step in the programmatic development was the so-called “basic consensus” of 1993, in which the West German Greens and Bündnis 90 formulated their common basic political convictions as the basis for their merger and which has since preceded the party statutes. The ecological and foreign policy demands were geared more towards the possibilities of the social market economy and the changed realities of international politics after the end of the East-West conflict . In the course of this process, the party has been on the verge of split several times. In 1990/91 numerous, including prominent representatives of the left wing left the party, which accelerated the programmatic change. At the time of the red-green coalition 1998-2005 there were renewed crucial tests in view of Germany's military operations in Kosovo - and in the war in Afghanistan , the compromise on the nuclear phase-out and the Hartz IV reforms. After 2005, the Greens moved their core ecological issue back to the fore and decided in 2008 with the Green New Deal, a concept that was to rebalance the relationship between ecology and economy and promote ecological modernization .
Today's policy and election programs
"... to respect and protect ... - change creates stability" is the title of the current basic program of Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen. It was decided by a large majority at the first purely digital party congress of the Greens in November 2020. It replaces the old basic program that was adopted at a federal delegates' conference in Berlin in March 2002 and which in turn replaced the federal program from 1980.
In the current basic program it says, similar to 2002: "The focus of our politics is the human being in his dignity and freedom." It is expressly emphasized that the basic value of ecology derives from this: "Protecting and maintaining the environment is a prerequisite for a life in dignity and freedom." In general, the program has the following five basic values: ecology, justice, self-determination, democracy and peace.
The fourth basic program in the history of BÜNDNIS 90 / DIE GRÜNEN marks, according to the preface, "the entry into a new phase of the party: It defines an alliance party that makes an offer to society in all its breadth." In terms of content, the main differences to the earlier basic program are the rejection of referendums at federal level (instead, so-called "citizens' councils" are called for), the unconditional basic income as the "guiding principle" of social security and the commitment to a "federal republic of Europe" as a long-term perspective.
While the concept of sustainability is essentially conservative , the Greens stand for left-liberal and communitarian concepts and positions in terms of social policy . Examples of this are the multicultural society sought by the Greens , the integration of immigrants , lesbian and gay policy , in particular the commitment to equal opportunities for civil partnerships and the opening up of marriage , as well as the positions on data protection , the information society and civil rights . The Greens' concept of justice emphasizes intergenerational justice over and above distribution , opportunities , gender and international justice .
The election manifesto for the 2013 Bundestag elections with the title “Time for Green Change” was adopted in April 2013 with no votes against, with one abstention. It marked a clear shift to the left on the part of the party. The Greens based their demand for higher taxes on high earners less on social redistribution requirements than on a universal sustainability law.
In a membership decision in June 2013, the party members selected the nine most important key projects from the election manifesto, which should be negotiated as a matter of priority in the case of coalition negotiations. In the area of "Environment and Energy", the party base gave the highest priority to the goal of converting the electricity supply completely to renewable energies by 2030 . This was followed by the demand for an end to factory farming and a redefinition of indicators of prosperity , which should no longer be based solely on economic growth . In the area of “justice”, the party members voted for the introduction of minimum wages , followed by the abolition of private health insurance in favor of citizens' insurance for everyone and a reorganization of the financial markets . From the topic of “modern society”, the limitation of arms exports was determined to be the most important project, followed by the abolition of childcare allowances in favor of the expansion of day-care centers and the systematic promotion of programs against right-wing extremism . The tax plans, which were particularly controversial in the media after the program congress, were not chosen by the members as one of the core demands. The demand for the introduction of a property levy landed in fourth place, while the demand for low taxes for low-wage earners and the middle class came in fifth in the area of justice. Compared with the election of the top candidates, in which 62 percent of the party members took part, the turnout in the membership decision was significantly lower at 26.7 percent of the party members.
Environmental and nature protection, energy, transport
The core idea of green politics is sustainable development . The idea of environmental protection therefore pervades large parts of the Alliance 90 / The Greens program. In particular, the economic, energy and transport policy demands are closely interrelated with environmental policy considerations. Climate protection policy is at the center of all considerations .
Right from the start, the immediate construction and operational cessation of all nuclear power plants , the promotion of alternative energies and a comprehensive program of energy saving were in the foreground of the green program. After the Chernobyl disaster in 1986, the green demands were radicalized and realpolitical compromises were rejected. With the reorientation after 1990, the party returned to a more moderate program, and concerns about global warming and the ozone hole pushed those about nuclear energy somewhat into the background. Many Greens found the numerous compromises during the red-green government from 1998 to 2005 disappointing.
The goals of the energy turnaround formulated in the program for the 2013 federal election were above all the phase-out of coal energy and a complete power supply from renewable energies by 2030. By 2040, heat generation and transport should also largely be converted to renewable energies. An increase in electricity prices should be prevented by withdrawing the special regulations for electricity-intensive companies , and job-creating effects in the field of renewable energies were also expected.
Transport policy is accorded a similarly high priority . Utopian resolutions, such as the demand made at the Magdeburg Party Congress in 1998 to raise the price of petrol to five DM through appropriate taxation , are no longer to be found in today's programs. In the run-up to the Bundestag election, this decision had led to considerable losses in polls, as it was perceived as an expression of the potential ruling party returning to the fundamentalism of previous years.
According to the ideas of Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen, speed 80 should apply on country roads and speed 120 on highways . The share of cycling is to be increased to more than 20 percent by 2020. The party calls for a traffic turnaround . The Greens also often criticize the construction of high-speed lines .
One of the specific demands in the 2013 election campaign was to designate ten percent of the public forests as protected areas. In the election manifesto for the 2017 federal elections, the Greens are calling for only zero-emission new vehicles to be allowed from 2030 . In addition, they provide for a mobile pass with which local public transport, car sharing and bike sharing can be booked centrally.
For a long time, the basic economic policy demands of the Greens were critical of capitalism and, according to some authors, also oriented towards Marxism . The causes of the ecological problems were essentially located in the production conditions and consumer behavior of the capitalist economic system. In addition to the classic socialist proposed solutions such as the unbundling of the large corporations , pragmatic, non-Marxist approaches were added early on, such as ecologically based infrastructure investments, energy taxes or savings and recycling techniques . After the party redefined its positions in the early 1990s, decidedly socialist economic demands in favor of liberal demands have largely disappeared from the Greens' program.
In the basic program of 2002, no specific economic order was expressly required. The Greens rule out equating the concepts of freedom and self-determination , which are central to the basic program from 2002, with pure market freedom , but consider the solution of ecological problems to be possible today in principle within the framework of the social market economy . The key concept of sustainability also and particularly relates to sustainable management . Although the social model of the Greens is based on the solidarity of individuals, the state should not leave public tasks to the free play of forces . The economic policy of the Greens is characterized by skepticism towards the assumption that prosperity presupposes constant economic growth . The globalization is, at least, negatively described in their actual current form, which is characterized by destruction of the environment, an increasing division of the world population of poor and rich, as well as privatized, commercialized and terrorist violence.
In the immediate climate protection program published in summer 2019, the Greens are calling for CO 2 pricing that reflects the costs of climate damage . This should go hand in hand with an abolition of the electricity tax. The income is to be repaid in full to the citizens as a climate bonus .
“Those who protect the climate pay less than they get out and have made a profit at the end of the year. Anyone who harms the climate pays for it. This also applies to companies. This increases the incentive to switch to climate-friendly technologies and invest in renewable energies and efficiency. "
The 2020 policy statement says, "The economy serves people and the common good, not the other way around." Furthermore, "Markets [...] can be a powerful instrument for economic efficiency, innovation and technological progress."
Social, health, family, education
In family policy, the Greens have long been calling for the abolition of spouse splitting and “modern individual taxation”. The previous regulations are no longer up-to-date: “It promotes marriages and not families.” Furthermore, the rapid and massive financial expansion of kindergarten places nationwide was demanded.
In the 2013 election program, a nationwide minimum wage of EUR 8.50 or more with the same pay for temporary workers and permanent staff was planned. The Hartz IV standard rate for long-term unemployed should be increased to 420 euros, sanction rules for benefit recipients should be eased and initially suspended. Fixed-term employment relationships should no longer be possible without a material reason, mini-jobs should be curbed by the fact that social security obligations should apply from 100 euros .
The Greens wanted to introduce a guaranteed pension of 850 euros per month for those who had been in the labor market for 30 years or who had looked after children. The Greens held on to the pension at 67, but wanted to cushion it with partial pensions and easier access to disability pensions without deductions . A national insurance policy for all should the current system of private and statutory health insurance to replace. Rent increases should be more strictly limited in the case of new rentals or modernizations.
According to the goals formulated in the program for the 2013 federal election, one billion euros more should be invested annually for universities and 200 million euros for adult student loans . The care allowance should be abolished again.
In the case of soft drugs such as cannabis, the Greens want to decriminalize personal use and private cultivation and, taking into account the protection of minors, enable a legal form of delivery via licensed specialist shops. The medical use of and research on drugs should no longer be hindered. The unequal treatment of cannabis and alcohol through driving license law should also be ended. Cannabis offenses unrelated to road traffic should then no longer be transmitted to the driver's license office without being asked and without the consent of the person concerned.
Gender, Lesbian and Gay Policy
Consumer protection, food and agriculture
When Minister Renate Künast took office in 2001, the previous Federal Ministry for Food, Agriculture and Forestry was renamed the Federal Ministry for Consumer Protection, Food and Agriculture . This was intended to highlight a high priority for consumer protection . Among other things, the organic seal was introduced in September 2001, which is used to identify products that are at least 95 percent from organic farming. The agricultural turnaround with regionally anchored and ecological agriculture is accorded a similarly high priority as the energy turnaround.
One of the central concerns in the 2013 federal election campaign was the abolition of subsidies for factory farming . The election program also called for a clear improvement in the position of animals in agriculture and a reduction in the number of animals kept overall through various measures. This includes a heavily revised animal welfare law as well as clear bans on serious interventions such as piglet castration without anesthesia , the cropping of tails or beaks and the grinding of teeth.
Civil rights, democratic participation, network politics
Civil rights occupy a large part of the program. The Greens are against centralized and untargeted mass surveillance, against any restriction of freedom of assembly and against any form of weakening and undermining rule-of- law standards in criminal law or in criminal proceedings. In contradiction to these principles, among other things, the approval of the Greens to the so-called anti-terror laws as well as to the Aviation Security Act during the red-green coalition stood.
Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen unreservedly supports the individual's basic right to asylum and generally sees immigration as a productive force. The isolation of Europe as an island of prosperity against the worldwide growing migration flows is therefore rejected .
In net politics , the Greens strictly reject any restriction of freedom on the Internet. A free Internet for everyone, financed by a company fund, was called for in the 2013 federal election program.
Military operations and arms exports
One of the main characteristics of the Greens in their early years was their strong anchoring in the peace movement . In the 1980s, the Greens were hostile to Germany's NATO membership. In the federal program of 1980, the Greens demanded the immediate dissolution of the military blocs in the west and east. Many Green members took part in protests directed against the storage of US nuclear weapons on German soil . Petra Kelly was one of the leading activists against nuclear weapons .
This position changed over the course of the 1990s. In June 1992, Daniel Cohn-Bendit called for a military operation in Sarajevo . In particular under the impression of the Srebrenica massacre in 1995, after Joschka Fischer became German Foreign Minister in 1998 , Germany took part in the Kosovo war and the war in Afghanistan . The federal delegates' conference in Bielefeld on May 13, 1999 (see also Joschka Fischer's speech on the NATO mission in Kosovo ) led to the departure of the pacifist wing of the Greens.
With the basic program of 2002, Alliance 90 / The Greens said goodbye to strict pacifism and no longer categorically ruled out violence against genocide and terrorism legitimized under international law .
One of the most important items on the program for the 2013 Bundestag election was the legal limitation of arms exports .
In June 2013, during the civil war in Syria , the Greens refused to deliver arms to the rebels. In October 2014, the leader of the Greens in the Bundestag, Katrin Göring-Eckardt, announced that her parliamentary group would support an operation of the German armed forces against IS , even if this meant the use of ground troops. On December 4, 2015, the majority of the parliamentary group rejected the approval of the armed forces' combat deployment in Syria because, among other things, it had not been clarified how the relationship with the dictator Assad should be shaped.
Foreign Policy and European Policy
The Greens are committed to a strong Europe and a common foreign and security policy in Europe. They criticize Erdoğan's role in Turkey and demand that Turkish accession negotiations with the EU be put on hold. In the basic program of 2002, the European Union is described as the most far-reaching approach to date for a responsible community of states, but is too fixated on neoliberal economic policy. In their 2013 federal election program, the Greens campaigned for a more democratic Europe and a more solidarity-based refugee policy. In the fight against the euro and financial crisis , budget consolidation is to be supplemented by stronger financial market regulation and a European debt repayment fund.
taxes and finances
While under the heading “Taxes, currency and finances” since 1980 it had typically been “This part of the program is still being revised” for more than twenty years since 1980, considerations about the financial feasibility of the green demands now occupy a large part in the program of the Greens. The Greens consider the expansion of the eco-tax introduced under the red-green federal government to be the most important incentive tax to be able to solve ecological problems within the framework of the market economy according to the polluter pays principle .
For the 2013 federal election, the Greens presented plans to finance the desired social change through additional burdens for top earners and the wealthy. The additional income should flow into a better infrastructure for education and childcare, into the ecological restructuring of society and into debt reduction . Those with a taxable income of up to around 60,000 euros should be relieved by increasing the basic tax-free amount from 8130 euros to 8712 euros.
Specifically, the Greens called for a temporary property tax of 1.5 percent on assets from one million euros, which is to be replaced after ten years by a permanent property tax . The property levy should bring the budget 100 billion euros in ten years to reduce the national debt. The top tax rate should be raised from 42 to 49 percent from a gross income of 80,000 euros. The Greens wanted to melt the spouse splitting and replace it with individual taxation, in which the tax-free subsistence level can be transferred to the partner. For existing marriages, the splitting advantage should initially be capped so that only households with an income of 60,000 euros or more would be charged. In principle, income from capital should again be taxed at the same level as income from work, and the current withholding tax should therefore be dropped. Subsidies such as company car taxation , tax advantages for hoteliers, for example, or the exceptions to the eco tax should be abolished, and the vehicle tax should be amended in favor of electric and hybrid cars . There are also plans to double inheritance tax revenue . In addition, a black list in the fight against tax havens in Europe as well as sanctions against banks and states that do not stop such practices should help in the fight against tax evasion and tax evasion .
|Membership since 1982|
The composition of the members of Alliance 90 / The Greens has changed several times in the course of its history. After it was founded, conservative forces left the party and turned to the ÖDP from 1982 onwards . Many eco-socialists left the party between 1990 and 1992. During this period, the number of members fell by 6,000 to just over 35,000, but the number of resigned members was higher, as a significant number of new members joined the party in the same period, who apparently agreed to the realpolitical orientation that was taking hold.
In East Germany, the number of members jumped from a good 1,000 to around 3,000 after the unification of Alliance 90 with the Greens in 1992/93, but fell to a good 2,500 after 1998. The share of the East German regional associations was consistently six to seven percent of the total number of members of the party. By 1998 the number of members rose to just under 52,000. However, the compromises with the SPD and, above all, Germany's participation in the war under the red-green government resulted in a collapse in membership numbers. Since Alliance 90 / The Greens have been in opposition, the number of members has increased again and has roughly doubled in the 2010s. The largest increase of 21,000 new members was recorded in 2019. Since April 2020, Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen has been one of four German parties with more than 100,000 members alongside the Union parties and the SPD.
In West Germany, the majority of active party members were long recruited from the age cohort of those born between 1954 and 1965, ie from a “post- 1968 movement ”. That is why the Greens were long regarded as a “generation party”, so that a “graying” of the party was predicted. However, this prediction was not confirmed. Although the Greens are no longer the youth party they were in the 1980s and partly still in the 1990s, the Alliance Green members have the lowest average age at 48 and the party, at 13 percent, the lowest percentage of pensioners of all parties represented in the Bundestag. With an average of 46.6 years in 2009, the parliamentary group was the youngest in parliament. In the present 19th Bundestag, the Green Group is on average the second youngest after that of the FDP .
At 40.5 percent, the proportion of women among the Greens is higher than that of the other parties represented in the Bundestag. Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen achieved the highest value of all parties in the proportion of members with a university degree. This is 68 percent. At 42 percent, the proportion of people with no religious affiliation is also high . It is only significantly higher with the Left Party at 79 percent.
Among the professions represented in the Greens, there is a strong presence of civil servants and employees in the public service, who, with 45 percent of all working members, are more represented than all other professional groups. From this derives the criticism that “the protest made civil servants”. It is sometimes seen as problematic that the majority of the members are not only formally highly educated today, but also earn significantly better than the average (while two thirds were still unemployed in 1983), so that there is a risk that social problems will be perceived differently.
In party research there is the thesis that the Greens and their electorate are the result of a change in values and are post-materialistic because of prosperity and education . The conflict between ecology and economy has partially or even largely displaced the left - right contradiction. Nonetheless, most of the Green voters describe themselves as “left”, especially since the party was strongly influenced by the new social movements of the 1970s. After the departure of many eco-socialists and “ Fundis ” from the party in 1990/91 and the establishment of the Left Party , however, the Greens lost part of the left-wing electorate. Participation in government at the federal level and the associated responsibility for the German military operations in Kosovo and Afghanistan as well as for the Hartz IV reforms also contributed to the fact that around half of the electorate has exchanged views over the years. In this context there is talk of a “bourgeoisisation” of the Greens. This process is also progressing with the aging of the age cohort that has shaped the Green Party since it was founded. Nevertheless, the Greens achieved their best result among the under 30s in the 2009 Bundestag election.
Green voters are regarded as having an above-average education (62 percent high school diploma or technical college entrance qualification ), have an above-average net household income (2317 euros) and are relatively young (average 38.1 years). In the 2009 Bundestag election they performed well above average with 15.4 percent of the first - time voters , while they were well below the overall result with 5.0 percent for those over 60 years of age. Since the 1990s, the Greens have been tapping into new groups of voters and have enjoyed a large number of young voters. Women choose the greens more often than men. In the 2009 Bundestag election, Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen achieved 13 percent of women voters compared to 9 percent of men. Service professions are particularly well represented among the green voters . Civil servants made up the largest proportion of Green voters at 18 percent in the 2009 Bundestag election, but the self-employed , who made up just 1 percent in 1987, had risen to 14 percent, making them the second largest group among voters.
The Greens find their voters mainly in urban milieus with a high level of education. The party achieved mostly double-digit election results in the three city-states of Berlin, Hamburg and Bremen and was involved in several state governments there. The Greens also have strongholds in some large states, particularly in Baden-Württemberg and Hesse and, more recently, in Schleswig-Holstein and parts of Lower Saxony and Bavaria. In the university cities of Freiburg im Breisgau , Konstanz , Tübingen and Darmstadt , the party provided or provides the mayors . Since January 2013, Stuttgart is the first state capital to be ruled by a green mayor. In the Berlin constituency of Kreuzberg-Friedrichshain-Prenzlauer Berg Ost , Hans-Christian Ströbele won a direct mandate for the Bundestag four times in a row . In contrast, the party has lower shares of the vote in rural areas.
The position of Alliance 90 / The Greens in the eastern federal states is problematic . In 1990, Bündnis 90 and the East Greens were still relatively successful here and participated in a traffic light coalition in Brandenburg . The merits of the civil rights movement and thus of Alliance 90 no longer played an essential role soon after reunification. In the " super election year " of 1994, Alliance 90 / The Greens failed in all eastern German states except in Saxony-Anhalt because of the five percent hurdle. This fate also befell the state association in Saxony-Anhalt four years later. In the following years, the results of state elections were sometimes below two percent. In the sparsely populated Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, Alliance 90 / The Greens had never been able to overcome the five percent threshold before the state elections on September 4, 2011. In the state elections in Saxony in 2004 and those in Thuringia and Brandenburg in 2009 , they narrowly managed to get back into some East German state parliaments. In the 2009 Bundestag election, the party also increased its share of the vote in the east by 1.6 percent to 6.0 percent (compared to 11.4 percent in the west, both without Berlin), so that the character of a "western party" seems to be gradually weakening . Nevertheless, in East Germany there is largely a lack of the milieu that makes up the regular voters of the Greens in order to be firmly anchored in society .
In the 2009 election brought voters hikes previous SPD voters the Greens an increase of 870,000 voices, however, lost Alliance 90 / The Greens 140,000 voters to the Left Party and another 30,000 votes to the group of non-voters . The number of voters migrating to and from the bourgeois camp was significantly lower . While 50,000 previous Union voters switched to the Greens, the party lost 30,000 voters to the FDP. In the 2005 federal election the Greens had already won 140,000 votes from the SPD, but 240,000 voters switched to the Left Party and 70,000 votes to the non-voters. In contrast to 2009, 130,000 votes were lost to the Union in 2005. In the 2019 European elections, the party mainly won votes from the CDU and SPD, but compared to the 2017 federal election.
Women's statute, separation of office and mandate
Alliance 90 / The Greens have committed themselves to a women's statute. This provides for a quota of women on list places , delegates and speaking rights. When electing to the same offices and when drawing up election lists, at least half of the places are reserved for women. In a committee with three seats, at least two women are to be elected. If there is no candidate for a woman entitled to a place, the women present can release this for an open election. Because of the quotation, most of the speakers or chairmen in the federal and state associations, in the parliamentary groups and other committees are double-headed. The Greens consider the quota for women to be necessary until a balanced ratio of men and women in politics is achieved in order to achieve equal participation of women in politics. Further privileges of the female party members are the “women's vote” and the “women's veto”. At the request of at least ten women entitled to vote (at the federal level) or by an individual (up to and including the state level), a vote must be carried out among the women present before a regular vote. At all meetings, the majority of women present can exercise a veto right to have a proposal postponed to the following meeting. A right of veto can only be exercised once per submission.
For the Greens in the 1980s, grassroots democracy was not just a demand for society as a whole, but should also be exemplified within the “anti-party” party. As a "fundamental alternative to the traditional parties", which of course had to comply with the requirements of the party law, their political representatives should always be tied back to the will of the decentralized party base and be subject to constant control. One absolutely wanted to prevent a caste of professional politicians, as criticized by the Greens in all established parties. One of the rigid preventive measures against bureaucratic encrustations of a political class was that in the early years all party offices had to be held on a voluntary basis. Another element to prevent professionalized parliamentary elites was that a large part of the diets had to be paid to the party and only an amount corresponding to the salary of a skilled worker could be kept personally. In addition, there was no chairman in any of the committees, but a spokesperson. The party and the parliamentary group each had three speakers with equal rights until 1990/91, who were also replaced by others after a short period of time. As a result, the Greens did not conduct personalized election campaigns for a long time, for which external consultants and advertising agencies have only been commissioned since the beginning of 2000 . In order to avoid the accumulation of offices and concentration of power, the Greens pursued a strict separation of office and mandate for a long time . In 2003, however, this regulation was relaxed, since then no more than a third of the members of the federal executive board may also be MPs, but they may not be members of a state or federal government. At the Green Party Congress in January 2018, with the required two-thirds majority in excess of 77%, an eight-month transition period was introduced within which members of the government can continue to serve in their office despite the election of the Greens federal chairman. This concerned Federal Chairman Robert Habeck, who has been in office since January 2018, who had to resign from the office of Schleswig-Holstein's Environment Minister at the end of August 2018 after the transition period . Members of the federal executive board have been able to apply for remuneration since 1987.
Of the numerous peculiarities that organizationally differentiated the Greens from the established parties in their founding phase, only the dual leadership, the greatly relaxed separation of office and mandate and the women's quota remain today. The latter was also taken over by the SPD in a moderated form in 1988, and the CDU introduced a so-called women's quorum in 1994 . The Greens have professionalized themselves in many areas and aligned themselves with other parties.
|Regional association||Speaker / Chair||Members|
|Baden-Wuerttemberg||Sandra Detzer , Oliver Hildenbrand||14,040|
|Bavaria||Eva Lettenbauer , Thomas von Sarnowski||18,600|
|Berlin||Nina Stahr , Werner Graf||10,469|
|Brandenburg||Petra Budke , Clemens Rostock||1,979|
|Bremen||Alexandra Werwath , Florian Pfeffer||1,037|
|Hesse||Sigrid Erfurth , Philip Krämer||8,229|
|Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania||Weike Bandlow , Ole Kruger||1,000|
|Lower Saxony||Hans-Joachim Janßen , Anne Kura||11,000|
|North Rhine-Westphalia||Mona Neubaur , Felix Banaszak||23,000|
|Rhineland-Palatinate||Jutta Paulus , Josef Winkler||5,000|
|Saxony||Christin Furtenbacher , Norman Volger||3,060|
|Saxony-Anhalt||Susan Sziborra-Seidlitz , Britta-Heide Garben||1,200|
|Schleswig-Holstein||Ann-Kathrin Tranziska , Steffen Regis||5,000|
|Thuringia||Ann-Sophie Bohm-Eisenbrandt , Bernhard Stengele||1,200|
The party is organized in 16 regional associations as well as in around 1,800 local associations and around 440 district associations. In large cities there are local associations for individual city districts and district associations for city districts. According to the principle of decentralization , the local chapters are granted extensive autonomy. Local chapters abroad exist in Brussels and Washington, DC
The strongest state associations are those of North Rhine-Westphalia, Bavaria and Baden-Württemberg, the smallest are the state associations in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, Thuringia and Saxony-Anhalt. The city-states of Berlin, Hamburg and Bremen have associations with a large number of members, measured by the number of inhabitants.
Federal Delegates Conference
The Federal Delegate Conference (BDK) or Federal Assembly is the highest decision-making body and corresponds to the federal party congress of other parties. On it, the delegates elect the federal executive committee, the candidates from the European election list, the members of the party council, the federal arbitration tribunal and the federal auditors and decide on the program and statutes.
The federal delegates' conference takes place at least once a year. Each district association sends at least one delegate to the Federal Assembly, depending on its size. When the Greens united with Bündnis 90, the East German state associations were granted special rights. They are entitled to 185 of the 840 delegate places.
The day-to-day business of the federal party is dealt with by the federal executive committee, which consists of an equal double head ( Annalena Baerbock and Robert Habeck ), the political manager ( Michael Kellner ), the federal treasurer ( Marc Urbatsch ) and two deputy chairmen ( Jamila Schäfer , European and international Coordinator, and Ricarda Lang , spokesperson for women's affairs).
The six-member federal executive committee is elected for two years by the federal delegates' conference. Since 2001, the two equal party leaders have been called federal chairmen, earlier there was talk of speakers. Until 1991, the party executive in the west was headed by a three-person college, the composition of which, in addition to the quota for women, also took into account the representation of the various currents within the party.
The then chairmen of the board, Claudia Roth and Fritz Kuhn , did not stand again for the new election of the board in December 2002 after the Federal Conference of Delegates rejected an application to abolish the separation of office and mandate with a narrow blocking minority. However, when she was elected to the federal executive committee in Kiel in October 2004, Claudia Roth was re-elected. This was possible because a strike vote on this problem had loosened the previously strict regulation and now a third of the federal board members can also be members of the Bundestag.
Instead of a general secretary, there is a political director in the federal association and in some regional associations. He works full-time for the party, is a voting member of the board and is directly elected by the delegates' conference. Previous political managing directors were Eberhard Walde (1983–1991), Heide Rühle (1993–1998), Reinhard Bütikofer (1998–2002), Steffi Lemke (2002–2013) and Michael Kellner (since 2013).
The federal association and some regional associations also have organizational management. Organizational managers are employed by the board as employees , are bound by instructions and have no political decision-making authority of their own. The former spokeswoman for the Green Youth Emily Büning has been the organizational director of the federal association since August 2012 .
Country and party council
The highest decision-making body between the federal assemblies is the quarterly council. It decides on the policy guidelines between the federal delegate conferences and coordinates the work between the bodies of the federal party, the parliamentary groups and the regional associations. In fact, its function as a discussion body is more important than that of a decision-making body. The members of the federal executive board belong to the state council because of their office; other members are delegated from the state associations, the Bundestag parliamentary group, the regional parliamentary groups and the European Parliament as well as from the federal working groups. The state council replaced the federal main committee in 1991.
The advisory party council set up in 1998 has similar tasks . He develops and plans joint initiatives of the committees, parliamentary groups and regional associations. The party council usually meets in the session of the German Bundestag. Its members work on the committee on a voluntary basis. The federal chairmen and the political manager belong to the party council by virtue of office. The rest of the up to 16 members are elected by the Federal Conference of Delegates.
Due to the many government participations that the Greens have entered into in the federal states since 2007, they have become an influential figure in the Federal Council and in the federal-state votes. The Greens have created what is known as the G-Coordination for internal party voting in federal politics. With it, heads of the federal party, the parliamentary group and the government Greens in the states coordinate. The structure of the G-coordination includes a specialist coordination for selected policy fields, an overarching G-coordination at working level as well as two chimneys of the top political personnel.
Federal Women's Council, Policy Commission and working groups
The Federal Women's Council plans and coordinates women's political work within the party. It includes the female members of the federal executive committee, the Bundestag parliamentary group and the European Parliament as well as two female delegates from each regional association. Between the federal assemblies, it decides on the guidelines for women's policy. The members are elected by the women of the state associations and the state working groups on women's politics as well as the federal executive committee, the Bundestag and European parliamentary groups and the federal working groups on women's and lesbian politics. A federal women’s conference is convened annually.
There are federal working groups (BAG) for many policy areas . These flank the programmatic work of the Policy Commission and, in cooperation with (professional) associations, initiatives and scientific institutions, are supposed to develop concepts and strategies on key issues as well as to coordinate the substantive work within the party. The federal working groups have the right to apply at federal assemblies and in the state council. The members entitled to vote are elected by the respective state working groups (LAG) or delegated by the state boards. The federal working groups usually meet two to three times a year.
The following federal working groups have existed since 2016: Work, Social, Health, Disability Policy, Education, Christians, Democracy and Law, Energy, Europe, Women's Policy, Peace, Global Development, Children, Youth, Family, Culture, Agriculture and Rural Development, Lesbian Policy, Media and Network policy, migration and flight, mobility and traffic, ecology, planning, building, living, secular greenery, gay policy , animal welfare, economy and finance, science, university technology policy.
Green youth and campus green
The youth association of Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen is the Green Youth with 7,100 members (as of October 2017). At the federal level, the youth association was only founded in 1994, at that time still under the name Green-Alternatives Youth Alliance (GAJB), state associations existed since 1991. The Green Youth has been a sub-organization of the party since 2001. As such, it has the right to propose to party congresses and has representatives in the party committees. The maximum age for membership is 27 years, it is independent of party membership. The highest decision-making body is the Federal Congress, to which, unlike most other political youth associations, all members are invited and are entitled to vote. The Green Youth positions itself in many areas to the left of the mother party.
The more than 70 green and green-related university groups are united in the Federal Association of Green-Alternative University Groups Campusgrün , which is organizationally and politically independent of the party. Campusgrün works with the Alliance Green Federal Working Group on Science, University & Technology Policy, with the Green Youth and with the Heinrich Böll Foundation. The individual university groups are autonomous and have different degrees of closeness to the party. Federal meetings of the umbrella organization take place twice a year, at which each member university group is represented by one or two delegates with voting rights.
Heinrich Böll Foundation
Like all other party-affiliated foundations , the Heinrich Böll Foundation is formally independent. Contrary to its name, its legal form is not a foundation , but a registered association . In its current form it emerged in 1996/97 from the three foundations Buntstift (Göttingen), Frauen-Anstiftung (Hamburg) and Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung (Cologne), which were merged in the Rainbow Foundation, which were founded in the first half of the 1980s were. The various foundations of the green regional associations were organized in the colored pencil federation. The Heinrich Böll Foundation is still federally organized today and maintains sixteen regional branches. It is present in 27 foreign offices around the world. Barbara Unmüßig and Ellen Ueberschär have been on the board since 2017, and Livia Cotta is the managing director.
The Heinrich Böll Foundation is an institution for political education and maintains a Studienwerk that awards scholarships to students and doctoral candidates. She shares the basic values of ecology , democracy , solidarity and nonviolence with the green party . Cross-cutting issues that run through the entire work of the foundation are migration and gender democracy . The history of green politics and the new social movements is documented and processed in the Green Memory Archive .
|Income of the Greens in 2013||EUR||portion|
|Mandate holder contributions and similar regular contributions||8,988,904.88||22.38%|
|Donations from natural persons||4,283,060.27||10.67%|
|Events, distribution of pamphlets and publications and other income-related activities||843,988.05||2.10%|
|Donations from legal entities||697,127.62||1.74%|
|Income from other property||149,890.02||0.37%|
|Income from business activities and investments||1,476.67||0.00%|
The annual report of the Greens for the year 2013 showed for the entire party revenues of around 40.2 million euros. Of this, a good 8.2 million euros went to the federal association, a good 13.6 million euros to the regional associations and around 19.5 million euros to subordinate regional associations. State party funding made up the largest share , which is heavily dependent on the number of elections in a year and the success of the party. In 2014, state funds of around 14.8 million euros were set by the German Bundestag. Of this, around 2.3 million euros went to the regional associations and around 12.5 million euros to the federal association.
In 2013, this was offset by expenses of almost 43.4 million euros. A good 10.9 million euros went to the federal association, a good 13.6 million euros to the regional associations and 20.0 million euros to subordinate regional associations. At over 14.3 million euros (32.89 percent of expenditure), personnel expenditure was by far the largest item, alongside the expenditure for election campaigns of 14.2 million euros (32.73 percent of expenditure). A good 7.8 million euros were spent on general political work and a good 6.6 million euros on material expenses for ongoing business operations.
The positive net worth of the party was 34,771,885 euros. The federal association accounted for almost 40,000 euros, the regional associations almost 14 million euros and subordinate regional associations around 20.8 million euros.
The financial investor Jochen Wermuth, who has been investing exclusively in “green” companies since 2008, donated Alliance 90 / The Greens in 2016 a total of 599,989 euros.
|Donations to Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen amounting to 10,000 € in 2012|
|Association of the Metal and Electrical Industry Baden-Württemberg||€ 60,000|
|BMW AG||€ 48,535|
|Daimler AG||€ 45,000|
|Association of Bayer. Metal and electrical industry||€ 35,000|
|Association of the metal and electrical industry in North Rhine-Westphalia||€ 15,000|
|IBC Solar AG||€ 23,500|
|Munich Re||€ 15,000|
|German Chemical Industry Association V.||€ 12,500|
|Donation amount||Donor||Date of receipt|
|300,000 euros||Jochen Wermuth||February 23, 2016|
|299,989 euros||Jochen Wermuth||29th August 2016|
|110,000 euros||Südwestmetall - Association of the Metal and Electrical Industry Baden-Württemberg||December 12, 2016|
Politics in federal, state, municipal and EU
The parliamentary group is an important power center within the party . In the 19th German Bundestag in 2017, Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen is represented by 67 members, 39 of whom are women. The parliamentary group chairmen are Katrin Göring-Eckardt and Anton Hofreiter . Britta Haßelmann is the first parliamentary manager .
The parliamentary group of the Greens initially had three equal speakers who changed annually. This changed after the federal election in 1990, when Bündnis 90 and the Greens were represented as a group in parliament with only eight members , whose spokesman was Werner Schulz . Since Alliance 90 / The Greens moved back into the Bundestag as a parliamentary group in 1994, they have had two chairpersons elected for the entire legislative period.
Coalitions at the country level
|Government participation by the Greens, Bündnis 90
and Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen
|duration||State / federal government||Coalition partner|
|1985-1987||Hesse||SPD ( Cabinet Börner III )|
|1989-1990||Berlin||AL with SPD ( Senate Momper )|
|1990-1994||Lower Saxony||SPD ( Schröder I cabinet )|
|1990-1994||Brandenburg||B'90 with SPD and FDP ( Cabinet Stolpe I )|
|1991-1999||Hesse||SPD ( Cabinet Eichel I and II )|
|1991-1995||Bremen||SPD and FDP ( Senate Wedemeier III )|
|1994-1998||Saxony-Anhalt||SPD ( Cabinet Höppner I ( tolerated by PDS ))|
|1995-2005||North Rhine-Westphalia||SPD ( Cabinet Rau V , Cabinet Clement I and II , Cabinet Steinbrück )|
|1996-2005||Schleswig-Holstein||SPD ( Cabinet Simonis II and III )|
|1997-2001||Hamburg||SPD ( Senate Round )|
|1998-2005||Federal government||SPD ( Cabinet Schröder I and II )|
|2001-2002||Berlin||SPD ( Senate Wowereit I (tolerated by PDS))|
|2007-2019||Bremen||SPD ( Senate Böhrnsen II and III , Senate Sieling )|
|2008-2010||Hamburg||CDU ( Senate von Beust III and Senate Ahlhaus )|
|2009–2012||Saarland||CDU and FDP ( Cabinet Müller III and Cabinet Kramp-Karrenbauer I )|
|2010-2017||North Rhine-Westphalia||SPD ( Cabinet Kraft I (as a minority government) and II )|
|2011-2016||Baden-Wuerttemberg||SPD ( Cabinet Kretschmann I )|
|2011-2016||Rhineland-Palatinate||SPD ( Cabinet Beck V and Cabinet Dreyer I )|
|2012-2017||Schleswig-Holstein||SPD and SSW ( Albig Cabinet )|
|2013-2017||Lower Saxony||SPD ( Cabinet Weil I )|
|2014-2020||Thuringia||Die Linke and SPD ( Cabinet Ramelow I )|
|since 2014||Hesse||CDU ( Cabinet Bouffier II and III )|
|since 2015||Hamburg||SPD ( Senate Scholz II , Senate Tschentscher I and II )|
|since 2016||Saxony-Anhalt||CDU and SPD ( Cabinet Haseloff II )|
|since 2016||Baden-Wuerttemberg||CDU ( Cabinet Kretschmann II and III )|
|since 2016||Rhineland-Palatinate||SPD and FDP ( Cabinet Dreyer II and III )|
|since 2016||Berlin||SPD and Die Linke ( Senate Müller II )|
|since 2017||Schleswig-Holstein||CDU and FDP ( Cabinet Günther )|
|since 2019||Bremen||SPD and Die Linke ( Senate Bovenschulte )|
|since 2019||Brandenburg||SPD and CDU ( Cabinet Woidke III )|
|since 2019||Saxony||CDU and SPD ( Cabinet Kretschmer II )|
|since 2020||Thuringia||Die Linke and SPD ( Cabinet Ramelow II )|
The Greens entered into many government alliances at federal and state level with the SPD . Red-green was considered a political project of the 68 generation . Cooperation between the Social Democrats and the Greens seemed to be a realistic option when the SPD Federal Chairman Willy Brandt spoke of a “majority on this side of the Union” in the Bonn group after the state elections in Hesse in 1982 . Since then, the left-wing camp has regarded red-green as a project, as a “concrete utopia of post-materialism ”. The SPD's Berlin program and its candidate for chancellor, Oskar Lafontaine , approached significantly green positions at the end of the 1980s. Within the Greens, however, the stance on government participation was the most controversial point of disagreement between the Realos and the Fundis. On this question, the party threatened to break up. The first red-green coalition came from 1985 to 1987 in Hessen. The first government participations in particular were extremely conflictual. In 1990/91 the realpolitical wing prevailed and red-green state governments became more and more common.
After the end of the red-green federal government in 2005, there were initially hardly any starting points for a revitalization of red-green, as both the political and the arithmetic prerequisites were lacking. All red-green governments were voted out of office in 2005 and in Berlin, where a government with the Greens would have been possible in 2006, Klaus Wowereit preferred a coalition with the PDS . It was not until 2007 that the SPD and the Greens formed a government again in Bremen. This was also a grand coalition from 2011 to 2015 , as the SPD and Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen were the two largest parliamentary groups. The red-green cooperation in the smallest federal state, however, did not serve as a model for coalition politics. It was not until 2010 and 2011 that there was a renaissance with the formation of governments in North Rhine-Westphalia, Rhineland-Palatinate and Baden-Württemberg. In the latter federal state, the Greens have been the Prime Minister with Winfried Kretschmann since 2011 , initially in a green-red coalition and since 2016 in a green-black coalition.
While government alliances with the SPD are seen as "overlapping coalitions", those with the Union are seen as "complementary coalitions". Cooperation between the CDU and the Greens depends largely on the top players. While the black-green coalition in Hamburg was to mediate the green base in 2008 mainly due to the person of the urban-liberal Ole von Beust , it failed shortly after Christoph Ahlhaus took office in 2010. In Hesse, the Greens were involved in government under the Conservative hardliner Roland Koch impossible as Prime Minister, although they were heavily courted by the Hessian CDU and the FDP after the state elections in 2008. In 2014, as a result of the Hessian state election on September 22, 2013, a black-green coalition was formed under Koch's successor, Volker Bouffier . It is the first of its kind in a flat country.
The development of the German party landscape towards an asymmetrical five-party system had a decisive influence on the internal party discussions about the coalition behavior of the Greens. As the “hinge party” between the left and the bourgeois camp, they play a central role. Almost all realistic tripartite constellations require Alliance 90 / The Greens. Since the 2009 Bundestag election, the Greens have increasingly not committed to coalition statements, even before state elections. In 2018, the Greens ruled in nine coalitions and in eight different constellations. Due to the high number of government participations, their influence on federal legislation has grown significantly.
The first red-red-green coalition , consisting of the Left Party , SPD and Greens, has been ruling in Thuringia under the left-wing politician Bodo Ramelow since December 2014 . It represented the first government participation of Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen in an eastern German state since 1998. Another red-red-green coalition has existed in Berlin since 2016, here under the leadership of SPD politician Michael Müller .
In addition, there were red-green alliances in Saxony-Anhalt (1994 to 1998) and in Berlin (2001 to 2002), which were tolerated by the PDS according to the so-called Magdeburg model . In Hesse, this model failed in 2008 due to resistance from four SPD members. In North Rhine-Westphalia there was the Kraft I cabinet from 2010 to 2012, a red-green minority government that did not follow the Magdeburg model, but relied on changing majorities and sought approval from the Left Party as well as the CDU and FDP. The government lacked one vote for the majority in the state parliament. In the election in May 2012 , the coalition achieved its own majority (→ Kabinett Kraft II ).
A government made up of the SPD, the Greens and the FDP is referred to as a traffic light coalition . From 1990 to 1994 there was a government alliance in Brandenburg similar to a traffic light coalition , in which, however, not the Greens, but the then still independent alliance 90 were coalition partners of the SPD and FDP (→ Cabinet Stolpe I ). The first real traffic light coalition at state level was the Senate Wedemeier III in Bremen (December 1991 to July 1995). FDP party leader Guido Westerwelle always strictly rejected coalitions, especially with Alliance 90 / The Greens. The course of the then FDP was rejected by the then Greens. From 1995 to 2016 there was no traffic light coalition.
It was only after the state elections in Rhineland-Palatinate on March 13, 2016 that a new traffic light coalition was formed. The second Dreyer cabinet was sworn in on May 18, 2016.
A coalition of the SPD, the Greens and the SSW , called " Dänen-Ampel ", ruled Schleswig-Holstein from 2012 to 2017. The Greens have been part of the Jamaica coalition there since the state elections in 2017 .
From 2009 to 2012, the CDU, FDP and Greens in Saarland formed the first so-called Jamaica coalition ( Cabinet Müller III (Saarland) and Cabinet Kramp-Karrenbauer I ). Prime Minister Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer announced the coalition on January 6, 2012 and brought about an early state election on March 25, 2012 .
The first Kenya coalition of the CDU, SPD and Greens at state level has existed in Saxony-Anhalt since 2016 .
After the Hessian local elections in 1981, the first red-green alliances took place in Kassel and the Groß-Gerau district , and a traffic light alliance in Marburg . In the mid-1990s, black-green coalitions in several cities in the Ruhr area, which were viewed as experiments or models for those in state and federal politics, caused a sensation . Later alliances followed with the CDU in Saarbrücken , Kiel , Frankfurt am Main and Hamburg , whose Senate is also the state government and the highest body for municipal tasks.
The first green mayor in Germany was Elmar Braun in 1991 in Maselheim, Baden-Württemberg . Previously, in May 1990, Hans-Jürgen Zimmermann from the New Forum was elected mayor of Ludwigslust in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, and later he became a member of Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen. Sepp Daxenberger , who was the first green mayor of Bavaria from 1996 to 2008 in Waging am See and from 2002 also the state chairman of the Bavarian Greens, became particularly well known , before he became chairman of the parliamentary group in 2008. As a down-to-earth (organic) farmer, he had succeeded in permanently gaining a clear majority in the CSU home country Upper Bavaria . Monika Herrmann is the district mayor of Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg in Berlin . With Franz Schulz and Elisabeth Ziemer , there were two district mayors in Kreuzberg and Schöneberg for the first time in 1996 .
In total, the party has around 40 mayors today (as of May 2013) , most of them in Hesse, Bavaria and Baden-Württemberg. In October 2012, Fritz Kuhn was elected the first green mayor of a state capital in Stuttgart . Green mayors are also in office in the university towns of Bonn ( Katja Dörner ), Freiburg im Breisgau ( Dieter Salomon ), Tübingen ( Boris Palmer ) and Darmstadt ( Jochen Partsch ), as well as in Bad Homburg vor der Höhe ( Michael Korwisi ) . In the run-off elections to the local elections in Bavaria in 2014 on 30 March were Wolfgang Rzehak in Miesbach and Jens Marco Scherf in the district of Miltenberg Green for the first time district administrators selected.
European Parliament and international memberships
At the European level , Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen is united with other green parties to form the European Green Party (EGP). Reinhard Bütikofer has been co-chairman of the EGP since 2012 . The members of the EGP in the European Parliament belong to the group The Greens / European Free Alliance (Greens / EFA). In addition, Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen is a member of Global Greens and the European Movement network .
Daniel Cohn-Bendit was an integrating figure of the European Greens. He is a member of both the German and the French Greens . Cohn-Bendit had been a member of the European Parliament since 1994. In Germany he was the green top candidate in 2004, in France in 1999 and 2009. Since 2002 he has been one of the two group leaders, since 2009 together with Rebecca Harms , also from Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen.
In the 2014 European elections , Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen achieved 10.7 percent and won 11 seats, which form a German delegation within the overall Green / EFA group. The head of the delegation is Sven Giegold .
From 1999 to 2004 Michaele Schreyer was Commissioner for the Budget and for the European Anti-Fraud Office in the Prodi Commission . She was the first and so far only representative of Alliance 90 / The Greens in the European Commission .
The Greens emerged in the Federal Republic of Germany as an amalgamation of a broad spectrum of political and social movements in the 1970s. The founding of the party was largely supported by ecology , anti-nuclear power , peace and the women's movement . The political spectrum ranged from the K groups in the wake of the student movement of the 1960s to conservative environmentalists. Various parties and electoral alliances from the ecological and anti-nuclear power movement, such as the Green List Environmental Protection in Lower Saxony, the Green List Schleswig-Holstein , the Green Action Future , the Action Group of Independent Germans (AUD) and the Association of Independent Germans (AUD) , have entered into state and local elections since 1976 especially in the big cities left-oriented alternative and colorful lists. Most of these electoral lists failed because of the five percent hurdle, for example in the state elections in Lower Saxony and Bavaria in 1978. In the 1979 European elections , the other political association The Greens with Petra Kelly and the former CDU member of the Bundestag Herbert Gruhl stood as the top candidate and reached 3.2 percent of votes. The reimbursement of election campaign costs of over DM 4.5 million formed the financial basis for the further development of a nationwide party. With 5.1 percent of the vote, the Bremen Green List (BGL) succeeded in entering a state parliament for the first time in 1979 .
Foundation of the first regional associations in 1979 and the federal party in 1980
On September 30, 1979, a meeting of around 700 supporters of the ecological movement took place in Sindelfingen near Stuttgart , which resulted in the founding of the Greens in Baden-Württemberg as the first state association. In addition, a regional association in North Rhine-Westphalia was founded on December 16, 1979 in Hersel near Bonn .
On January 13, 1980, the federal party Die Grünen was founded in Karlsruhe . The first federal program described the Greens as "social, ecological, grassroots, non-violent". The self-image was that of an "anti-party party".
The founding was accompanied by disputes between the left and right wing of the party over the programmatic orientation, the composition of the board as well as the possibility of double membership in the Greens and in a K group, which was ultimately rejected. Some spokesmen from the right wing of the party such as Baldur Springmann , Herbert Gruhl , Werner Vogel or August Haußleiter (co-founder of the Action Group for Independent Germans ) were suspected of adhering to nationalist ideas, of being close to right-wing extremist organizations or of having a National Socialist past. Right-wing extremist groups also tried to deliberately infiltrate the party in the early days. Above all, the Berlin Greens, who were in competition with the Alternative List (AL) and were almost insignificant, were considered to be extremely right-wing.
With the third party congress in June 1980, the party was effectively split. The right wing around Herbert Gruhl and Baldur Springmann left the party until 1981 due to the influx of left activists to found the Ecological Democratic Party (ÖDP), while the influence of the K groups, especially Group Z , increased. In 1985 the Federal Main Committee of the Greens decided to dissolve the Berlin regional association, and the AL took over its function. By the mid-1980s, the eco-fascist tendencies within the Greens disappeared .
With 1.5 percent of the votes in the federal election on October 5, 1980 , the Greens initially only achieved a disappointing result, but then jumped the five percent threshold in state elections in Berlin (1981) as well as Hamburg, Hesse and Lower Saxony (1982).
Establishment in the Bundestag and failure (1983–1990)
In 1983 , the Greens moved into the German Bundestag for the first time with 5.6 percent of the second vote and 27 MPs . Werner Vogel , who was elected to the North Rhine-Westphalian state list, would have been the senior president of the new Bundestag, but did not take up his mandate because of allegations of pedophilia and previous membership in the NSDAP and SA.
In the years that followed, the fierce and sometimes chaotic wing battles between the fundamentalists (“ Fundis ”) and real politicians (“ Realos ”) over the relationship to the social system of the Federal Republic determined public perception. The main point of contention was whether the Greens should seek government participation or commit themselves to a strict opposition role. 1985 saw the first red-green coalition in Hesse , in which Joschka Fischer was appointed Hessian Environment Minister.
In the 1987 Bundestag election , the Greens received 8.3 percent of the second vote and 44 seats in the German Bundestag. The fall of the Wall in 1989 also turned out to be a historic turning point for the West German Greens. In the federal election in 1990 , the votes in the old federal states with the former West Berlin and in the new federal states including East Berlin in separate electoral areas were counted. The Greens had only enforced this one-off special regulation six weeks before the election after a complaint before the Federal Constitutional Court - and now failed because of it. Unlike the other parties represented in the Bundestag, they did not merge with a “sister party” before the election. The Greens in West Germany and a list of Bündnis 90 / Greens - citizens' movement in East Germany , competed separately. For the majority of the Greens, there was no German question before the fall of the Berlin Wall . The dual state was not questioned until the Volkskammer election in 1990 , and people were skeptical or even negative about reunification . In the 1990 Bundestag election, the West German Greens advertised accordingly with the slogan “ Everyone is talking about Germany. We talk about the weather ”and failed with the voters. With 4.8 percent of the vote, they missed the entry into the Bundestag.
No organizational peculiarity of the Greens has sparked as much discussion inside or outside the party as the rotation principle, which was only applied for a few years . According to the resolution of a federal assembly in 1983, MPs had to vacate their mandate halfway through the legislative period for a successor who previously worked in an office community with the elected MP. In addition, the parliamentarians were only given an imperative mandate by the party base . In fact, the constitutionally untenable imperative mandate played no role from the start, and already in the first electoral term after entering the Bundestag there were various problems with the application of the rotation principle. Petra Kelly and Gert Bastian refused to rotate, others reluctantly left the seats to a supposed or actual second guard. Otto Schily did not have to leave the Bundestag until March 1986 because of his prominent work in the Flick Committee of Inquiry . As early as 1986, the two-year rotation was replaced by a four-year rotation for members of the Bundestag, but this should no longer play a role at the federal level, since the Greens were no longer represented in the Bundestag from 1990 to 1994. In 1991 the rotation principle was completely abolished. Other principles of the founding time also quickly proved to be unsustainable. The general public of all party and even parliamentary group meetings was abolished after a few years.
Founding of the Green Party and Alliance 90 in the GDR
The Peace and Human Rights Initiative (IFM) was founded in 1986 to promote the rule of law and democratization of the GDR. During the political upheavals in autumn 1989, inter alia the foundations of Democracy Now and the New Forum . For the first free Volkskammer election in 1990 , these three took up the electoral alliance Bündnis 90 . The Green Party in the GDR and the Independent Women's Association also competed together . In the elected People's Chamber, the eight members of the Greens joined forces with the twelve members of Alliance 90 to form a parliamentary group. For the 1990 Bundestag election , the New Forum, Democracy Now, the IFM, the Green Party in the GDR, the Independent Women's Association and the United Left set up a list under the name “Bündnis 90 / Greens - Citizens Movements” (B90 / Gr) for the eastern electoral area on. Overall, the list association won 6.2 percent and eight seats , of which two each went to the New Forum, the Green Party in the GDR and Democracy Now and one each to the Peace and Human Rights Initiative and the Independent Women's Association. Werner Schulz became the speaker of the Bundestag group . On the day after the federal election, the East and West German Green parties merged to form the all-German party The Greens .
After the Bundestag election in 1990, an end of the party was seen as not unlikely. The election debacle and the desired merger with Bündnis 90 led the Greens to review their programmatic orientation and their internal party structures. The course changes that were made led to the resignation of prominent representatives of the “ Fundis ” and eco-socialists (including Jutta Ditfurth , Rainer Trampert , Thomas Ebermann ), who so far had mostly made up the majority in the federal executive committee and at the federal delegates' meetings. The departure of the radical ecological and part of the left wing accelerated the reorientation of the party. Left " realists " like Jürgen Trittin , Daniel Cohn-Bendit , Krista Sager , Ludger Volmer and Winfried Kretschmann remained in the party.
On September 21, 1991, the Bündnis 90 party was founded by bringing together Democracy Now, the Peace and Human Rights Initiative and parts of the New Forum. On May 14, 1993, it merged with the party Die Grünen to form Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen. Contrary to the hopes of the merger, former GDR civil rights activists soon criticized the marginalization of the East German state associations.
In the 1994 Bundestag election , the merged and reorganized Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen party achieved 7.3 percent and 49 seats in the Bundestag. Group leaders were Joschka Fischer and Kerstin Müller , with Antje Vollmer , the Greens presented for the first time a Vice President of the German Bundestag .
Red-Green Federal Government (1998-2005)
A new chapter was opened with the formation of the first red-green coalition at federal level after the 1998 federal election , in which Alliance 90 / The Greens received 6.7 percent of the vote. Joschka Fischer became Foreign Minister and Vice Chancellor , Andrea Fischer became Minister of Health and Jürgen Trittin became Minister of the Environment . After the BSE -Crisis (mad cow disease) in January 2001 Andrea Fischer by was SPD -Politikerin Ulla Schmidt replaced, but the Green inherited Renate Künast the Federal Agriculture Minister Karl-Heinz Funke (SPD) as Federal Minister for the extended to the consumer protection division Food and Agriculture .
In the 14th electoral term (1998-2002) the eco-tax (but in a reduced form compared to green ideas), some reforms of the citizenship law with regard to the facilitation of naturalization, the possibility of registered civil partnerships , the medium-term exit from nuclear energy and renewable energies -Geetz (EEG) passed. There was strong criticism among its own members and voters of the remilitarization in foreign policy with the German participation in the Kosovo war and the war in Afghanistan, as well as of many compromises with the SPD. The “ atomic consensus ”, which would have meant an exit by around 2021, was sometimes criticized within the party as not being fast enough. The result was a four-year run of electoral defeats and a wave of resignations. The mood changed when the German government refused to participate in the Iraq war in 2002 .
Shortly before the federal election in 2002 , a new basic program entitled “The future is green” was adopted, which redefined the cornerstones of green positions on the topics of ecology, democracy and the economy. In the federal election in September 2002, the Greens received 8.6 percent of the vote. This was enough again to form a government with the weakened SPD. Hans-Christian Ströbele won the first direct mandate for Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen in the Berlin constituency of Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg-Prenzlauer Berg-Ost . Until the state elections in Schleswig-Holstein in February 2005 , the Greens were able to win in all state elections and in the 2004 European elections , but by 2005 they lost all government participation in the states. In the state elections in Saxony in 2004 , the Greens, with 5.1 percent, moved into an East German state parliament (apart from Berlin) for the first time since 1998. Criticism arose, however, of Agenda 2010 , which was supported by the Greens , especially of the socio-political Hartz reforms , especially since this was proclaimed as “no alternative” without any major social debate and contradicted the statism of previous election campaigns and the demands made during the opposition period.
Alliance 90 / The Greens 2005–2013
In the 2005 Bundestag election , the party narrowly missed its 2002 result, but overall the red-green clearly lost the majority, so that a grand coalition was formed under the leadership of the CDU . With 51 seats, the Greens now formed the smallest of the three opposition groups in the German Bundestag alongside the FDP and the left-wing parliamentary group.
With the general election in Bremen in 2007 , they came back to government responsibility at state level for the first time since 2005. After the state elections in Hamburg in 2008 , there was the first black-green government coalition at state level ( Senate von Beust III ), which was dissolved by the Greens in November 2010.
In the 2009 Bundestag elections , Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen achieved the best result in their history with 10.7 percent of the second votes, despite the lack of a power option . Nevertheless, the Greens again made up the smallest of the five parliamentary groups in the Bundestag. The two top candidates Renate Künast and Jürgen Trittin became parliamentary group chairmen.
After the federal election, the Greens made significant gains in almost all state elections and in polls. Above all, the persistence over three decades, particularly on the issue of nuclear energy, led to the Greens being considered the most credible party in 2011 polls and the one where voters knew best what their positions were. In addition, the 2007 financial crisis or the Fukushima nuclear disaster reinforced doubts about a policy of just moving on and improved the position of the Greens. In the Sunday question , the Greens achieved previously unachieved results of up to 28 percent in spring 2011 and were in some cases up to five percentage points ahead of the SPD. As a result of these values, a green candidate for Chancellor for the 2013 Bundestag election was publicly debated for the first time . Alliance 90 / The Greens was also partially classified as a new people 's party , which green politicians rejected.
In the state elections in Baden-Württemberg in March 2011, the Greens achieved their best result ever at state level with 24.2 percent of the votes cast. After signing a coalition agreement with the SPD behind her (23.1 percent), Winfried Kretschmann became Germany's first Green Prime Minister. The Greens also formed coalitions with the SPD between 2010 and 2013 in North Rhine-Westphalia , Rhineland-Palatinate , Schleswig-Holstein and Lower Saxony . From 2009 to 2012, the CDU, FDP and Greens in Saarland formed the first so-called Jamaica coalition . Since the state elections in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania in 2011 , the Greens were represented in all 16 German state parliaments for the first time, but this ended again with the subsequent state elections in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania in 2016 .
|Katrin Göring-Eckardt||47.31%||Jürgen Trittin||71.93%|
|Renate Künast||38.56%||11 more||8.63%|
|Katrin Göring-Eckardt||70.63%||Cem Ozdemir||35.96%|
Before the 2013 federal election , Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen was the first party to determine its top candidates by means of a primary election . Jürgen Trittin and Katrin Göring-Eckardt prevailed against Renate Künast , Claudia Roth and eleven basic representatives in the election of the top duo that was quoted in October 2012 . The turnout was 61.7 percent. While observers still assumed a possible opening to the Union after the primary election, with the adoption of the election program in April 2013, a clear shift to the left of the party and a position clearly to the left of the SPD was noted. In June 2013, a further member's decision voted on which ten topics should be placed at the center of the election campaign in the Bundestag election (for the result, see election program ).
The election campaign was strongly negatively influenced by a debate that began in May 2013 on the role of pedophile groups in the party and a controversy surrounding the Veggie Day mentioned in the Greens election manifesto . The party executive responded to the public discussion by commissioning the political scientist Franz Walter to conduct a study on the pedophile movement in June 2013. This study was published in November 2014. In 2015, the party's federal executive board decided to make “a payment in recognition of the grave suffering inflicted on them” as compensation to three victims of abuse.
In the election to the German Bundestag on September 22, 2013, the party lost 2.3 percentage points compared to the 2009 Bundestag election and gained 8.4 percent of the vote. This failed to achieve the goal of forming a government with the SPD. Then there was a change in personnel at the party leadership. Simone Peter became the new party chairman alongside Cem Özdemir, the parliamentary group was chaired by Katrin Göring-Eckardt and Anton Hofreiter , and Michael Kellner became the new political director . The party also reoriented itself strategically and no longer defined itself as a natural coalition partner of the SPD in a left-wing camp, but rather as a "hinge party" that is fundamentally open to both red-green-red and black-green coalitions . The yardstick for coalition decisions should be more strongly than before the implementation of one's own environmental and energy policy content.
At the same time as the federal election, the state election in Hesse took place, after which the second coalition between the CDU and the Greens was formed ( Bouffier II cabinet ). In the European elections on May 25, 2014 , Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen received 10.7 percent of the vote and thus eleven seats in the European Parliament . With this result, the party had to accept slight losses of 1.4 percentage points compared to the 2009 election.
The state elections on March 13, 2016 in Baden-Württemberg, Rhineland-Palatinate and Saxony-Anhalt showed a differentiated picture: In Baden-Württemberg, the party became the strongest force in a state election for the first time and reached the level of a people 's party while in Rhineland -Pfalz and Saxony-Anhalt suffered losses. Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen is still represented in the government in Rhineland-Palatinate and has recently joined the state government in Saxony-Anhalt.
After the federal election in autumn 2017, the Greens negotiated with the CDU and FDP for the first time about a government coalition at federal level; the talks failed, however, because of the FDP. Since January 2018, Robert Habeck and Annalena Baerbock, two Realos, have been federal chairmen. Annalena Baerbock was nominated as a candidate for chancellor for the 2021 federal election.
In the early days of the Green Party was held by Chairman of speakers talked about the anti-hierarchical emphasize character of the party.
|Period||The Greens (West Germany)||Green Party in the GDR||Alliance 90|
|1979||1979 only: executive spokesman for the SPV Die Grünen|
|August Haussleiter||Herbert Gruhl||Helmut Neddermeyer|
|1980||Petra Kelly||Norbert Mann|
(from June 1980)
|1982-1983||Wilhelm boy||Rainer Trampert|
|1984-1987||Lukas Beckmann||Jutta Ditfurth|
|1987-1989||Regina Michalik||Christian Schmidt|
|After the board of directors resigned in December 1988,
the Federal Main Committee took over the office on a provisional basis.
|1989-1990||Ralf Fücks||Ruth Hammerbacher||Verena Krieger||Marianne Dörfler, Carlo Jordan , Gerd Klötzer, Vollrad Kuhn ,
Henry Schramm, Christine Weiske
|1990-1991||Renate Damus||Heide Rühle||Hans-Christian Ströbele||
Judith Demba , Friedrich Heilmann, Viktor Leibrenz,
Dorit Nessing-Stranz, Henry Schramm, Christine Weiske ;
Vera Wollenberger (press officer)
(until the merger at the end of 1990)
|Merger of the West German and East German Greens.|
|1991-1993||Ludger Volmer , Christine Weiske||
Marianne Birthler , Wolfgang Ullmann , Gerd Poppe ,
Werner Schulz , Katrin Göring-Eckardt , Christiane Ziller ,
Petra Morawe , Burghardt Brinksmeier , Uwe Lehmann
|The Greens merge with Bündnis 90 to form Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen .|
Alliance 90 / The Greens
1993 to 1994
1993 to 1994
1994 to 1996
1994 to 1998
1996 to 2000
1998 to 2000
2000 to 2001
2000 to 2002
2001 to 2002 and
2004 to 2013
2002 to 2004
2002 to 2008
2008 to 2018
2013 to 2018
Vice-Presidents of the German Bundestag
Elections and mandates
|choice||Party / list||Number of votes||Share of votes||Seats / total number of
|Top candidate (s)|
|1990||The green||1,788,200||4.8% 1||-|
|Alliance 90 / Greens||559.207||6.0% 2||-|
|1994||Alliance 90 / The Greens||3,424,315||7.3%||-|
|2009||4,643,272||10.7%||Jürgen Trittin and Renate Künast|
|2013||3,694,057||8.4%||Jürgen Trittin and Katrin Göring-Eckardt|
|2017||4,157,564||8.9%||Katrin Göring-Eckardt and Cem Özdemir|
European election results since 1979
|choice||Party / list||Number of votes||Share of votes||Seats / total number of
|1979||SPV The Greens||893.683||3.2%|
|1994||Alliance 90 / The Greens||3,563,268||10.1%|
|1990||7.9||6.4||9.4 1||9.3 2||10.2||7.0||9.4||9.3 3||5.5||5.0||5.9||2.6||5.6 4||5.3 5||2.9||6.5 6||5.1 7||8.4|
|Represented in parliament|
|Represented in the government as a small coalition partner|
|Represented in the government as a major coalition partner and provides the Prime Minister|
|bold: best result in this state or in the federal government since 1949|
|Underlined in italics: worst result in this state or in the federal government since 1949|
Alliance 90 / The Greens programs
- The green. The federal program. (PDF; 496 kB) [basic program from 1980].
- Political principles Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen (PDF; 215 kB) [“basic consensus” from 1993].
- The future is green. (PDF; 604 kB), published by Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen, Berlin 2002 [basic program 2002].
- The future is made of courage. (PDF), published by Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen, Berlin 2017 [Bundestag election program 2017]
- Times are changing. We change them with. (PDF; 30.0 MB) Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen, December 19, 2019(Chronicle of Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen: 1979 - 2019).
Secondary literature No other German party has published as much as about the most successful party founding since 1950. In addition to the extensive political science literature, there is a series of subjectively shaped analyzes and criticisms of the party by protagonists of the wing struggles of the 1980s and early 1990s as well as the Red- green government years.
- Udo Baron : Cold War and Hot Peace. The influence of the SED and its West German allies on the party "The Greens" (= dictatorship and resistance . Vol. 3). Lit, Münster et al. 2003, ISBN 3-8258-6108-2 .
- Manfred Güllner : The Greens. Soaring or falling? Herder Verlag, Freiburg im Breisgau 2012, ISBN 3-451-30674-3 .
- Dierk Hoffmann: Economic liberalism among the Greens? From the criticism of capitalism in the founding phase to Agenda 2010 . In: Heuss-Forum 3/2016.
- Jürgen Hoffmann: The double union. Prehistory, course and effects of the merger of the Greens and Alliance 90 . Leske and Budrich, Opladen 1998, ISBN 3-8100-2132-6 .
- Markus Klein, Jürgen W. Falter : The long way of the Greens. A party between protest and government. CH Beck, Munich 2003, ISBN 978-3-406-49417-8 .
- Hubert Kleinert : Rise and Fall of the Greens - Analysis of an Alternative Party . Dietz, Bonn 1992, ISBN 3-8012-0180-5 (at the same time: University of Hamburg, dissertation, 1992 under the title: Crises and conditions for success in the politics of the Green Party with special consideration of the 1990 Bundestag election ).
- Silke Mende : "Not on the right, not on the left, but in front". A story of the founding Greens . Oldenbourg, Munich 2011, ISBN 978-3-486-59811-7 .
- Makoto Nishida: Currents in the Greens (1980–2003). An analysis of informally organized groups within the Greens . Lit-Verlag, Münster 2005, ISBN 3-8258-9174-7 .
- Lothar Probst : Alliance 90 / The Greens (Greens) . In: Frank Decker , Viola Neu (Ed.): Handbook of German political parties . VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden 2007, ISBN 978-3-531-15189-2 , pp. 173-188.
- Joachim Raschke , Gudrun Heinrich: The Greens. How they became what they are . Bund, Cologne 1993, ISBN 3-7663-2474-8 .
- Joachim Raschke: The future of the Greens. You can't rule like that . Campus, Frankfurt am Main 2001, ISBN 3-593-36705-X .
- Ludger Volmer : The Greens . C. Bertelsmann, Munich 2009, ISBN 978-3-570-10040-0 .
- Franz Walter : yellow or green? Small party history of the higher earning middle in Germany. transcript Verlag, Bielefeld 2010, ISBN 978-3-8376-1505-0 , pp. 71-127.
- Official website of Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen
- Bundestag parliamentary group of Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen
- Archive of the Heinrich Böll Foundation's Green Memory (in it all basic and electoral programs since 1979 )
- German delegation of the Greens in the European Parliament
- Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen , dossier parties of the Federal Agency for Civic Education
- Joachim Jachnow: What's become of the German Greens? New Left Review 81, May – June 2013
- Georg Löwisch , Ulrich Schulte: Green bosses on power: "We're trying to do it differently" . In: The daily newspaper (taz) . January 10, 2020 ( Annalena Baerbock and Robert Habeck in a double interview).
- party members: Greens gain, AfD and SPD lose. In: RND.de . February 21, 2021, accessed March 14, 2021 .
- "Wahl-O-Mat European elections 2019 - comparison of positions", Federal Agency for Civic Education , accessed on June 30, 2019
- Michael Kellner and Robert Heinrich: The green corporate design. (PDF) Alliance 90 / The Greens, January 2017 .
- Determination of state funds for 2020 (as of April 19, 2021). Retrieved April 30, 2021 .
- Average age of the members of the political parties in Germany in 2019. statista, August 3, 2020, accessed on April 15, 2021 .
- women in political parties in Germany in 2019. statista, August 3, 2020, accessed on April 15, 2021 .
- European elections 2019: Preliminary official result - The Federal Returning Officer. Retrieved June 1, 2019 .
- Lothar Probst: Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen: Crash after flying high , in: The parties after the federal election 2013 , ed. v. Oskar Niedermayer, Wiesbaden 2015, p. 137.
- Lothar Probst: Alliance 90 / The Greens. In: Frank Decker, Viola Neu (ed.): Handbook of German political parties. Wiesbaden 2007, p. 182
- Raschke / Heinrich: Die Grünen , 1993, pp. 104-120
- Lothar Probst: Alliance 90 / The Greens. In: Frank Decker, Viola Neu (Ed.): Handbook of German political parties. Wiesbaden 2007, p. 182.
- The Greens. The federal program. ( Memento from January 22, 2012 in the Internet Archive )
- Klein, Falter: The long way of the Greens , Munich 2003, p. 73 f.
- Political principles Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen ( Memento from January 22, 2012 in the Internet Archive ) (PDF; 215 kB)
- Lothar Probst: Alliance 90 / The Greens on the way to becoming a People's Party? An analysis of the development of the Greens since the Bundestag election 2005. In: Oskar Niedermayer (Ed.): The parties after the Bundestag election 2009. VS Verlag, Wiesbaden 2011, p. 139
- Basic program. Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen, accessed on April 22, 2021 .
- Green Party Congress: New basic program decided. In: tagesschau.de . November 22, 2020, accessed April 22, 2021 .
- The future is green. ( Memento of January 28, 2013 on WebCite ) (PDF; 617 kB) published by Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen, Berlin 2002. (Basic program 2002)
- Basic Program, p. 10. Accessed April 26, 2021 .
- Basic Program, p. 4. Accessed April 26, 2021 .
- Basic program. Retrieved April 26, 2021 .
- Citizens' councils, end Hartz IV, strengthen the track - this is how the Greens want to make politics (and govern) in the future. Retrieved April 26, 2021 .
- tagesschau.de: Green Party Congress: New basic program decided. Retrieved April 26, 2021 .
- Greens want the EU Parliament as the "central place for all decisions". Retrieved April 26, 2021 .
- Klein, Falter: The long way of the Greens , Munich 2003, p. 83; Policy Program 2002, p. 12 f .; Lothar Probst : Alliance 90 / The Greens. In: Frank Decker , Viola Neu (Ed.): Handbook of German political parties. Wiesbaden 2007, p. 183
- Tax dispute - Kretschmann gives in ( memento from April 30, 2013 in the Internet Archive ), tagesschau.de, April 28, 2013
- So Greens move to the left , Frankfurter Rundschau, April 28, 2013; Der Grüne Graben ( Memento from June 30, 2013 in the web archive archive.today ), heute.de, April 28, 2013; Green Party Congress cuddling up to election victory , Süddeutsche Zeitung, April 27, 2013; Jasper von Altenbockum : Left than Left , Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, May 1, 2013; Thomas Schmid : The Greens are a pious state party , Die Welt, May 4, 2013
- FAZ.net April 28, 2013: A backpack full of high spirits .
- gruene.de: Individual results of the Green membership decision (PDF; 45 kB)
- content? Not so important , Berliner Zeitung, June 12, 2013
- Basic Program 2002, p. 10
- Raschke / Heinrich: Die Grünen , 1993, p. 105
- Raschke / Heinrich: Die Grünen , 1993, p. 106
- Criticism of the election program: Green tax plans hit the middle class ( Memento from March 27, 2014 in the Internet Archive ), on N24.de
- The green ditch ( memento from June 30, 2013 in the web archive archive.today ), heute.de, April 28, 2013
- Lothar Probst: Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen: Crash after flying high , in: The parties after the federal election 2013 , ed. v. Oskar Niedermayer, Wiesbaden 2015, p. 140.
- Kai Arzheimer and Markus Klein: The Greens and the price of petrol. The electorate of BÜNDNIS 90 / Die Grünen in the run-up to the Bundestag election 1998 , in: ZA-Information / Zentralarchiv für Empirische Sozialforschung (45/1999), 1999, pp. 20–43; Lothar Probst: Alliance 90 / The Greens on the way to becoming a People's Party? An analysis of the development of the Greens since the Bundestag election 2005. In: Oskar Niedermayer (Ed.): The parties after the Bundestag election 2009. VS Verlag, Wiesbaden 2011, p. 140
- Green parliamentary group gruene-bundestag.de
- Servant of all citizens' initiatives , Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, November 25, 2011
- Time for green change (PDF) Application for the 2013 Bundestag election program, pp. 87-88 (PDF: 3.7 MB), accessed on March 31, 2019.
- Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen: Bundestag election program 2017. (PDF) p. 61 , accessed on 23 August 2017 .
- Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen: Bundestag election program 2017. (PDF) p. 59 , accessed on 23 August 2017 .
- Frank Bösch : Krisenkinder: Thatcher, the Greens and the change in politics in the 1970 / 80s . In: Heuss-Forum 1/2016
- Basic Program 2002, p. 11
- Klein, Falter: The long way of the Greens , Munich 2003, p. 82
- Basic Program 2002, p. 13
- Basic Program 2002, p. 16
- Immediate climate protection program: What to do now. Bündnis_90 / Die_Grünen, June 28, 2019, accessed on June 3, 2021 .
- Greens want to pay out 100 euros energy money to every German. Die Welt , June 28, 2019, accessed June 3, 2021 .
- basic program. Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen, January 25, 2020, p. 32 , accessed on April 22, 2021 .
- Green Bundestag: Introducing modern individual taxation ( Memento from February 11, 2013 in the web archive archive.today )
- gruene-bundestag.de (PDF)
- With minimum wage and top tax rate , dradio.de, April 28, 2013
- Drug Policy - ALLIANCE 90 / THE GREEN FEDERAL PARTY. (No longer available online.) In: www.gruene.de. March 4, 2015, archived from the original on May 31, 2016 ; accessed on May 31, 2016 .
- Background: Central resolutions of the Greens program party conference , Focus online, April 28, 2013
- The Green New Social Contract (PDF; 1.3 MB), Ed .: Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen, Berlin 2009, p. 142 ff. (Election platform for the 2009 Bundestag election)
- Basic Program 2002, p. 19
- Lothar Probst: Alliance 90 / The Greens. In: Frank Decker, Viola Neu (Ed.): Handbook of German political parties. Wiesbaden 2007, p. 182.
- Zeit, July 10, 1992
- Pascal Beucker: Red color, appeared thick. May 20, 1999, accessed February 8, 2016 .
- trust: Schröder did it. Spiegel Online, November 16, 2001, accessed February 8, 2016 .
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- Basic Program 2002 , (PDF; 603 kB), p. 15, accessed on February 8, 2016.
- Hamburger Abendblatt, June 23, 2013
- Spiegel, October 13, 2014
- Speech by Anton Hofreiter before the German Bundestag, December 4, 2015
- Europe - ALLIANCE 90 / THE GREEN FEDERAL PARTY. February 22, 2017. Retrieved March 8, 2017 .
- Klein, Falter: The long way of the Greens , Munich 2003, p. 74
- Klein, Falter: The long way of the Greens , Munich 2003, p. 82
- Greens decide on higher taxes for the rich , Zeit online, April 27, 2013
- Jürgen Trittin (Greens): 90 percent of income taxpayers are relieved - almost true ( Memento from December 3, 2016 in the Internet Archive )
- Greens decide on election manifesto , dradio.de, April 28, 2013
- Greens move to the left , Frankfurter Rundschau, April 28, 2013
- Tax concept of the Greens meets middle class , Spiegel.de , April 29, 2013, accessed on March 31, 2019.
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- Matthias Jung, Andrea Wolf: Change of government without change of mood ( Memento of August 12, 2013 in the Internet Archive ), in: From Politics and Contemporary History (51/2009)
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- Cf. Werner Schulz (Ed.): Der Bündnis-Fall , Bremen 2001 with critical essays on this topic, among others. by Heiko Lietz , Lothar Probst , Joachim Raschke , Lutz Rathenow , Hans-Jochen Tschiche and many others.
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- Verena Krieger : What remains of the Greens? (1991); Hubert Kleinert : From protest to ruling party. The story of the greens and the rise and fall of the greens. Analysis of an alternative party (both 1992); Jutta Ditfurth : It was the Greens. Farewell to one hope (2000) and war, atom, poverty. What they do, what they talk: The Greens (2011); Antje Radcke: The ideal and the power. The Greens' Dilemma (2001); Ludger Volmer: The Greens. From Protest Movement to Established Party (2009)