Green Party in the GDR
The Green Party in the GDR (short name Green Party , from September 1990 Die Grünen ) was constituted on November 24, 1989 and formally founded at its first party congress on February 9, 1990. One day after the first all-German federal election , on December 3, 1990, the party (with the exception of the Saxon state association) merged with the West German Greens .
The party went back to the 1988 founded green-ecological network Arche . In April 1989, Die Arche announced that it would run for the next elections to the People's Chamber with a Green List that was independent of the National Front's unified list. This was the first attempt in the history of the GDR to challenge the SED- led National Front's claim to sole representation in parliament . However, the preparations for the founding of the party were delayed due to resistance within the environmental movement, so that during the political upheaval in autumn 1989 other parties were founded before the Green Party.
The Green Party was represented from February to April 1990 with a minister without portfolio in the Modrow cabinet and, after the election on March 18, 1990, with eight seats in the People's Chamber. As part of the list association Greens / Bündnis 90 , the Greens provided two of the eight members of the first all-German Bundestag . Since the West German Greens failed at the five percent hurdle and could not rely on the election result of the East German list because of the lack of merger, as would have been the case with a nationwide party, the two East German MPs were the only members of the Bundestag the all-German Greens created the following day. The Bundestag group of the Greens and Alliance 90 was a pioneer of the merger into a common party in 1993.
From the environmental movement to the party
The origin of the party lies in the environmental movement of the GDR. In the 1980s, environmental groups sprang up across the country as a result of pollution . Until 1988 there were about 80 environmental groups under the roof of the church. Initially, the preoccupation with environmental issues was closely linked to the peace and human rights movement , it was not until the mid-1980s that topic-specific groups became increasingly differentiated. Important topics included the destruction of the environment by the opencast mine , the air pollution from the massive use of lignite , the uranium mining of Wismut AG , the destruction of the environment by the chemical industry around Bitterfeld , the " barrel ideology " of the GDR economic policy and, especially after the 1986 Chernobyl nuclear disaster , the use of nuclear energy .
There were first plans to found a Green Party in 1984. At a meeting of GDR environmentalists with Petra Kelly and Gert Bastian , the idea of founding such a party as a section of the West German Greens was considered . These considerations were dropped, however, because there was no legal possibility to do so and implementation would therefore inevitably have criminalized the members, and the plans were also not enforceable within the West German Green Party. Individuals repeatedly had vague plans to found a (green) party, such as Vera Wollenberger around 1984 or Hans-Jochen Tschiche since 1987.
In 1986 the Peace and Human Rights Initiative (IFM) was founded, which campaigned for the establishment of the rule of law and for the democratization of the GDR. In the same year, the Environment Library (UB) was founded in the basement of the Berlin Zionskirchengemeinde , and it quickly developed into the most important institution for the exchange of information for the environmental movement, as well as for the peace and human rights movement. Until then, the church research home in Lutherstadt Wittenberg was the only institution that coordinated the local environmental groups. The environmental library published the samizdat magazine “Umweltblätter” (later “ telegraph ”), which was the most important organ of the GDR opposition until the fall of the Berlin Wall. The environmental library lacked the organizational structures for an efficient GDR-wide network of eco-groups, but ultimately also the will to establish such, since the independent environmental groups relied heavily on autonomy and grassroots democracy . A debate about the establishment of an ecological network at the third Berlin Ecology Seminar in 1987 was controversial, and a majority of the time it was rejected.
That is why individual representatives of various environmental groups took the initiative in January 1988 and, against the outcome of the discussion at the ecology seminar, founded the green-ecological network Arche , whose structures and relatively high level of organization already came close to a party. The federal network based on the principle of democratic representation was particularly controversial within the grassroots, anarchist- oriented Berlin environmental library. In essence, the criticism was based on a profound distrust of the opposition groups in the GDR towards parties and all centralist organizations, which was caused by the almost complete institutionalization of real socialist society . The differences led to the Arche members being excluded from the environmental library by the majority around Wolfgang Rüddenklau , including Carlo Jordan , who played a central role in both the founding of the University Library and the Arche. Instead of printing the founding declaration of the ark, the environmental papers published an incompatibility decision. Therefore, with the “Arche Nova”, the Arche published its own samizdat, which was professionally designed for the time, had up to eighty pages and had an edition of several thousand copies.
The split in the church's environmental scene was entirely in the interests of the State Security , which for this purpose had smuggled into the ark with Falk Zimmermann, the later party spokesman Henry Schramm , the later financial manager of the Green Party, Mario Hamel, and other unofficial employees .
Since 1988, strengthened by intensive contacts with the Eastern European network of environmental groups "Greenway", the group has been preparing to found a party-like association. On the occasion of the local elections on May 7, 1989 , the Arche, like other opposition groups, tried to place candidates on the list of the National Front , but it failed. Therefore, at a speakers' meeting in Halle at the end of April 1989, it was decided to put up own candidates in a “Green List” for the next Volkskammer election in 1991. This should not only be open to environmentalists, but also to candidates from the peace and human rights movement. The plan was publicly announced in the run-up to the local elections on April 26, 1989, at an event in Berlin. This “declaration on local elections” appeared on the day before the election in the taz and on West Berlin Radio 100 . The historian and journalist Hans Michael Kloth sees this purposeful attempt to use the Green List, an electoral list competing with the unified list of the National Front, to participate in an election as the first open challenge to the SED's claim to parliamentary sole representation in the history of the German Democratic Republic . After the electoral fraud in the local elections on May 7th, an Arche representative went public on June 3rd, 1989 at the first Berlin Environment Day in the Treptower Confessional Church with specific demands for immediate new elections under approval of the Green List.
The political upheavals in autumn 1989 fundamentally changed the prerequisites for the constitution of a party. Since August 1989, parties or party-like associations have also been prepared in other opposition groups. The New Forum was founded as a gathering movement on September 9, the citizens' movement Democracy Now on September 12, and the Social Democratic Party in the GDR (SDP) on October 7, the first independent party in the GDR. In December, the Democratic Awakening (DA), also conceived as a political party, followed . This dynamic increased the pressure to accelerate the process of founding a green party, especially because the green topic threatened to be occupied by other groups. The New Forum put economy and ecology at the top of a list of problems before political participation and the Democratic Awakening tried to prevent a green party in order to be able to retain the environmental activists.
Initially, the Arche tried to settle the planned electoral list as the “Green List in the New Forum”. Because of the unclear organizational structure of the New Forum, this option appeared to be uncertain, especially since Bärbel Bohley and Reinhard Schult in particular did not want any “party clique” in the New Forum. Discussions with state organizations, namely the “Urban Ecology Interest Group” of the Society for Nature and Environment in the Kulturbund , were unsuccessful and sometimes violent disputes occurred. In the following months, however, many individual members of the urban ecology groups, which had been increasingly emancipating themselves since 1986, found their way into the newly emerging party, including Klaus-Dieter Feige , member of the Bundestag from 1990, Ernst Dörfler and Bernd Reichelt , both members of the Volkskammer faction in 1990, Marianne Dörfler , a member of the first speaker council, as well as Olaf Möller , member of the state parliament in Thuringia from 1990.
|November 26, 1989||Preliminary speaker council: Marianne Dörfler ,
Carlo Jordan , Gerd Klötzer , Vollrad Kuhn ,
Henry Schramm , Christine Weiske
|February 11, 1990||
Judith Demba , Friedrich Heilmann ,
Viktor Liebrenz , Dorit Nessing-Stranz ,
Henry Schramm, Christine Weiske;
Vera Wollenberger (press spokeswoman),
Mario Hamel (chief financial officer)
In a founding appeal on November 5, 1989, an "initiative group to found a Green Party in the GDR" named environmental protection , the ecological restructuring of the GDR as well as peacekeeping and equal rights for men and women as its main goals . The call was submitted by 15 members of the initiative group, mostly from the Arche and from Berlin, at the 6th Berlin Ecology Seminar in the Confessional Church. In the run-up to the meeting, Hans-Peter Gensichen and Olaf Möller , among others, had sent circular letters throughout the GDR in which they spoke out strictly against the planned formation of a party. They argued that environmental issues should be represented in all parties. Above all, however, many of the participants in the seminar felt taken by surprise, so that there was a violent uproar and a rift between the two currents. About half of the approximately 300 participants who were present then constituted the Green Party or the Green League , which distanced itself from it, at the ecology seminar, which took place from November 24th to 26th, 1989 . The name of the new party was deliberately not "The Greens" to make it clear that it was an independent party and not a group dependent on the West German Greens. As early as December 1989, Ernst and Marianne Dörfler submitted a first draft program, which had been drawn up by thematic working groups with the support of the parliamentary group of the Greens .
At the first party congress from February 9 to 11, 1990 in Halle, the party was formally founded by around 400 delegates. The new party spoke out in favor of ecological change in the country, but rejected a quick reunification with the Federal Republic. With the election of a new party executive, the main actors of the founding initiative were largely pushed into the background. This was due on the one hand to the controversial form of the founding of the party, and on the other to resentment against the capital Berlin that was widespread in the GDR.
Building the party structures
The central coordination office set up contact addresses in all 15 districts very quickly to set up a nationwide organizational structure, and a short time later numerous contact groups were added at district level. By the first party congress in February 1990, the Green Party already had around 3,000 members. Regional associations were established in Thuringia and Brandenburg at the beginning of April 1990, in Saxony, Saxony-Anhalt and Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, on the other hand, only in August and September 1990, respectively. The Halle program of February 1990 had already anticipated the later new federal states . Even after the establishment of regional offices, the district offices remained as informal information and coordination offices. The most important body between the party congresses was a biweekly council of delegates. This should make the decision-making effective and at the same time involve the party base. The Green Party in the GDR became the 21st member of the European Federation of Green Parties . In contrast to the West German Greens, who were marked in the 1980s by violent disputes between “ Realos ”, “ Fundis ”, “ Eco-Socialists ” and other currents, the East Greens determined a pragmatic scientific and technical approach.
The rapid build-up of a relatively well-organized party set the Greens apart from the groupings of the citizens' movement. With the support of the German Green Party, each district office received computers and copiers. The most important item for the financing was start-up financing by the Modrow government for new parties in the amount of around five million GDR marks . The exchange of information was based on fax and from the summer of 1990 on an extensive computer mailbox system . At that time there were a total of 36 permanent positions in the offices. In view of the good networking and the relatively few full-time employees, the Green Party in the GDR was considered more efficient than its West German counterpart. While the Green Party focused on developing an effective communications network, the citizens' movements spent considerably more money on handouts in the election campaigns. Because of their more efficient work, the Greens had at their disposal around 1.2 million marks in the autumn of 1990, significantly more than the other groups of the citizens' movement with a total of around 300,000 marks.
Working in the GDR
Round table, Modrow government
From December 7, 1989, the Green Party participated in the round table with two representatives . Carlo Jordan represented the Greens at all 16 meetings, Marianne Dörfler eleven times. From February 5 to April 12, 1990, the party to the " government of national responsibility " under Hans Modrow , a coalition of SED and block parties , in which the new parties and groups each one on February 5, Minister without Portfolio posted . Matthias Platzeck became a minister for the Green Party , although at that time he was not a member of the party, but of the Green League, while Klaus Schlueter represented the Green League. The differences within the environmental movement had calmed down relatively quickly in the face of the tumultuous events, and many former opponents of the founding of the party, such as Olaf Möller, now took on important tasks in the Green Party themselves.
On the other hand, tensions grew between the Greens and other groups of the citizens' movement, which went beyond the different thematic priorities. The mistrust of the citizens' movement towards parties - among the opposition groups at the central round table, only the Green Party, the Social Democratic Party and the Democratic Awakening explicitly understood themselves as such - was reinforced by the fact that the Greens voted in favor of only allowing parties to early elections to the People's Chamber . Despite all the differences, there were numerous common positions between the citizens' movements, the Green Party in the GDR and the West German Greens. These included the confederative solution to the German question , the dissolution of the Ministry for State Security , the preservation of social property rights to land, the dissolution of the military blocs and the need for an ecological restructuring of the economy and society.
The Alliance 90 / Greens parliamentary group in the first freely elected People's Chamber in 1990
Because of the differences in the run-up to the Volkskammer election, the Green Party did not belong to the electoral alliance Bündnis 90 formed from the New Forum, the Initiative Peace and Human Rights (IFM) and Democracy Now (DJ) , but entered an electoral alliance with the Independent Women's Association (UFV) . The organizational differences between the Greens and the citizens' movement played no role for the public right from the start and were hardly noticed, the various thematic focuses on the environment and civil rights were by no means mutually exclusive.
The Greens and UFV won 2.0 percent in the first free Volkskammer election on March 18, 1990 . There was no blocking clause, so that Ernst Dörfler, Christine Grabe , Peter Hildebrand , Jürgen Mäder , Matthias Platzeck, Bernd Reichelt , Uwe Täschner and Vera Wollenberger won seats in the People's Chamber. Since all eight mandates fell to the Green Party and the Green Party refused to give up seats to the UFV, the electoral alliance of the Greens and UFV broke up. Together with Bündnis 90, which had achieved 2.9 percent and 12 members, the Green Party formed the Bündnis 90 / Greens parliamentary group in the People's Chamber. The election result had to disappoint all groups involved, as they united most of the forces that had played a decisive role in overcoming the SED regime. Ultimately, the Greens and Alliance 90 had little to oppose the desire of the population for a smooth economic and political unification as quickly as possible, as well as the professional election campaign of the Western party apparatuses, largely financed by the West German sister parties and carried out largely through the German media, apart from the high reputation of their protagonists. In contrast to the SPD, Bündnis 90 and the Greens, the election winners of the Alliance for Germany formed by the CDU , DSU and Democratic Awakening , the FDP -related Bund Free Democrats and the SED successor party, the PDS, were also able to rely on the infrastructure they had taken over base the assets and partly on the staff of the former bloc parties. The West German Greens did not want to intervene as massively as the established Bundestag parties in the East German election campaign, their 50,000 DM construction aid for the Green Party in the GDR played a rather subordinate role. For the Greens, it was made more difficult that all newly formed parties and movements were fundamentally in favor of an ecological restructuring of society, while at the same time the environmental problems took a back seat in the face of expected social and economic problems in the upheaval situation.
The organization of everyday parliamentary business turned out to be difficult. The MPs not only had to quickly familiarize themselves with their new tasks, but most of the motions and draft laws were debated and passed under time pressure in the People's Chamber after just one day. With Wolfgang Templin , there was initially only one member of the parliamentary group, and it was not until mid-May that a press office was set up, financial experts and lawyers were hired, personal employees were sought and work materials such as typewriters and copiers were purchased.
Since the harmonization of the laws of the GDR and the Federal Republic was largely limited to a mere adoption of the Federal German legal texts, the People's Chamber, the committees and especially the small parliamentary group Bündnis 90 / Greens had very little scope for political formation. The parliamentary group voted unanimously against the law on the treaty on the creation of a monetary, economic and social union between the German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany of May 18, 1990. The Greens played a decisive role in the fact that the state security files did not go as planned relocated to the Federal Archives in Koblenz, but a special committee to control the dissolution of the Ministry for State Security (MfS) / Office for National Security (AfNS) was set up under the direction of Alliance 90 member Joachim Gauck , from which the so-called Gauck authority was later set up emerged. Ernst Dörfler headed the Committee for the Environment, Nature Conservation, Energy and Nuclear Safety.
When the GDR joined the Federal Republic of Germany on October 3, 1990, 144 members of the Bundestag elected by the People's Chamber were sent to the Bundestag . Seven of them belonged to the alliance Green parliamentary group, including the Greens Ernst Dörfler , Matthias Platzeck and Vera Wollenberger. The delegates were determined in a parliamentary group meeting on August 18, 1990 by secret ballot.
|Election results of the citizens' movement|
|March 18, 1990||People's Chamber||2.9% (Alliance 90 1 )
2.0% (Greens / UFV )
|Oct 14, 1990||Brandenburg||6.4% (Alliance 90 2 )
2.8% (Greens / UFV / GP )
|Oct 14, 1990||Saxony-Anhalt||5.3% (Greens / NF / DJ / IFM / UFV)||5|
|Oct 14, 1990||Thuringia||6.5% (NF / Greens / DJ)
|Oct 14, 1990||
2.9% (New Forum)
2.2% (Alliance 90 3 )
|Oct 14, 1990||Saxony||5.6% (NF / Greens / DJ / UFV)||10|
|Dec 2, 1990||Bundestag||6.0% 4 (Alliance 90 / Greens)||8th|
1 New Forum, Initiative Peace and Human Rights, Democracy Now
2 New Forum, Democracy Now
3 Democracy Now, Initiative Peace and Human Rights, Independent
Women's Association, United Left
4 Result in the electoral area of the new federal states with East Berlin
In the local elections on May 6, 1990, the Greens performed only marginally better than in the Volkskammer election. Representatives of the Green League also ran on the various Green Lists, but electoral lists could not be drawn up everywhere. The result of the Greens in the later state of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania was relatively good, where they came to 2.4 percent. In the election of the city council of (East) Berlin , Bündnis 90 achieved 9.9 percent, while the Green List only achieved 2.7 percent. The political spectrum established in West Germany did not play an essential role, especially at the municipal level. In the municipalities, for example, coalitions with the CDU came about . Overall, the local elections confirmed that the electoral potential in the GDR was not that great.
The first state elections in the newly constituted East German states took place on October 14, 1990 . The Greens moved in Saxony-Anhalt in connection with the New Forum with 5.3 percent, in Thuringia together with the New Forum and Democracy Now with 6.5 percent and in Saxony with other citizens' movements under the umbrella of the New Forum with 5, 6 percent in the state parliaments. In Brandenburg and Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania , the conflicts between the various green-citizen groups escalated to such an extent that, despite all election tactical constraints, it was not possible to agree on common lists. In Brandenburg, Bündnis 90 (here consisting of the New Forum and Democracy Now) received 6.4 percent of the second votes, while the Greens failed to pass the five percent hurdle with 2.8 percent . A coalition of the SPD , FDP and Bündnis 90 came about with the Stolpe government , with Matthias Platzeck, who had meanwhile switched to the citizens' movement as a top candidate, became Minister for the Environment, Nature Conservation and Regional Planning. In Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, the New Forum, Bündnis 90 (here consisting of Democracy Now, Initiative Peace and Human Rights, Independent Women's Association and the United Left ) and the Greens together received 9.3 percent of the vote, but each of the three groups failed Threshold clause. The Greens were the strongest of the three groups with 4.2 percent.
After the red-green Berlin Senate Momper broke up because of differences of opinion between the SPD and the Alternative List (AL) over the eviction of occupied houses in the Friedrichshain district , the Berlin House of Representatives was re-elected on December 2, 1990, the day of the federal election. In this first all-Berlin election to the House of Representatives, both the West Berlin Alternative List and an East Berlin electoral alliance made up of the Greens, Bündnis 90 and the Independent Women's Association each ran in both parts of the city, each forming their own counting areas. Both lists published a common electoral platform before the election and agreed on a common parliamentary group in the House of Representatives. Throughout Berlin, the AL achieved 5.0% of the votes, while Alliance 90 / Greens / UFV received 4.4%. In the East Berlin districts , the electoral alliance came up with results between 8.0% in Marzahn and 13.5% in Prenzlauer Berg . 1.7% of the second votes in the East Berlin counting area went to the AL, conversely the East Berlin electoral alliance received 1.4% of the second votes in the western districts, including 4.1% in Kreuzberg . The citizens' movement was able to win eleven seats, including Judith Demba and Brigitte Engler, two Greens.
German unification and merger with the West German Greens
For the 1990 Bundestag election , the Greens and the citizens' movement in the East German states and the West Greens in the old Federal Republic wanted to run. This should guarantee the independence of the East German citizens' movement. To make this possible, the Greens brought an action before the Federal Constitutional Court against the five percent clause. At their second party congress from September 7 to 9, 1990, the East Greens also decided not to unite with the West Greens to form an all-German party until the day after the federal election, on December 3, 1990. Christine Weiske and Friedrich Heilmann were elected as members of the future joint federal board of the Greens. At the same time, the party renamed itself "The Greens". Due to the fear that the Federal Constitutional Court would not uphold the lawsuit, after difficult and protracted negotiations on August 5, the Greens from East and West formed the New Forum, Democracy Now, the Peace and Human Rights Initiative, the Independent Women's Association and individual candidates from the United Left the list association Alliance 90 / Green Citizens Movements , in order to be able to take the five percent hurdle in the entire federal territory. Since the Federal Constitutional Court ruled on September 29, 1990 that East and West Germany were to be regarded as two separate electoral areas in which the threshold clause was applied, the alliance now ran for the new and the West German Greens without the West Greens in the old federal states.
While the electoral alliance made it into the Bundestag with 6.1 percent of the first votes and 6.05 percent of the second votes in the East German electoral area, the Greens in the west failed with 4.8 percent of the five percent hurdle. It would have been enough for a party as a whole to get over five percent in one of the two electoral areas, even if it had received less than five percent of the valid votes. For the East German Greens, this meant that they represented the entire party in the Bundestag for four years without falling directly into a minority position in a joint Bundestag faction.
Of the eight members of the Bundestag in the list association, Klaus-Dieter Feige and Vera Wollenberger two belonged to the Green Party. Since Alliance 90 / Greens made up less than five percent of the members of the Bundestag, no parliamentary group could be formed , but only a Bundestag group.
Merger with the West German Greens (1990) and with Bündnis 90 (1993)
In contrast to the other groups of the citizens' movement, the GDR Greens saw themselves from the start as a political party and had the West German Greens as a role model. Nonetheless, they initially kept their distance from their West German sister party, whose culture of debate ran counter to the spirit of the consensus-based round tables. Internal party characteristics of the West Greens such as the separation of office and mandate or the principle of rotation were not adopted, and the quota for women was only adopted in a very weakened form. In May 1990, the West Greens' short-term merger plans were rejected as arrogance and bypassing grassroots democratic decision-making processes. In view of the impending German unification, however, there was consensus in both East and West that there would also have to be a united green party. All in all, the mainly environmentally oriented East Greens had far fewer problems with a merger with the West Greens than the citizen movements, which strictly insist on their independence, who saw themselves as advocates of upheaval in East Germany.
The GDR Greens had shrunk to around 1,800 members by the time they were unified, compared to over 40,000 members in the West. In view of the small number of members, it was an enormous effort on the part of the party to fight four election campaigns in just under nine months and, in addition, to completely rebuild the party and the respective faction structures. With the merger, the central structures of the party in East Germany were dissolved, which turned out to be a fatal contribution to the marginalization of the Greens in East Germany. The main office in Berlin was also closed and relocated to Bonn. The regional association of Saxony with its around 400 members initially did not go along with the merger, but founded the independent political association Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen in Saxony on September 27, 1991 with the New Forum and Democracy Now . In addition to the joint Bundestag group, he was a pioneer of the Germany-wide unification of the Greens and Bündnis 90 to form the Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen party .
In 1991 the New Forum, Democracy Now and the Peace and Human Rights Initiative merged to form the party-like political association Bündnis 90. However, part of the New Forum did not go along with this merger. Until then, electoral associations in different compositions competed under this name, now Alliance 90 complied with the German party law . Talks about a merger with the Greens followed at the end of 1991, which finally took place in 1993 after lengthy negotiations. The current East German state associations of the party are thus both successors of the Green Party in the GDR and of the groups of the citizens' movement united in Alliance 90. The union of the Greens and Alliance 90 turned out to be extremely difficult, especially at the level of the state, district and local associations. In Brandenburg and Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania in particular, there were considerable mutual reservations, which also led to the departure of prominent politicians from Alliance 90 during the merger, including Matthias Platzeck, Wolfgang Templin and Günter Nooke .
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- Neubert: History of the Opposition in the GDR 1949–1989 . 2000, p. 750. Christoph Hohlfels: The Greens in East Germany . P. 397.
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- Hans Michael Kloth: Green Movement, Green Network, Green Party. A political attempt . In: Ark Nova . Berlin 1995, p. 172.
- Hans Michael Kloth: Green Movement, Green Network, Green Party. A political attempt . In: Ark Nova . Berlin 1995, p. 175.
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- Christoph Hohlfels: The Greens in East Germany . P. 398, note 57.
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- The wording of the founding .
- Christoph Hohlfels: The Greens in East Germany . P. 399, note 60. Kühnel, Sallmon-Metzner: Green Party and Green League . P. 189 f.
- Neubert: History of the Opposition in the GDR 1949–1989 . 2000, p. 862 f.
- Christoph hollow rock: The Greens in East Germany . P. 400.
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- Kühnel, Sallmon-Metzner: Green Party and the Green League . P. 197.
- Christoph Hohlfels: The Greens in East Germany . P. 401.
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- Kühnel, Sallmon-Metzner: Green Party and the Green League , S. 204th
- Britta Saß: From the citizens' movement to the party - Alliance 90 / The Greens in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania 1989 to 1993 . In: Steffen Schoon, Britta Saß, Johannes Saalfeld: No country (day) in sight? Alliance 90 / The Greens in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania . Published by the Heinrich Böll Foundation Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, Olzog, Munich 2006, p. 26.
- Open letter to the Greens of the FRG from May 9, 1990 .
- Kühnel, Sallmon-Metzner: Green Party and the Green League . Pp. 187, 201; on the various currents among the West Greens see Joachim Raschke, Gudrun Heinrich: Die Grünen. How they became what they are . Cologne 1993. Makoto Nishida: Currents in the Greens (1980-2003) . Munster 2005.
- Kühnel, Sallmon-Metzner: Green Party and the Green League . P. 192.
- Christoph hollow rock: The Greens in East Germany . P. 401, note 68.
- Kühnel, Sallmon-Metzner: Green Party and Green League . P. 204.
- Kühnel, Sallmon-Metzner: Green Party and the Green League . P. 205. Kühnel / Sallmon-Metzner adopt the figures and the evaluation from an unpublished interview with Mario Hamel on October 9, 1990.
- Uwe Thaysen: The Round Table or: Where was the people? . Opladen 1990, p. 205.
- Christoph hollow rock: The Greens in East Germany . P. 402.
- Kühnel, Sallmon-Metzner: Green Party and the Green League . P. 192.
- addition, press releases by the UFV on the termination of the electoral alliance with the Green Party (March 22, 1990) and the Green Party (March 23, 1990) .
- Kühnel, Sallmon-Metzner: Green Party and the Green League . P. 186.
- Annegret Hünninghaus: Alliance 90 / Greens in the People's Chamber of the GDR . P. 67.
- Kühnel, Sallmon-Metzner: Green Party and the Green League . P. 209.
- Annegret Hünninghaus: Alliance 90 / Greens in the People's Chamber of the GDR . P. 68.
- The union of the civil rights, ecology and women's movements in the election year 1990 . Documentation compiled by Jan Wielgohs. In: From illegality to parliament. Career and concept of the new citizen movements . Edited by Helmut Müller-Enbers, Marianne Schulz and Jan Wielgohs, LinksDruck, Berlin 1991, p. 368.
- Website of the former Berlin State Statistical Office ( Memento from November 9, 2004 in the Internet Archive )
- Britta Saß: Alliance policy and elections in the unification year 1990 . In: No country (tag) in sight? Alliance 90 / The Greens in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania . Edited by Steffen Schoon, Britta Saß and Johannes Saalfeld, Olzog, Munich 2006, p. 34.
- The union of the civil rights, ecological and women's movements in the election year 1990 . Documentation compiled by Jan Wielgohs. In: From illegality to parliament. Career and concept of the new citizen movements . Edited by Helmut Müller-Enbers, Marianne Schulz and Jan Wielgohs, LinksDruck, Berlin 1991, p. 378.
- Lothar Probst : Alliance 90 (Book 90) . In: Handbook of the German political parties . Edited by Frank Decker and Viola Neu , Bonn 2007, p. 170.
- Christoph Hohlfels: The Greens in East Germany . P. 401 f.
- Kühnel, Sallmon-Metzner: Green Party and the Green League . P. 166.
- Christoph Hohlfels: The Greens in East Germany . P. 405.
- Lothar Probst: Alliance 90 / The Greens . In: Handbook of German political parties , edited by Frank Decker and Viola Neu, Wiesbaden 2007, p. 186.
- Kühnel, Sallmon-Metzner: Green Party and the Green League . P. 215.
- Christoph Hohlfels: The Greens in East Germany . P. 405 ff.