Really

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Realo denotes a representative of so-called realpolitical positions within the German party Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen and its parliamentary groups at local, state and federal level. Female realos are sometimes referred to as realas .

The term was originally derived from the Realpolitik Working Group , which was initiated in 1981 in Frankfurt by Joschka Fischer , Daniel Cohn-Bendit and other spokesmen of the spontaneous scene and authors of the regional city magazine Pflasterstrand .

As a weekly open forum, the Realpolitik working group met in the editorial offices of the paved beach . The Realpolitik Working Group saw itself at the beginning of 1981/1982 as an expressly non-partisan counterpart to the content-related orientation of the Greens.

In particular, opinion-leading party members of the Frankfurter Kreisverband der Grünen, including Jutta Ditfurth and her supporters, were called Fundis , eco-fundamentalists or eco-socialist fundamentalists in contrast to the Realos .

History and intra-party conflicts

The confrontation with the inner-party opponents was led by the Frankfurt Realos 1981-1983 mainly in the paved beach, whose editor in charge was Daniel Cohn-Bendit . When their severity increased and when, after the state elections in Hesse in September 1983, the Greens became a power factor, because Prime Minister Holger Börner could only lead his minority government ( Cabinet Börner III ) with tolerance of the Greens, Spiegel , Frankfurter Rundschau and other publications received this dispute and made the term Realo known nationwide.

The argument was initially led by the Realos outside the party; none of the Realo spokespersons ran for office in the green district of Frankfurt from 1981 to 1982. Joschka Fischer and Daniel Cohn-Bendit expressly refused to join the Green Party until the second half of 1982, referring to the so-called Fundi positions in the Frankfurt district association.

With the considerable regional electoral successes of the Greens in Frankfurt and Hesse , the orientation of the Realos changed and entry into the Green Party was recommended. At a meeting of the Realpolitik Working Group in the autumn of 1982, Joschka Fischer expressly stated that his entry into the Greens would be combined with the candidacy for a place on the Bundestag list.

Within a few weeks, the Frankfurt district association of the Greens then experienced a wave of new members joining who, at the district association meetings in autumn 1982 , voted Joschka Fischer in the Frankfurt stable for a promising place for the list of candidates for the Bundestag 1983.

This approach was denounced by the Fundis and other members of the party as a betrayal of the primordial green positions; it contradicted their understanding of a previous internal party dispute about green issues.

With the entry of Joschka Fischer as a member of the Bundestag, the most famous representative of Realo positions was anchored in the federal party. Other Realos noticed by the public since 1983 were mainly Otto Schily , Waltraud Schoppe , Hubert Kleinert and, in Baden-Württemberg, Rezzo Schlauch .

In the following years the Greens were deeply divided on the federal level by fighting between real and fundi camps; the majority of the party members, who come from different roots, and the green voters followed the clashes often perplexed or incomprehensible. The battles were fought with great passion and a strong will to power and had a certain momentum of their own. The party congress met relatively seldom; At the federal level, the Realo-Fundi wing fight between the parliamentary group and the party executive took place almost permanently.

In 1987 at the latest, the Greens were so divided in real and fundraising camps (as well as a heterogeneous group of independents, which was decisive in voting) that no camp expected much from content-related, cross-wing work aimed at finding common positions.

In the second legislative period from 1987 onwards, the earlier work in topic-oriented working groups increasingly gave way to a rivalry between individually acting MPs from both camps, which with a staff of three employees per MP were powerful enough to formulate the position of their own MPs in a media-effective manner and in the parliamentary group and beyond the party itself incorporate .

A self-contained, uniformly occurring real bearing was increasingly no longer noticeable from around 1987. The Realos were differentiated into three different camps, the content of which ranged from a position of unconditional cooperation with the SPD to the position of making the Greens a "party of the center", detached from a position on the left of the SPD to the position to shape a policy of the best of all possible decisions depending on the situation or the majority, preferably with the SPD, but not mandatory.

In the Bundestag election in December 1990 - it was the first all-German election - the Greens in the old federal states left the Bundestag, which shifted media attention more to the state Greens and away from the Greens. At the same time, many Fundi members left the Greens, so that the real-Fundi dispute no longer took place in public. After the union with the East German Greens or Bündnis 90 and its MPs and the re-entry in 1994, there were hardly any dedicated Fundi members in the leading positions of the party. The breaking away of this wing made it difficult to speak of an influential party left. With his differing positions, especially in foreign policy since the Kosovo war, Hans-Christian Ströbele is one of the few well-known Greens from the early days who occasionally represent Fundi positions.

In 2011, the spectacular success of the Baden-Württemberg Greens in the state elections in March 2011 - it was shaped by the nuclear disaster in Fukushima and the topic of Stuttgart 21 - attracted nationwide attention. As a result, the first green-red state government was formed ( Kretschmann I cabinet ). In October 2012, Fritz Kuhn was elected the first green mayor of Stuttgart. The Süddeutsche Zeitung sees this as the result of a process of more than thirty years of conquering the bourgeois camp by the Greens.

In October 2016, the internal party competition for the top candidates for the 2017 federal election was discussed by some media as a resurgence of the dispute between Realos and Fundis.

Others

An inner-party wing of the Die Linke party is sometimes named Realo . The left has six currents / wings .

literature

  • Makoto Nishida: Strömungen in den Grünen (1980-2003): An analysis of informally organized groups within the Greens , LIT, Münster 2005, ISBN 3-8258-9174-7
  • Joachim Raschke , Gudrun Heinrich: The Greens. How they became what they are . Cologne: Bund, 1993, ISBN 3-7663-2474-8
  • Joachim Raschke: The future of the Greens. One cannot rule like this , Campus, Frankfurt am Main 2001, ISBN 3-593-36705-X
  • Drive a taxi again . In: Der Spiegel . No. 23 , 1987, pp. 29 ( Online - June 1, 1987 ).

Individual evidence

  1. Barbara Gillmann: The Realas race for the top of the faction begins. In: handelsblatt.com . January 11, 2011, accessed February 16, 2015 .
  2. ^ Roman Deininger: Green Fritz Kuhn wins OB election in Stuttgart - Through the middle to power. In: sueddeutsche.de . October 21, 2012, accessed February 16, 2015 .
  3. Georg Löwisch: Debate primary election Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen - The two green parties. In: taz.de . October 20, 2016. Retrieved October 20, 2016 .
  4. ^ Stephan Hebel: Dispute among the Greens - no alternative in green. In: Frankfurter Rundschau . October 26, 2016. Retrieved October 28, 2016 .
  5. Claudia Kade: This is how Greens let their real celebrities appear. In: welt.de . October 27, 2016. Retrieved October 28, 2016 .