Daniel Cohn-Bendit

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Daniel Cohn-Bendit (2010)

Marc Daniel Cohn-Bendit ([ ˈdaːniːɛl koːn ˈbɛndɪt ] ( Ger .) Or [ da.niɛl ˌkɔn bɛnˈdit ] (French); born April 4, 1945 in Montauban , Tarn-et-Garonne , France ) is a German - French publicist and politicians from Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen and Europe Écologie-Les Verts .

In May 1968 he became a prominent student speaker in Paris . After being expelled from France, he was active in the Socialist German Student Union (SDS) and the APO . In the 1970s he was part of the spontaneous scene in Frankfurt am Main and published the city magazine Pflasterstrand .

From 1978 he became involved in the then emerging party of the Greens, where he and Joschka Fischer developed into a representative of the “ Realo ” wing. From 1989 to 1997 he was the first department head of the newly established office for multi-cultural affairs in Frankfurt am Main. From 1994 to 2014 he was a member of the European Parliament . From 2002 he was co-chairman of the group of the Greens / European Free Alliance . He ran alternately for the German Greens and the French Les Verts or Europe Écologie-Les Verts.

For the 2014 European elections, Cohn-Bendit withdrew from active politics. The background was not least health reasons. But he will continue to “demonstrate and vote”.

Cohn-Bendit wrote numerous political essays and books and moderated various television programs. He lives in Frankfurt am Main and has been married to his long-term partner Ingrid Apel since 1997. He has a son with her and also raised Ingrid's son Niko Apel .

Childhood and youth

Daniel Cohn-Bendit comes from a Jewish family; his father Erich Cohn-Bendit , a Berlin lawyer, was an avowed atheist and committed Trotskyist . In 1933, the couple fled from the Nazis from Germany to Paris. Some of her relatives were deported to Riga as Berlin Jews in 1942/43 and either perished or were murdered there. From 1936 Erich Cohn-Bendit belonged to the close circle of friends of the Jewish philosopher Hannah Arendt , whose works later strongly influenced his son Daniel.

Cohn-Bendit spent his early childhood in poor conditions in Normandy and Paris. Since the parents originally wanted to emigrate to the USA with their children, they did not apply for French citizenship for him. The emigration plan failed due to poverty. The father became addicted to alcohol, which sparked a marital crisis and resulted in inadequate care for his children. The mother had to work for the family income.

In 1952 Erich Cohn-Bendit settled as a lawyer in Frankfurt am Main, while his wife stayed with Daniel in Paris. His father applied for French citizenship for him in 1958 , but some of the necessary papers were missing. So the son initially remained stateless. In 1958 his mother also moved to Frankfurt with him.

In Germany, Cohn-Bendit attended the reform pedagogical Odenwald School in Ober-Hambach near Heppenheim in Hesse . As a friendly, humorous, eloquent and eloquent student, he was popular with classmates and teachers. One of his teachers, the French communist Ernest Jouhy , became Daniel Cohn-Bendit's “foster father” after the death of Erich Cohn-Bendit. In 1961, at the age of 16, Cohn-Bendit had to choose between German and French citizenship and - unlike his brother Gabriel Cohn-Bendit , who was nine years older than him - chose German. He wanted to avoid military service in France. In May 2015, Cohn-Bendit also received French citizenship.

1963 his mother died in London; with that he became an orphan . He passed his Abitur in 1965 with an overall grade of "Good". The school principal described Cohn-Bendit as a progressive , resourceful, and unusually temperamental boy.

Paris May

Nanterre

In the fall of 1965, Cohn-Bendit began studying mathematics at the University of Paris-South (Orsay), which he gave up after only a week. He switched to sociology at the University of Paris-Nanterre , where he knew a small anarchist group. This met from now on in his apartment. One of his professors was Alain Touraine .

At that time, many students in Western European countries began to politicize themselves. Cohn-Bendit became active in the emerging French student movement. After the shooting of Benno Ohnesorg in Berlin (June 2, 1967), he declared: "After this first death in Germany one should not believe that the potential for violence is lower in other countries."

In Nanterre, Cohn-Bendit took part in student protests against gender segregation in student dormitories and, along with others, disregarded a ban on visiting dormitories for female students after 11 p.m. In January 1968, at the inauguration of a swimming pool , he surprised the French Minister of Sport and Youth, François Missoffe, by asking why he had left out the subject of sexuality in his “White Paper on Youth”. Missoffe replied: If he has sexual problems, he should jump into the deep end. Cohn-Bendit replied that this answer reminded him of the Hitler Youth . The university management reacted to this with severe disciplinary sanctions against him.

At the International Vietnam Congress in February 1968 at the TU Berlin , Cohn-Bendit represented the group Liaison des Etudiants Anarchistes (Association of Anarchist Students; LIA). He took over the action concept of the provocative, direct, enlightenment and self-enlightenment action from Rudi Dutschke , who gave the main speech and in turn had taken it over from the French Situationists .

On March 21, 1968, students from Nanterre demonstrated against the Vietnam War in support of the Tet Offensive there. Some members of the Comité Viêtnam national (CVN) destroyed the windows of the local American Express office and were arrested. Thereupon others, including Cohn-Bendit, occupied the rooms of the university senate for the first time. There, about 140 students from Nanterre from anarchist, Maoist , Situationist and Trotskyist groups joined together in response to Cohn-Bendit's appeal for an agreement towards the “March 22nd Movement” (the date of foundation). They saw themselves as a decentralized, anti-institutional alliance for direct action . Although they rejected central leadership, Cohn-Bendit was portrayed in the media as their spokesman ("Dany le Rouge"). After a subgroup published instructions on how to build a non-working Molotov cocktail called "le cocktail Dany (inefficace)", Cohn-Bendit was arrested as the alleged instigator.

The members of this alliance prevented many lectures in the following weeks by occupying lecture halls to force discussions about the Vietnam War. After the assassination attempt on Rudi Dutschke on April 11th, Cohn-Bendit mobilized the French students and invited SDS chairman Karl Dietrich Wolff to Nanterre. After his lecture, students stormed the administration rooms of the university. On May 2, 1968, the university dean called the police to enforce the house rules. From May 3, 1968, he closed the Faculty of Human Sciences in Nanterre indefinitely. Cohn-Bendit and seven other rebels were summoned before the Sorbonne Disciplinary Commission on May 6.

Sorbonne and expulsion

On the same day, Cohn-Bendit and his March 22nd movement moved to the Sorbonne University and organized a sit-in with the French Student Union in its courtyard against the closure of Nanterre and the disciplinary proceedings. After police broke up the sit-in and arrested 596 students, including Cohn-Bendit, a street battle of tear gas, cobblestones and Molotov cocktails ensued. On May 4th, the Sorbonne was temporarily closed and surrounded by a police cordon. From the 5th of May, the protesters received the support of the Surrealists to Jean Schuster .

On May 6, Cohn-Bendit declared before the Disciplinary Commission: “I am an anarchist Marxist. For me, Marx's fundamental analysis is correct, the analysis of capitalist society . But I completely reject the forms of organization that the communist movement has given itself. They do not create a new society, only new authoritarian rule. There is a break here between Marxist theory and communist practice. We want to undo this break again ... "

While French right-wing extremists have been demanding Cohn-Bendit's deportation since May 2nd and calling for vigilante justice against him, some members of the PCF, such as the poet Louis Aragon , showed their solidarity with the protesting students. On May 6, during another sit-in at the Sorbonne, Cohn-Bendit asked Aragon to declare his uncritical admiration for the Soviet Union in the 1930s. Aragon left the room. In the evening, Cohn-Bendit said on television that he had demonstrated with “ Stalinist villains”. Thereupon he was attacked in the newspaper L'Humanité , the central organ of the PCF, as a “pseudo-revolutionary” and “German anarchist”. The following week he called for the student protests to spread to all of Paris, a general strike and a soviet republic in the tradition of anarcho-syndicalism . He relied on the Amiens Charter (1906).

On May 13, 1968, the Paris police used massive violence to break up a mass demonstration of around 20,000 students. As a result, the French Students 'Union, a large university teachers' association and the trade unions called a general strike out of solidarity with the students. Almost all those called followed on May 19, between seven and ten million people across France.

Daniel Cohn-Bendit (1968)

On May 20, Cohn-Bendit conducted a public interview with the philosopher Jean-Paul Sartre , in which he stated that, given the scale of the movement, the overthrow of the government under President Charles de Gaulle was their goal. It is true that bourgeois society cannot yet be eliminated. But effective changes, for example in the area of ​​universities, are now within reach. Society cannot be changed through an organized avant-garde, but only through uncontrolled spontaneity. He carried out these ideas in Berlin in the following days, criticizing the communist organizations as authoritarian and immobile. " Bolshevism " should be rejected uncompromisingly. The real goal of the revolution is the autonomy of the masses. He maintained his rejection of state communism and the authoritarian structures of actually existing socialism . In 1986 he explained his position as follows: “I think we have to overtake the right in anti-communism on the left and show that we are the better anti-communists, because we are actually the true anti- totalitarians , that the origin of totalitarianism is the authoritarian character, be it National Socialist Stamping, be it Bolshevik stamping. "

On May 21, 1968, as a speaker at a rally of the Berlin SDS, Cohn-Bendit demanded that the French tricolor should be torn up and replaced by a red flag . On May 22, the French government denied him re-entry and banned him from staying in France.

On May 24th, the Paris students demonstrated with the slogan “We are all German Jews” for Cohn-Bendit's re-entry and thus placed themselves in a tradition of the Resistance against the Nazi persecution of Jews . On the same day, Cohn-Bendit tried to enter France at the border crossing near Saarbrücken . He was accompanied by around 800 students who had come with him to the border after a teach-in at Saarland University and demonstrated there for his re-entry. A large number of riot police on the German side and members of the Republican Guard on the French side had sealed off the border. Even after negotiations with the French authorities, Cohn-Bendit was refused entry. He crossed the border illegally and reached the demonstrators in the evening. A call by Interior Minister Christian Fouchet to "vomit this underworld" was followed on May 30 by 300,000 Gaullists . Slogans such as “France for the French”, “Cohn-Bendit to Germany” and “Cohn-Bendit to Dachau ” were also shouted .

In July 1968, Cohn-Bendit settled in Frankfurt am Main in order, as he later wrote, to end the “star cult” around himself. He was also responding to criticism from his supporters who had appeared after his acclaimed reunion in the Sorbonne at a press conference with the slogan "Cohn-Bendit, that's us all". He also reacted to the collapse of the March 22nd Movement, in which Maoists had taken the lead on June 12, 1968.

Frankfurt spontaneous movement

After a summer vacation in Italy with the actress Marie-France Pisier , Cohn-Bendit wrote the book “ Left radicalism - cure for violence against the old age disease of communism” in August 1968 , which was published by Rowohlt Verlag and 18 foreign publishers printed it . The high advance fee for the author found criticism in the German SDS. An essay volume of the series "edition Voltaire " published by Heinrich Heine Verlag, which was announced in November 1968, did not appear.

In autumn 1968, Cohn-Bendit officially enrolled as a sociology student at Goethe University and attended lectures by Theodor W. Adorno and Jürgen Habermas , two representatives of the Frankfurt School , but did not finish his studies. Hannah Arendt offered him financial help at the time.

On September 22, 1968, Cohn-Bendit took part in protests against the President of Senegal Leopold Senghor , who received the Peace Prize of the German Book Trade at the Frankfurt Book Fair that day . He skipped a police line, was arrested and sentenced to eight months probation.

On October 31, 1968 Cohn-Bendit called out shortly before the verdict against Andreas Baader and Gudrun Ensslin in the trial before the Frankfurt am Main district court on the department store arson on April 2, 1968 : "They belong to us!" To bring the defendant to a student court. Ensslin had previously justified the act as a protest against the "indifference" with which the people saw the " genocide in Vietnam ". Cohn-Bendit visited Ensslin several times in prison.

At the end of 1969, Cohn-Bendit founded a “company project group” (BPG) as a sub-group of the Frankfurt SDS that wanted to infiltrate the local unions. After the SDS disintegrated, the group called itself the " Revolutionary Struggle " (RK). Following the example of the Italian lotta continua, the RK tried to induce a spontaneous mass movement of young workers, students and schoolchildren through agitation in industrial companies and resistance to “everyday violence”. At that time, Cohn-Bendit got to know Joschka Fischer , made friends with him and recruited him as the head of an operating group of the RK. Cohn-Bendit and Fischer soon became politically and personally closely connected spokesmen for the Frankfurt “ Sponti ” scene. Both applied with forged papers to the Opel automobile plant in Rüsselsheim and were hired, but dismissed after six months because of agitation in the company.

In 1970, Cohn-Bendit, Joschka Fischer, Tom Koenigs and Johnny Klinke founded the Karl-Marx-Buchhandlung in Frankfurt-Bockenheim as a grassroots democratic collective with uniform wages. It was a hotspot and provided buyers, mostly students, with left-wing radical literature that was hardly available elsewhere. He rejected the prohibition of any books in any direction, even if they contained calls for violence, and stuck to it in 1977 when the pressure on alleged “sympathizers” of the Red Army Faction (RAF) grew.

Since autumn 1971, Cohn-Bendit participated in the resistance against the demolition of empty houses in the Frankfurt-Westend district . In April 1972 he called for further squatting at a “tribunal against speculators and profiteers” . As a Jew, he protested that criticism of the real estate agent Ignatz Bubis , who owned one of the houses that was already occupied, was anti-Semitism . He became a spokesman in the Frankfurt urban warfare . However, he did not belong to the “ cleaning group ” around Joschka Fischer, who tried to prevent the police from evacuating occupied houses with physical violence. He rejected their appearance with helmets as "militarization to the outside".

Many 68ers advocated an anti-authoritarian upbringing with a political claim in the wake of the writings of Wilhelm Reich , Erich Fromm and other representatives of critical theory . These ideas and the lack of kindergartens led to the formation of self-managed children's shops in West German university towns, first in 1967 in Frankfurt am Main. Cohn-Bendit worked from 1972 to 1974 as a reference person employed by the parents in the self-managed day - care center of the University of Frankfurt, which emerged from the children's shop movement. The Freie Schule Frankfurt , which he co-founded in 1980, also followed this tradition. Until 1981 he worked there as one of two caregivers for one to two year old toddlers in a crèche.

On December 4, 1974, Jean-Paul Sartre visited Andreas Baader in the Stuttgart- Stammheim correctional facility to support the hunger strike of the imprisoned RAF terrorists against their prison conditions. Cohn-Bendit accompanied Sartre, but was not allowed to go to the prison as a translator because the prison had rejected his request for a visit. In the press conference that followed, he translated for Sartre and the journalists. He is said to have left Sartre's statement that Baader was a fool untranslated.

In his book Le grand bazar (Paris 1975; German edition 1977: The great bazaar ), which was compiled from several long interviews and edited by the interviewers, Cohn-Bendit described his role in May 1968 and in the spontaneous movement. Reviewers emphasized his enjoyment of provocation and criticized the lack of a political program. The book was criticized as self-marketing because of its title and foreword ("This book, too, wants to be nothing more than a colorful department store of left-wing radicalism. Please help yourself. You are free to choose ..."). Unlike Rudi Dutschke, for example, Cohn-Bendit had been very accommodating to journalists' offers as early as 1968 and had deliberately served the “star hype” about himself, as he admitted.

In order to be allowed to work for a French publisher, Cohn-Bendit applied for his expulsion from 1968 to be revoked in 1975. After the French Ministry of the Interior had refused this in February 1976, he brought an action before the competent Paris administrative court and relied on a 1964 EEC directive which the Minister of the Interior should have justified his rejection. The court wanted to submit its interpretation of this directive to the ECJ , so let it decide on its legality in the final instance. Following a petition by the Minister of the Interior, the French Supreme Administrative Court ( Conseil d'Etat ) overturned this judgment on December 22nd, 1978, stating that EEC directives were not directly applicable to national law. In doing so, it disregarded an opposing ECJ judgment and reserved the ultimate interpretation of EEC directives for itself. This “Cohn-Bendit judgment”, which was also heavily criticized in France, remained a precedent for the relationship between European and French constitutional law. As a result, the Paris administrative court finally dismissed Cohn-Bendit's action on July 11, 1979. Before that, the Minister of the Interior had surprisingly lifted the expulsion from 1968.

Nevertheless, Cohn-Bendit stayed in Frankfurt. In October 1976 he founded the left-wing alternative city magazine "Pflasterstrand". The main topics were the anti-nuclear movement and the "urban warfare". It often attacked the SPD local politicians responsible for building policy. For the local elections in 1977, the newspaper recommended abstention from voting in order to end years of compromise with reformism . The longtime Lord Mayor Rudi Arndt was voted out. In 1976, Cohn-Bendit declared on the subject of unemployment : Any fight against it must also act against alienated, inhumane work. Revolutionaries might not want people to go to the assembly line. Until 1978, the paved beach also criticized the emerging environmental initiatives as "bourgeois" and distinguished itself from the project of a green federal party.

Hans-Joachim Klein used to be a member of the “cleaning group” and later with the Revolutionary Cells (RZ). He participated in the 1975 OPEC hostage-taking in Vienna, in which three people were killed. In 1977 he sent his pistol and a letter of confession to the Spiegel in which he renounced terrorism. Cohn-Bendit and others helped him to live in various hiding places in France so that he would not be murdered as "traitors" by former accomplices. Cohn-Bendit got him an apartment, paid the rent and promised violent criminals who were willing to leave the "paved beach" the solidarity of those who had been involved in its development. He faked a letter to the editor to the "Pflasterstrand" in which he signaled to the data center that Klein would not reveal any names if he was left alone. Otherwise you will treat your persecutors like "cops".

Politics with the Greens

"Realo" in Hessen

For the state elections in Hesse in 1978 , Cohn-Bendit participated in the formation of a green electoral alliance . Three green or colorful alternative electoral lists were created that did not agree on the inclusion or exclusion of K groups and common candidates. On July 23, 1978, Cohn-Bendit provocatively called for the post of interior minister, the legalization of hashish and marijuana, and a 35-hour week . Thereupon the conservative Green List environmental protection founded by Herbert Gruhl refused to merge. The Green List Hessen (GLH) did not allow double memberships and concentrated on the resistance against the runway west of Frankfurt airport. Cohn-Bendit was voted seventh on the list.

After all three lists had missed entry into the state parliament, the "Sponti voter initiative" led by Cohn-Bendit, which met in the rooms of the "Pflasterstrands", began to work more closely with the Greens and possible cooperation with the left-wing SPD. Wing to discuss Erhard Eppler . At first she continued to distance herself from reformism and also criticized the eco-socialists (disparagingly called “ Fundis ”) around Manfred Zieran and Jutta Ditfurth , who were aiming for members of the GLH, as too “tie-like” and too little “freaked out”.

Since the state elections in Hesse in 1982 , when the Greens, united this time, moved into the state parliament and the Römer (Frankfurt am Main) , Cohn-Bendit's initiative has called for the SPD minority government to be tolerated. When the SPD chairman Willy Brandt pointed out a “majority on this side of the Union” on September 26, 1982, the circle, in which Joschka Fischer now also participated, sought a red-green coalition at federal and state level. In October 1982 Cohn-Bendit's spontaneous voter initiative joined the Frankfurt district association of the Greens in order to gain leadership of the Greens in Hesse and to bring Joschka Fischer into the Bundestag. From then on, the editorial team of the paved beach called itself the “ Realpolitik Working Group ”. Fischer and Cohn-Bendit submitted the jointly drafted proposal “Between Puritan Scylla and opportunistic Charybdis for a cunning odyssey” to the Hessian Greens' party congress on October 31, 1982, which the paved beach published in November 1982. In it they ultimately demanded an alliance with the SPD; whoever refuses to do so will split the Greens. The party congress rejected this by a majority.

After Fischer had won a Bundestag mandate in the federal election in 1983 on March 6, 1984, Cohn-Bendit officially joined the Greens in Hesse and campaigned for the eco-socialists, whom he called "radical Bolsheviks", to be disempowered by a wave of spontaneous acts. "Realos" candidates then won five of eight seats in the Römer in the local elections in Hesse in 1985 and enabled the first red-green coalition in Hesse in September 1985. On December 12th, Fischer was appointed Minister of the Environment in Hesse . During his tenure (1985–1987), Cohn-Bendit was his close political advisor .

Frankfurt Head of Department

In the local elections in 1989, Cohn-Bendit ran with the demand that a red-green coalition should set up a department for multicultural issues. The local CDU rejected this with the slogan "Should Cohn-Bendit determine our homeland?" The newly elected Social Democratic Mayor of Frankfurt, Volker Hauff , appointed Cohn-Bendit in July 1989 as city councilor as honorary head of the “Office for Multicultural Affairs” (AmkA), which was unique in Germany and is affiliated with the Department for Integration. Until 1997, Cohn-Bendit was its first department head.

At the beginning of his term of office, he conducted hearings for Frankfurt migrants and in 1990 he fulfilled some of their main demands: the establishment of a municipal foreigners' representation (KAV) and the intercultural opening of the city administration. His office offered, among other things, legal advice for migrant associations, district discussions and anti-discrimination programs for police and administrative officials, announced an architectural competition for alternatives to design the Gutleutviertel without the planned high-rise Campanile (Frankfurt) and initiated encounters between local Muslims, Christians and Jews. In 1990, Cohn-Bendit co-initiated an anti-racism week in the city and a “Day of German Diversity” after the fall of the Berlin Wall . In 1991, after the attacks on asylum seekers in Hoyerswerda and elsewhere, the office initiated a poster campaign “Hatred of foreigners - not with us!”, Which Cohn-Bendit helped to spread nationwide. In 1997 he arranged for Frankfurt to join the “ Cities of Refuge ” network.

The office was retained after Hauff's resignation in March 1991 and after switching to the black-green coalition (1995) under Petra Roth (CDU). For the 1997 local elections, Cohn-Bendit resigned and switched entirely to European politics.

European politician

Daniel Cohn-Bendit at the Römerberg Talks (2011)

In the European elections in 1994 , Cohn-Bendit won 17.8 percent (compared to a good ten percent across Germany) votes for the Greens and thus entered the European Parliament. In the 1999 European elections , after a three-month election campaign in the French province, he won another seat as the top candidate of the French Greens (Les Verts). In Paris, 17 percent of voters voted for “Dany le Vert”. In 2001 he supported the French Greens in their local election campaign. From 2002 to 2014 he was one of two chairmen of the Green Group in the European Parliament and as such a member of the Presidents' Conference of the European Parliament . In 2003 he turned to issues of the information society ( software patents ) and co-founded the European Green Party (EGP; 32 member parties ). In 2004, Cohn-Bendit was elected to second place on the list at the federal party conference of the German Greens and was thus elected top male candidate for the 2004 European elections. In the 6th electoral term of the European Parliament he worked in the Committee on Economic and Monetary Affairs and the Committee on Constitutional Affairs . In 2009 he ran again for the European elections in France 2009 , this time as the top candidate for Europe Écologie , which was the third strongest political force nationwide with 16.28 percent (0.2 percent behind the socialists ).

Since 2000, Cohn-Bendit has been campaigning for a federal European constitution with a political government to replace the current top management of the EU Commission. The European constitution must enshrine pan-European values ​​such as “solidarity in society with the elderly, the weak and the sick, as well as the necessary ecological reason”, contain a social charter and harmonize tax systems, be widely discussed and passed through referendums . In European elections, all EU citizens should be able to vote directly for a candidate for the office of political leadership (president, chancellor or prime minister) for all of Europe with a second vote. The party lists available for election would have to agree on such candidates beforehand. The elected candidate would then have to propose a European cabinet to the European Parliament for confirmation so that it would be legitimized by all Europeans through the parliamentarians. This awakens enthusiasm for Europe and counteracts the drifting apart of the nation states. This would have to give sovereignty rights to the European government so that it is functional and only serves the interests of Europe as a whole. In this way, the European government could assert itself against national interests in overarching issues of BSE , nuclear power or climate protection and represent European interests in globalization on an equal footing with the USA.

In May 2010, Cohn-Bendit was one of the founders of the JCall initiative - European-Jewish appeal to reason. Since September 2010 he has been a leading member of the newly founded Spinelli Group , which advocates European federalism in the European Parliament .

In November 2010, Cohn-Bendit initiated the reorganization of the French green party Les Verts to Europe Écologie-Les Verts . After lengthy disagreements, he left the party in December 2012. He responded to the French Greens' no to the European fiscal pact for more budgetary discipline and accused them of saying goodbye to Europe and being politically overturned after they had already voted in the election campaign Would have hidden ecology. However, he remained a member of the German Greens, co-chair of the Group of the Greens / European Free Alliance and retained all functions in the European Parliament. Together with Ulrich Beck, Cohn-Bendit wrote the manifesto We are Europe! Manifesto on the re-establishment of the EU from below , which appeared in May 2012. He did not run for the 2014 European elections .

For the 2013 federal election , Cohn-Bendit advised the German Greens not to rule out a black-green coalition or the tolerance of a red-green coalition by Die Linke from the outset.

The Russian Federation imposed an entry ban on 89 EU politicians, including Cohn-Bendit, at the end of May 2015.

At the end of August / beginning of September 2018, Cohn-Bendit was in talks as the successor to the resigned French Environment Minister Nicolas Hulot , but after a conversation with President Emmanuel Macron decided to  reject the offer.

Media presence

Cohn-Bendit at the literary festival Lit.Cologne in Cologne (2006)

In 1969, Cohn-Bendit suggested to Jean-Luc Godard to shoot a spaghetti western with representatives of the “March 22nd Movement”. He wanted to make the movie fun with his previous comrades and money-making. Godard, on the other hand, was planning a non-commercial, serious film about the goals of the revolutionaries. He dropped the project after two meetings with Cohn-Bendit.

Cohn-Bendit was slated for the lead role in the 1969 film Baal . The director Volker Schlöndorff replaced him with Rainer Werner Fassbinder . Cohn-Bendit worked as an actor in the films Ostwind (1970), Het alternatief (1984), Die Splitter der Eisbombe (1985), Eine Liebe in Paris (1987). He wrote the script for the film C'est la vie (1991) , a memory of the 1960s, and played a supporting role in it as an unsuccessful petty criminal. He was also a screenwriter for the film Juden in Frankfurt (1993).

At the beginning of the 1980s he hosted the program Free Word for all who want to earn less in order to be able to live better at the French radio station Europe 1 . As the successor to Elke Heidenreich , he moderated the Swiss Television Literature Club (SF) from 1994 to 2003 . The show had twice as high an audience share as its German counterpart, The Literary Quartet ; Viewers were allowed to have a say in the books to be discussed, and one viewer writing per broadcast was allowed to present his work. In 2002, Cohn-Bendit criticized Martin Walser : In his work “ Ein jumpingender Brunnen ” (1998) he chose a “completely twisted” representation of the Holocaust and had to deal with his “totally ideological” affirmation of Soviet communism (1968ff.). Walser's tendency, not only noticeable since his peace prize speech in 1998, to ostensibly break a taboo (“one will still be allowed to say”) worries him greatly. A murder fantasy like in the Walser novel Death of a Critic (2002) is expected from a youthful punk , but not from an "old geezer".

Since 2005 he has hosted the bi-weekly discussion program Cohn-Bendit meets ... on the television station terranova . It is produced free of charge in the European Parliament with its film teams.

From 2013 to 2018 he appeared again as a presenter on the French broadcaster Europe 1.

From autumn 2018, the Euronews program went on air, during which Cohn-Bendit held talks with political figures.

Controversial issues

Left-wing terrorism

Since the "German Autumn" of 1977, Cohn-Bendit has dealt intensively with left- wing terrorism . The paved beach was an important medium for this dispute. Cohn-Bendit's influence on the spontaneous scene in the 1970s is considered to be the main reason why only a few left-wing radicals in Frankfurt am Main joined the RAF. According to Joschka Fischer, he prevented “people from Frankfurt going into the terrorist underground.” This is his “tremendous achievement”. Cohn-Bendit's friendship also saved him from falling into terrorist violence.

In 1979 Cohn-Bendit wrote an epilogue to Klein's book Return to Humanity , in which he pleaded for a determined break with the mutually escalating oppression of the state and violence of the guerrillas. The “humanitarian standpoint” is the only way out of this “never-ending spiral of death”. The “state of siege” in the Federal Republic can only be overcome through a social debate about its cause, the “never dealt with fascism trauma”. Unlike other representatives of the student movement, he had never called for "armed struggle". However, he just admitted that the New Left was partly responsible for terrorist violence. Her initial fascination with the RAF was based on an emotional feeling of rebellion, not on a rational insight into the need for political action.

In 1987, in an interview with Justice Minister Hans-Jochen Vogel, he said: The APO had claimed a right of resistance against the West German state because they had not differentiated between resistance against fascism and resistance in a democracy . From the start, he considered the strategy of the RAF and other armed groups to be morally out of the question, but he did not expect established parties to change society. The opposition to the Vietnam War was only able to assert itself against West German loyalty to the USA by violating the rules outside of parliament. They resisted the emergency laws because the parents' generation barely offered any resistance to National Socialism and suppressed this failure in the post-war period. The ban on demonstrations in West Berlin after Ohnesorg's shooting confirmed the impression of political repression on the part of the SPD as well. The KPD ban in 1956 and the radical decree in 1972 were also perceived as authoritarian overreactions. The RAF terrorists had the moral right to fight all injustices in the world, and have therefore become inhuman murderers themselves. Their solitary confinement , which they would have perceived subjectively as torture , and the contact ban law , however, contributed to the emergence of the second and third generation of the RAF. The state representatives should have recognized this danger. The paragraphs StGB 129a ( formation of terrorist organizations ) and StGB 88a (anti-constitutional advocacy of criminal offenses; repealed in 1981) had worked as a criminalization of the spontaneous scene and its attempts to separate itself politically from the RAF. In order to give former terrorists like Hans-Joachim Klein the chance to get out, the rule of law has to offer them something, such as releasing prisoners convicted for life after fifteen years on parole. Like the state representatives, the spontaneous movement wanted to protect lives, namely that of the RAF prisoners. For social processing it is necessary to recognize the positive motives of the respective opposing side.

On 15 September 1998, a week after the arrest Klein in France, the Hessian FDP member of parliament filed Jörg-Uwe Hahn criminal complaint against Cohn-Bendit because of possible obstruction of justice because this Klein's residence was not disclosed. The public prosecutor's office at the Frankfurt Regional Court applied for his political immunity to be lifted . The European Parliament rejected this in June 2003 because Cohn-Bendit had already announced his aid to Klein in the 1970s and was therefore not prosecuted. A criminal complaint should not serve to damage a political mandate. In 2001, Cohn-Bendit had testified in the criminal case against Klein, who had been charged with triple murder, his development into terrorism, his distancing from it and his willingness to surrender voluntarily.

Military intervention

In early 1991, before the Second Gulf War , Cohn-Bendit supported the peace movement and called for peaceful solutions to be found. During the Yugoslav wars he changed this attitude and demanded or affirmed military intervention by the West in some conflicts that included ethnic mass murders. That is why left-wing critics and internal party opponents have called him a “bellicist” since 1991 .

At the special party conference of the Greens in Aachen in October 1993, he and a group of around 30 people argued for the first time in favor of military means as a last resort to protect Bosnia . The proposal did not find a majority. After the Markale massacre in Sarajevo , on April 20, 1994, he called for western military intervention in the Bosnian conflict. As against Adolf Hitler, one sometimes has to do bad things to prevent worse things from happening. This is a historical responsibility of the Germans. He was one of about 100 celebrities from 18 countries who, in an appeal to the UN , demanded that attacks in the entire area of ​​former Yugoslavia be made impossible.

When a war operation in Kosovo became acute in 1998 , Cohn-Bendit demanded the use of ground troops from the Bundeswehr instead of NATO's air strikes on Serbia . The then Federal Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer did not want to go that far. The peace researcher Theodor Ebert criticized Cohn-Bendit's explanations as “moralizing” instead of analytical: he described the government of Slobodan Milosevic as “totalitarian rule” and thus equated it with National Socialism. Consequently, he did not rule out a ground war against Serbia.

As a result of the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001 , Cohn-Bendit and Ralf Fücks advocated a pan-European military contribution to the USA's war on terror against the Taliban regime, which he described as clerical fascism . The Islamism is a totalitarian movement. The assassins represented neither the oppressed nor the right aims by wrong means, but were "enemies of a pluralistic, cosmopolitan, civil society". The democratic West should not be inactive or overreacting, but should take a united front. Europe should cultivate “critical solidarity” with the USA and reject all special national channels.

In 2004 he declared the civil war in Sudan : A military intervention to end an ongoing destruction of peoples is legitimate. This position coincides with the view of the UN, which affirms military interventions in failed states (states whose governments can no longer protect large parts of the population). However, Cohn-Bendit left it open who was allowed to undertake these interventions.

On the other hand, in 2012, Cohn-Bendit was one of the few European politicians who criticized German arms exports to Greece , which showed Chancellor Angela Merkel's austerity policies to be hypocritical. Joschka Fischer supported some of these German arms exports in 1999.

Consequences of utterances on child sexuality

In 1975 Cohn-Bendit described sexual acts with children in his book The Grand Bazaar . A similar statement by Cohn-Bendit in a French talk show from 1982 found no contradiction at the time and no major media attention. With reference to these statements, the journalist Bettina Röhl accused him in 2001 of having sexually abused children he was looking after in the 1970s . It triggered a media debate.

In January 2001, a group of parents and the children he was looking after rejected the allegations against him in an open letter . In February 2001, Cohn-Bendit wrote to the former Federal Minister of Justice, Klaus Kinkel , that he had never sexually abused children, but rather tried to describe parenting problems in dealing with childish sexual desires in the context of the sexual revolution in fictitious, pointed first-person form. From his current point of view, some things are “unbearable and wrong”. He repeatedly regretted his text from 1975, which was meant as a “provocation”, as a “mistake” and “great stupidity”: for example in the context of cases of abuse that had become known at the Odenwald School (2010) and the pedophile debate at Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen (2013).

The media scholars Bernhard Pörksen and Hanne Detel described Cohn-Bendit's 2012 case as one of many examples of a loss of “digital control”: A self-statement that had long been ignored was suddenly discovered, scandalized and avalanche-like by the digital mass media. In March 2013, the President of the Federal Constitutional Court, Andreas Vosskuhle, canceled a celebratory speech to hand over the Theodor Heuss Prize to Cohn-Bendit because of the book passage.

Jewish Identity and Anti-Semitism

Cohn-Bendit dealt with the topic of Jewish identity and anti-Semitism on various occasions. Fassbinder's play Der Müll, die Stadt und der Tod was to be premiered in Frankfurt am Main on October 31, 1985 . There was widespread protest in the run-up to this because many judged the play to be anti-Semitic. Members of the Jewish community , including Ignatz Bubis , occupied the stage and prevented the performance. Cohn-Bendit moderated the discussion with around 160 theatergoers in the hall and tried to make both points of view understandable. According to observers, his behavior helped prevent acts of violence.

In a conversation with Ignaz Bubis in November 1985, he continued this attempt at understanding. On the one hand, he argued for a different understanding of Fassbinder's play: The figure of the rich, anonymous Jew takes up an anti-Semitic cliché, not to confirm it, but to show anti-Semitism as not overcome based on the loneliness and contradiction of this figure. On the other hand, he affirmed the protest of the Jews in Germany against the performance, which had taken up a form of protest of the 68ers in the form of a rule violation and coercion and thus showed that for legitimate emotions, under certain circumstances, forms of expression not provided for by law are necessary. This articulation of Jewish injuries is actually not directed against Fassbinder, but against the "normalization" of German history and the leveling of the Holocaust, which is symbolically expressed with Helmut Kohl's claim of a "grace of late birth" in Israel and his visit to Bitburg. The enlightening continuation of this discussion is even more important to him than the performance of the piece, for which he campaigns. He contradicted Bubis, who only wanted to see the Jews as a religious community, and explained: “I don't belong to the religion, but I am still a Jew.” That was the fate of life.

In a “Speech about Germany” (1986) he declared: He identified himself with the dream of Jewish emancipation as integration into German society and was aware that he would remain a Jew “as long as there was racism and anti-Semitism in this world”. This Jewish identity could be reactivated anytime and anywhere without his intervention. That is why he sees himself as a pariah (outcast, outsider). Emigrating to Israel is not a solution because it would end his Judaism and make him an Israeli. Jews, like other people, cannot learn from history: Therefore, Israel is not a particularly tolerant state. The ability of the 68ers to face their own history is a merit of the revolt. In the 1970s, however, it gave way to pro-Palestinian solidarity instead of a necessary bias towards Israel due to German history. In Stalinist Poland, on the other hand, student social criticism was denounced as a Zionist movement in order to isolate students from the people. It was not by chance that the National Socialists built Auschwitz in Poland because they did not expect any resistance from the Poles in the area to the extermination of the Jews. He admires the Polish Jew Adam Michnik , who believes that the Polish need for freedom can also overcome this latent anti-Semitism, and has therefore connected himself with Solidarność and the Catholic Church. In the historians' dispute about the singularity of the Holocaust, there is a moment of truth in Hannah Arendt's theory of totalitarianism : Russians have to deal with the singularity of Stalinism, Germans with that of National Socialism. Purely economic attempts to explain National Socialism did not explain why German industry supported the Holocaust. A German national consciousness can only arise if Germans identify with the resistance against National Socialism and the deserters from the Wehrmacht . That is why the conservative historians and politicians should apologize to Willy Brandt , who had put up such resistance. There should also be a memorial for the deserters.

At a conference on “Jewish Voices in the Discourse of the Sixties” in July 2011, Cohn-Bendit discussed the relationship between the 1968 and anti-Semitism with Jürgen Habermas and others. He agreed with analyzes by Christoph Schmidt and Jerry Muller (USA): The 68ers identified with persecuted Jews (“We are all German Jews!”) And derived from this a split in Judaism. On the one hand, they would have installed Jewish intellectuals like Walter Benjamin , Ernst Bloch and Herbert Marcuse with their secular messianism as spiritual fathers instead of the physical fathers and accepted them as “real” Jews. On the other hand, they had rejected the capitalists in league with the USA, the Zionists and Israel since the Six Day War as “false Jews” and in some cases compared them with the National Socialists and equated them. By absolving themselves of the guilt of their fathers to the Jews, the sons would have taken the right to abuse real Jews again and to condemn Western democracy as a single concentration camp (for example Giorgio Agamben ). The left have generalized National Socialism to fascism so that they never have to ask about its specific circumstances. - Cohn-Bendit agreed that abstract political theory building served the 68ers to feel they were on the "right side". However, when dealing with their parents, they would have dealt specifically with National Socialism. The fact that he once greeted the French Minister François Missoffe with the Hitler salute was "banal and stupid". It is true that parts of the student movement used the criticism of Israel for their "real anti-Semitism". But the hatred of the right against the students was also anti-Semitic, as the call "Cohn-Bendit to Dachau" had shown.

In February 2013 he said: Since contracting cancer, he was planning to withdraw from politics. For an autobiography he wanted to “find out what my Judaism means to me: I don't go to the synagogue , my wife and my children are not Jews, I am not drawn to Israel - and yet I am a Jew. When I write a book, it should deal with my unclear identity. "

Awards

Cohn-Bendit received a number of honors and awards:

As a result of the dispute over his receipt of the Theodor Heuss Prize, Cohn-Bendit waived the Franco-German Media Prize in April 2013 and also wanted to forego the Elsie Kühn Leitz Prize scheduled for September 15, 2013 .

Additional information

Fonts (selection)

  • Agitation model for a revolution , 1968.
  • with Gabriel Cohn-Bendit: Left radicalism - cure for violence against the old age disease of communism. Rowohlt, Reinbek near Hamburg 1968. (French: Le Gauchisme, remède à la maladie sénile du communisme - meaning "remedies" instead of "cure for violence")
  • The big bazaar . Conversations with Michel Lévy, Jean-Marc Salmon, Maren Sell . 1st edition. Trikont-Verlag , Munich 1975, ISBN 3-920385-82-9 (French: Le Grand Bazar . Translated by Thomas Hartmann).
  • with Reinhard Mohr : 1968. The last revolution that didn't know anything about the ozone hole. Wagenbach's pocket library, Berlin 1988, ISBN 3-8031-2161-2 .
  • with Joschka Fischer , Alexander Gauland : Rule of law and civil disobedience. A dispute . Athenaeum Verlag, Bodenheim 1988, ISBN 3-610-04709-7 .
  • as editor: Immigrant Germany: or, expulsion from the prosperous paradise? Horizons, 1991, ISBN 3-926116-41-2 .
  • with Gaston Salvatore : Der Bildstörer: Gaston Salvatore in conversation with Daniel Cohn-Bendit. Ed. q, Berlin 1994, ISBN 3-86124-206-0 .
  • with Thomas Schmid: Xénophobies. Histoires d'Europes. Grasset, Paris 1998, ISBN 2-246-57611-3 (French).
  • with Oliver Duhamel, Thierry Vissol: Euros for everyone. The currency dictionary. DuMont, Cologne 1998, ISBN 3-7701-4589-5 .
  • We loved it so much, the revolution. Philo, Berlin 2001, ISBN 3-8257-0249-9 .
  • with Wolfgang Ullmann , Michael Gormann-Thelen: We, the citizens: Off to Europe, Germany and to ourselves! Articles on civil policy. The Blue Owl, 2002, ISBN 3-89206-033-9 .
  • with Thomas Schmid: Heimat Babylon. The risk of multicultural democracy. Hoffmann and Campe, Hamburg 2003, ISBN 3-455-10307-3 .
  • with Bernard Kouchner: Quand tu seras président. Laffont, Paris 2004, ISBN 2-221-09952-4 (French).
  • with Guy Verhofstadt : For Europe. A manifesto. Translated by Philipp Blom . Hanser Verlag, Munich 2012, ISBN 978-3-446-24187-9 .
  • with Patrice Lemoine: The beach under the tunnels. Football and politics - my life. Kiepenheuer & Witsch, Cologne 2020, ISBN 978-3-462-05263-3 (French: Sous les crampons la plage. Robert Laffont, 2018)

literature

Web links

Commons : Daniel Cohn-Bendit  - Album with pictures, videos and audio files
 Wikinews: Daniel Cohn-Bendit  - in the news
Wikiquote: Daniel Cohn-Bendit  - Quotes

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ ZEIT Online Cohn-Bendit withdraws from politics in 2014
  2. ↑ Markus Feldenkirchen, Rene Pfister: Spiegel talk: Now comes the endgame. In: Spiegel Online. December 2, 2012, accessed June 1, 2015 .
  3. ^ Sebastian Voigt : The Jewish May '68: Pierre Goldman, Daniel Cohn-Bendit and André Glucksmann in post-war France . Göttingen 2015, ISBN 978-3-525-37036-0 , pp. 142-146 .
  4. ^ Sabine Stamer: Cohn-Bendit. The biography. 2001, p. 34.
  5. ^ Regine Romberg: Athens, Rome or Philadelphia? The political cities in Hannah Arendt's thought. Königshausen & Neumann, 2007, ISBN 978-3-8260-3361-2 , p. 22.
  6. ^ Anne Siemens: Through the institutions or into terrorism: The ways of Joschka Fischer, Daniel Cohn-Bendit, Hans-Joachim Klein and Johannes Weinrich. Bischoff, Frankfurt am Main 2006, p. 55.
  7. ^ Sabine Stamer: Cohn-Bendit. The biography. 2001, p. 35f.
  8. ^ Wolfgang Kraushaar : Fischer in Frankfurt: Career of an outsider. Hamburger Edition, Hamburg 2001, ISBN 3-930908-69-7 , pp. 80–83.
  9. ^ Sebastian Voigt : The Jewish May '68: Pierre Goldman, Daniel Cohn-Bendit and André Glucksmann in post-war France . Göttingen 2015, ISBN 978-3-525-37036-0 , pp. 177 .
  10. ^ Sabine Stamer: Cohn-Bendit. The biography. 2001, p. 50.
  11. ↑ a b c Christoph Kalter: The discovery of the third world. Decolonization and the new radical left in France. Campus, 2011, ISBN 978-3-593-39480-0 , pp. 210f.
  12. ↑ Tagesspiegel, May 24, 2015: Daniel Cohn-Bendit is now also French , accessed on June 1, 2015
  13. ^ Sabine Stamer: Cohn-Bendit. The biography. 2001, p. 55.
  14. ^ Sabine Stamer: Cohn-Bendit. The biography. 2001, pp. 61-63.
  15. ↑ Der Spiegel, May 13, 1968: France / Students: Battle without Mercy
  16. ↑ Ingrid Gilcher-Holtey: 1968: a journey through time. Edition Suhrkamp, ​​Frankfurt am Main 2008, ISBN 978-3-518-12535-9 , p. 30.
  17. ↑ Susanne Kailitz: From the words to the weapons? Frankfurt School, Student Movement, RAF and the Question of Violence. Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2007, ISBN 978-3-531-14560-0 , p. 140.
  18. ↑ Ingrid Gilcher-Holtey: The 68er movement. Germany, Western Europe, USA. 4th edition. Beck, Munich 2011, ISBN 978-3-406-62506-0 , p. 8.
  19. ^ Philip M. Williams: French Politicians and Elections 1951-1969. Cambridge University Press, 2010, ISBN 978-0-521-09608-9 , p. 238.
  20. ^ Claudia Hangen: The Green Party in France. Ideology and movement. Deutscher Universitätsverlag, ISBN 3-8350-6004-X , 2005, p. 66.
  21. ↑ Susanne Kailitz: From the words to the weapons? Frankfurt School, Student Movement, RAF and the Question of Violence. 2007, p. 142.
  22. ↑ Jan C. Suntrup: Form Change of French Intellectuals: An Analysis of Their Social Debates from Liberation to the Present. Lit Verlag, 2011, ISBN 978-3-643-11004-6 , p. 215.
  23. ↑ Jan C. Suntrup: Form Change of French Intellectuals: An Analysis of Their Social Debates from Liberation to the Present. 2011, p. 222.
  24. ^ Quoted from Emil-Maria Claassen, Louis-Ferdinand Peters: Rebellion in Frankreich. Munich 1968, p. 47.
  25. ↑ Ulrike Ackermann : The Fall of the Intellectuals: A Franco-German Dispute from 1945 to the present day . Klett-Kotta, Stuttgart 2000, ISBN 3-608-94278-5 , pp. 130f.
  26. ↑ Bruno Frei: The anarchist utopia. Marxismus aktuell, Volume 29. Globus Verlag, 1971, pp. 96–110.
  27. ^ Sabine Stamer: Cohn-Bendit. The biography. 2001, p. 87f.
  28. ↑ Susanne Kailitz: From the words to the weapons? Frankfurt School, Student Movement, RAF and the Question of Violence. Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2007, ISBN 978-3-531-14560-0 , pp. 142-144.
  29. ↑ Daniel Cohn-Bendit: I live where I am in love . Talk about your own country. In: The time . No. 50 , December 5, 1986, ISSN  0044-2070 ( online [accessed August 21, 2013]).
  30. ↑ The Forbach Spectacle. Water cannons, dogs and horses: Cohn-Bendit couldn't get through. Die Zeit , No. 22, May 31, 1968, accessed January 30, 2014 .
  31. ^ Heinrich Grittmann: My "May 68" (May 24, 1968) in Saarbrücken. (No longer available online.) Archived from the original on February 2, 2014 ; accessed on January 30, 2014 . Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.heinrich-grittmann.de
  32. ↑ Detlef Siegfried: Time Is on My Side: Consumption and Politics in West German Youth Culture of the 1960s. Wallstein, 2006, ISBN 3-8353-0073-3 , p. 496.
  33. ↑ Ingrid Gilcher-Holtey: The 68er movement. Germany, Western Europe, USA. Munich 2011, p. 100.
  34. ↑ a b Der Spiegel, September 30, 1968: Love differently
  35. ↑ Stephan Füssel: The politicization of the book market. Harrassowitz, 2007, ISBN 3-447-05590-1 , p. 47
  36. ^ Sabine Stamer: Cohn-Bendit. The biography. 2001, p. 101.
  37. ↑ Jürgen Werth (Jüdische Allgemeine, January 4, 2008): Private pages: Hannah Arendt's personal address book 1951–1975
  38. ↑ Manfred Kittel: March through the institutions? Politics and culture in Frankfurt after 1968. Oldenbourg, Munich 2011, ISBN 978-3-486-70402-0 , p. 49.
  39. ^ Stefan Aust: The Baader Meinhof Complex. Hoffmann and Campe, 2013, ISBN 978-3-455-85070-3 , p. 92.
  40. ↑ Rossana Lucchesi: RAF and Red Brigades - Germany and Italy from 1970 to 1985. Frank & Timme, 2013, ISBN 978-3-86596-509-7 , p. 97 and fn. 76
  41. ^ Anne Ameri-Siemens: Through the institutions or into terrorism: the ways of Joschka Fischer, Daniel Cohn-Bendit, Hans-Joachim Klein and Johannes Weinrich. Bischoff, 2006, p. 135.
  42. ^ Anne Ameri-Siemens: Through the institutions or into terrorism: the ways of Joschka Fischer, Daniel Cohn-Bendit, Hans-Joachim Klein and Johannes Weinrich. Bischoff, 2006, p. 188ff.
  43. ↑ Rüdiger Bergien, Ralf Präve (ed.): Spießer, Patriots Revolutionary. Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen 2010, ISBN 978-3-86234-113-9 , p. 317.
  44. ^ Paul Hockenos: Joschka Fischer and the Making of the Berlin Republic. An Alternative History of Postwar Germany. Oxford University Press, 2007, ISBN 978-0-19-804016-3 , p. 98.
  45. ^ Sabine Stamer: Cohn-Bendit. The biography. 2001, p. 125.
  46. ^ Sabine Stamer: Cohn-Bendit. The biography. 2001, p. 137; Wolfgang Kraushaar: 1968 as myth, cipher and caesura. Hamburger Edition, 2000, ISBN 3-930908-59-X , p. 134.
  47. ↑ Der Spiegel, October 31, 1977 Murder begins with the bad word. Series about sympathizers and so-called sympathizers IV: Spontis, Anarchos, bookshops
  48. ↑ Manfred Kittel: March through the institutions? Politics and culture in Frankfurt after 1968. Munich 2011, p. 51.
  49. ^ Sabine Stamer: Cohn-Bendit. The biography. 2001, p. 159.
  50. ↑ Michael Schmidtke: The awakening of the young intelligentsia: The 68er years in the Federal Republic and the USA. Campus, 2003, ISBN 3-593-37253-3 , pp. 164ff. and note 96
  51. ^ Sabine Stamer: Cohn-Bendit. The biography. 2001, pp. 132-137; P. 269.
  52. ↑ Day care center at Johann-Wolfgang-Goethe-Universität e. V .: What is the Uni-Kita?
  53. ↑ Reinhard Uhle: Pedagogy of the 1970s. In: Werner Faulstich (ed.): The culture of the 70s. Wilhelm Fink, 2004, ISBN 3-7705-4022-0 , p. 60.
  54. ^ Inge Günther (Frankfurter Rundschau, May 17, 2013): Cohn-Bendit: Der Kinderfreund
  55. ^ Günter Riederer: 1974: Visit of the old man. In: Friday , December 10, 2014.
  56. ^ Anne Siemens: Through the institutions or into terrorism: The ways of Joschka Fischer, Daniel Cohn-Bendit, Hans-Joachim Klein and Johannes Weinrich. Bischoff, Frankfurt am Main 2006, p. 282. Whether Sartre and Baader used the court interpreter present is passed down differently: Alois Prinz: Better angry than sad. The life story of Ulrike Marie Meinhof. Beltz & Gelberg, 2012, ISBN 978-3-407-74012-0 , p. 276 ; Files on the foreign policy of the Federal Republic of Germany 1976. Oldenbourg, Munich 2007, ISBN 978-3-486-58040-2 , p. 1317, fn. 5
  57. ↑ Christa Hackenesch : Jean-Paul Sartre . Rowohlt, Reinbek 2001, ISBN 3-499-50629-7 , p. 132.
  58. ^ Stefan Aust: The Baader Meinhof Complex. 2013 S. 404th . According to Cohn-Bendit, Sartre described Baader as “stupid” to him: Sabine Stamer: Cohn-Bendit: The biography. 2001, p. 167.
  59. ↑ Klaus-Peter Schmid ( Die Zeit 31/1975): Rumpelstiltskin remembers. Cohn-Bendit describes his role in the Paris May 1968 ; Der Spiegel , May 24, 1976: Memoirs: Oh, how good
  60. ↑ Tobias Schaffrik, Sebastian Wienges (Ed.): 68er Spätlese - What remains of 1968? LIT Verlag, 2008, ISBN 978-3-8258-1433-5 , p. 199.
  61. ↑ Franz C. Mayer: Exceeding competence and final decision. PDF, pp. 157-161; Franz C. Mayer, Edgar Lenski, Mattias Wendel (European Law 2008, Issue 1): The primacy of European law in France PDF, p. 67f.
  62. ↑ Manfred Kittel: March through the institutions? Politics and culture in Frankfurt after 1968. Munich 2011, p. 436.
  63. ^ Hans-Georg Backhaus (Ed.): Contributions to Marx's theory, Volume 10: Society. Suhrkamp, ​​Frankfurt am Main 1977, pp. 227 and 245, fn. 137
  64. ↑ Ludger Volmer: The Greens: From the protest movement to the established party - a balance sheet. C. Bertelsmann, 2009, ISBN 978-3-570-10040-0 , pp. 61f.
  65. ↑ Thomas Riegler: In the cross hairs: Austria and the Middle East Terrorism 1973 to 1985. V&R unipress, Göttingen 2010, ISBN 978-3-89971-672-6 , p. 228.
  66. ^ Sabine Stamer: Cohn-Bendit. The biography. 2001, p. 170f.
  67. ↑ Oliver Schröm: In the shadow of the jackal. Carlos and the pioneers of international terrorism. Christian Links, 2002, ISBN 3-86153-245-X , p. 147.
  68. ↑ Frank Schnieder: From Social Movement to Institution? The emergence of the party The Greens from 1978 to 1980: Arguments, developments and strategies using the example of Bonn / Hanover / Osnabrück. LIT Verlag, 1998, ISBN 3-8258-3695-9 , p. 92.
  69. ↑ Dirk Berg-Schlosser, Alexander Fack, Thomas Noetzel: Parties and elections in Hesse 1946-1994. Schüren, 1994, ISBN 3-89472-087-5 , p. 135.
  70. ↑ Christian Schmidt: "We are the mad ones": Joschka Fischer and his Frankfurter gang. Econ, 1998, ISBN 3-430-18006-6 , p. 137.
  71. ↑ Ludger Volmer: The Greens: From the protest movement to the established party - a balance sheet. 2009, pp. 140-143.
  72. ↑ Björn Johnsen: From the fundamental opposition to government participation: the development of the Greens in Hesse 1982–1985. SP-Verlag, 1988, ISBN 3-924800-05-7 , pp. 12 and 32
  73. ↑ Sibylle Krause-Burger: Joschka Fischer: The way through the illusions. Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 1999, ISBN 3-421-05321-9 , p. 128.
  74. ^ Wolfgang Kraushaar: Fischer in Frankfurt: Career of an outsider. Hamburger Edition, 2001, p. 177f. and fn. 93
  75. ↑ Jutta Ditfurth: They were the Greens. Econ, 2nd edition. 2000, ISBN 3-548-75027-3 , pp. 118-121.
  76. ↑ SPIEGEL-Der Spiegel, March 20, 1989: Interview with the Greens Daniel Cohn-Bendit about Frankfurt city policy: Bank and grass, that go together
  77. ^ Frankfurt.de: The Chronology of the Office for Multicultural Affairs of the City of Frankfurt am Main (AmKA). 1989–2013 (PDF; 349 kB)
  78. ^ Sabine Stamer: Cohn-Bendit. The biography. 2001, p. 199.
  79. ^ Daniel Cohn-Bendit (Die Zeit, December 7, 2000): We will make the world a better place
  80. ↑ The EU is not critical enough of Israel. juedische-allgemeine.de, May 6, 2010, accessed on February 4, 2012 .
  81. ↑ «We have been pursuing the wrong immigration policy for 40 years» Tages-Anzeiger , Zurich December 27, 2010
  82. ↑ Ulrich Beck, Daniel Cohn-Bendit: We are Europe! Manifesto for the re-establishment of Europe from below
  83. ^ Der Tagesspiegel, September 25, 2012: No vote for Hollande ; NZZ, December 7, 2012: Cohn-Bendit resigns from the French Green Party
  84. ↑ a b Florian Gathmann, Roland Nelles (Der Spiegel, February 21, 2013): Interview with Daniel Cohn-Bendit: "Black-green would be an option"
  85. ^ Andreas Borcholte: Diplomatic scandal: Moscow extends entry ban to other Germans. In: Spiegel Online. May 31, 2015, accessed June 1, 2015.
  86. ↑ http://www.faz.net/aktuell/politik/ausland/daniel-cohn-bendit-will-nicht-umweltminister-in-frankreich-haben-15768539.html
  87. ^ Richard Brody: Everything Is Cinema: The Working Life of Jean-Luc Godard. Macmillan, 2008, p. 347.
  88. ^ Gundolf S. Freyermuth : The takeover. Volker Schlöndorff in Babelsberg , Christof Links, 1993, p. 86.
  89. ↑ Iris Alanyali (Die Welt, June 1, 2002): The Pope of Literature
  90. ^ Mathias Huter: Europes Struggle to Win the Hearts and Minds. Facultas, 2008, ISBN 978-3-7089-0117-6 , p. 91.
  91. ↑ http://www.ozap.com/actu/europe-1-daniel-cohn-bendit-remercie-maxime-switek-sur-le-depart/560956
  92. ↑ https://de.euronews.com/2018/10/05/von-der-leyen-und-joschka-fischer-mussen-militarisch-aktiver- werden
  93. ↑ Matthias Kamann (Die Welt, May 21, 2013): Only when Cohn-Bendit says "I want to love" ...
  94. ↑ Der Spiegel, January 8, 2001: This path had to be ended
  95. ↑ Hans-Joachim Klein: Return to Humanity. Appeal from a terrorist who has dropped out. With an afterword by Daniel Cohn-Bendit. Rowohlt, Reinbek 1979, ISBN 3-499-14544-8
  96. ↑ Susanne Kailitz: From the words to the weapons? Frankfurt School, Student Movement, RAF and the Question of Violence. 2007, p. 147.
  97. ↑ Susanne Kailitz: From the words to the weapons? Frankfurt School, Student Movement, RAF and the Question of Violence. 2007, p. 153.
  98. ^ Lauren Cohen-Pfister, Susanne Vees-Culani (eds.): Generational Shifts in Contemporary German Culture. Boydell & Brewer, 2010, ISBN 978-1-57113-433-2 , p. 194.
  99. ↑ Leipzig Commentary on the Criminal Code: Sections 80-109k. Walter de Gruyter, 12th revised edition. 2007, ISBN 978-3-11-092542-5 , p. 131.
  100. ↑ Die Zeit, October 16, 1987: "You want to protect people - we too"
  101. ↑ FAZ No. 214, September 15, 1998, p. 49: Criminal charges against Cohn-Bendit: FDP sees initial suspicion
  102. ^ Report on Daniel Marc Cohn-Bendit's motion for waiver of immunity (2000/2109 (IMM)) , European Parliament, June 19, 2003
  103. ↑ Gisela Friedrichsen (Der Spiegel, January 22, 2001): Criminal Justice: With all love to overthrow
  104. ↑ Oliver Tolmein, Detlef Zum Winkel: Mr. P. and the bomb: From the war of the polemics. Konkret Literatur Verlag, 1991, ISBN 3-89458-106-9 , p. 76; Andreas Spannbauer: Stahlhelm Pacifists. In: Jürgen Elsässer: Never again war without us. Konkret Literatur Verlag, 1999, ISBN 3-930786-23-0 , p. 47 ( text online ); Theo Bruns (Ed.): Radically global: building blocks for an internationalist left. Association A, 2003, ISBN 3-935936-18-4 , p. 171; Ludger Volmer: The Greens: from the protest movement to the established party: a balance sheet. C. Bertelsmann, 2009, ISBN 978-3-570-10040-0 , p. 333.
  105. ^ Sabine Stamer: Cohn-Bendit: The Biography. 2001, p. 211.
  106. ↑ Ulrike Ackermann, Francois Bondy: Fall of the Intellectuals. A Franco-German dispute from 1945 to the present day. Klett-Cotta, 2000, ISBN 3-608-94278-5 , p. 30f.
  107. ^ Theodor Ebert: Pacifism Volume 2: The Kosovo War from a Pacifist Perspective. Lit Verlag, 2001, ISBN 3-8258-5707-7 , p. 34.
  108. ^ Edgar Wolfrum: Red-Green in Power: Germany 1998-2005. Beck, Munich 2013, ISBN 978-3-406-65438-1 , p. 202.
  109. ↑ Waltraud Wara Wende: War and memory: a state of emergency in the field of tension between political, literary and cinematic construction of meaning. Königshausen & Neumann, 2005, ISBN 3-8260-3142-3 , p. 405.
  110. ^ Claas Tatje (Die Zeit, January 7, 2012): Armaments Industry: Nice weapons for Athens
  111. ^ Christian Füller: Cohn-Bendit and child abuse. taz, April 19, 2013
  112. ^ Franz Walter, Rebellen, Propheten und Taboobreaker: Political Awakening and Disenchantment in the 20th and 21st Centuries , 2017, ISBN 978-3-525-30185-2 , p. 159
  113. ^ Paul Berman: Power and the Idealists. Or, the Passion of Joschka Fischer and it's aftermath. Pgw 2007, ISBN 978-1-932360-91-2 , pp. 18f. ; Example: Emma, ​​May / June 2001: The present is in the past.
  114. ↑ Open letter (PDF; 1.5 MB) Thea Vogel u. a., January 31, 2001; Sabine Stamer: Cohn-Bendit: The Biography. 2001, p. 135.
  115. ^ Rüdiger Gollnick: Sexual violations of boundaries in the teacher-pupil relationship in state schools. Case studies - analyzes - strategies. Lit Verlag, 2013, ISBN 978-3-643-11931-5 , pp. 195-197. .
  116. ^ Tilman Jens: Fair game. The Odenwald School - a lesson from victims and perpetrators. Gütersloher Verlagshaus, 2011, ISBN 978-3-641-05497-7 , p. 35 ; Thomas Kerstan (Die Zeit, March 11, 2010): 2012 Sexual abuse: “We made mistakes.” ; Markus Feldenkirchen, Rene Pfister (Der Spiegel, April 2, 2012): Spiegel Interview: “Now comes the endgame.” ; Matthias Dobrinski (Süddeutsche Zeitung, May 26, 2013): Allegations of pedophilia against the Greens: taboo and tolerance
  117. ↑ Bernhard Pörksen, Hanne Detel: The unleashed scandal: The end of control in the digital age. Herbert von Halem, 2012, ISBN 978-3-86962-058-9 ; NZZ, May 29, 2012: Electronic fire accelerators ; Die Zeit, April 27, 2012: Loss of control: scandal for everyone! ; Simone Meier (Tagesanzeiger, May 4, 2012): Exposure instead of representation
  118. ↑ Der Spiegel, March 14, 2013: Statements on sexuality with children: Vosskuhle cancels the speech for Cohn-Bendit.
  119. ↑ Silke Flegel, Frank Hoffmann: City - Country - River. A cultural studies trip to Germany. LIT Verlag, 2011, ISBN 978-3-643-11085-5 , pp. 196f.
  120. ↑ Der Spiegel, November 11, 1985: Spiegel Dispute: We have a corpse in the basement
  121. ^ Daniel Cohn-Bendit (Die Zeit, December 5, 1986): Talk about your own country: I live where I am in love
  122. ↑ Michael Stallknecht (Süddeutsche Zeitung, July 1, 2011): Relationship to Israel: How the left thinks about anti-Semitism
  123. ^ Sabine Stamer: Cohn-Bendit. The biography. 2001, p. 202.
  124. ^ Theodor-Heuss-Preis - Voßkuhle cancels the speech for Cohn-Bendit , Süddeutsche.de , March 14, 2013.
  125. ↑ Berliner Zeitung, April 29, 2013: Franco-German Media Prize: Daniel Cohn-Bendit waives the price
  126. ^ Nico Fried (Süddeutsche Zeitung, May 10, 2013): Time change you; 68ers, Europeans, Greens: Daniel Cohn-Bendit was always a big attacker.
personal data
SURNAME Cohn-Bendit, Daniel
ALTERNATIVE NAMES Cohn-Bendit, Marc Daniel (full name); Cohn-Bendit, Dany
BRIEF DESCRIPTION Franco-German publicist and politician (Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen), MEP
DATE OF BIRTH April 4, 1945
PLACE OF BIRTH Montauban , Tarn-et-Garonne department , France