Alexander Gauland

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Alexander Gauland (2019)

Eberhardt Alexander Gauland (born February 20, 1941 in Chemnitz ) is a German lawyer , publicist and politician ( AfD since 2013 , previously CDU ). He has been one of two parliamentary group leaders in his party's parliamentary group since 2017 and honorary chairman of the AfD since 2019 . From 2017 to 2019 Gauland was one of two AfD federal spokesmen (party leaders ).

Gauland was a member of the CDU from 1973 to 2013. In the course of his party career he was active in the Frankfurt magistrate and in the Federal Environment Ministry and headed the Hessian State Chancellery from 1987 to 1991 under Prime Minister Walter Wallmann , who was his mentor . A controversial transfer decision made by Gauland in his function as head of the State Chancellery found its way into German literature as the Gauland affair . After the fall of the Wall, he was the editor of the daily Märkische Allgemeine newspaper, published in Potsdam , until 2005, and published a wide variety of publications, including instructions on how to be conservative . Most recently he was a pioneer of the Berlin Circle .

Gauland is a founding member of the against the Euro directed Election Alternative 2013 and the products resulting from this party "Alternative for Germany" (AFD). He was chairman of the AfD Brandenburg . After the state elections in Brandenburg in 2014 , in which he was the top candidate, he became parliamentary group leader of his party and senior president in the Brandenburg state parliament . Together with Alice Weidel, he was the top candidate of the AfD for the 2017 federal election , won a Bundestag mandate and was then elected co-group chairman. On December 2, 2017, Gauland was elected as the second equal federal spokesman for the AfD alongside Jörg Meuthen at the party conference in Hanover . On November 30, 2019, Tino Chrupalla was elected as his successor after Gauland had decided not to run again.

During the 2017 federal election campaign in particular , statements by Gauland were seen as racist and revisionist on several occasions . According to a study presented in January 2019, the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution Gauland certifies “ völkisch-nationalist images of society”. By “ defaming those who are not part of their own valued group”, he violates Art. 3 GG . The credibility of parliamentary democracy is "deliberately delegitimized" by him. With his statements, for example on migrants or Germany's Nazi past, Gauland repeatedly caused controversy.


Origin and youth

Alexander Gauland in 1941, the son of 1936 offset retiring lieutenant colonel of police Alexander Gauland in Saxon born Chemnitz. The father once worked at the Saxon royal court in Dresden. He named his son after the Russian Czar Alexander I. Alexander Gauland grew up in upper middle-class dominated Chemnitz-Kaßberg and attended first the André-school and the Goethe-secondary school. After graduating from the Friedrich-Engels-Oberschule in Karl-Marx-Stadt in 1959 , he fled the GDR to the Federal Republic of Germany because he was denied studies. He was initially housed in the Marienfelde emergency reception center (Berlin) and then in Gießen in Hesse .

Studied law in Marburg and Giessen

In 1960 he passed the West German supplementary examination for the GDR high school diploma in Darmstadt and from 1960 studied history , political science and law at the Philipps University of Marburg and the Justus Liebig University of Gießen . In Marburg he was involved in the Ring of Christian Democratic Students (RCDS) and, as a university elder, headed the general student assembly (as a successor to Walter Wallmann ). After his studies he suffered from severe depression and spent six weeks in a mental hospital in Bonn. In 1970, he was the international law Gerhard Hoffmann at the Law and Political Science Faculty of the University of Marburg with a thesis on the principle of legitimacy in the state practice since the Congress of Vienna to Dr. jur. PhD . In 1966 he passed the first state examination in Hessen and the second in 1971 .

Political career in the CDU

Stations in Bonn, Edinburgh and Frankfurt

After graduation, he worked from 1970 to 1972 for the Press and Information Office of the Federal Government in Bonn, was 1974 to 1975 press attache at the Consulate General in Scotland Edinburgh and then for the CDU / CSU parliamentary group active in Bonn.

In the Bundestag he met his mentor Walter Wallmann , who at the time was deputy leader of the Union parliamentary group . After Wallmann became Parliamentary Managing Director , Gauland, who joined the CDU in 1973, advanced to become its personal advisor at Wallmann's request. He relied heavily on Gauland and praised him in his autobiography (2002) as “exceptionally educated, by no means always open to the requirements of political tactics, interested in all questions and, above all, a man of loyalty with the courage to contradict the matter knew how to connect ”. He was an "important advisor".

Due to the good result of the CDU Hessen in the local elections in Hessen in 1977 , Gauland moved to the Römer in Frankfurt am Main. Wallmann and his fellow campaigners wanted to stop the Social Democrats' successful course in the federal government by changing politics in the former left stronghold. There he was the personal speaker, speechwriter and office manager of Mayor Wallmann. In his function as the Frankfurt magistrate director , he organized, among other things, the transport of Vietnamese refugees ( boat people ) to the Hessian metropolis. With Wallmann, who became the first Federal Minister for the Environment, Nature Conservation and Nuclear Safety in the Kohl II cabinet , he moved to the Federal Ministry in Bonn in 1986, where he helped set up the central department.

State Secretary in Hesse

After winning the state election in Hesse in 1987 , he became State Secretary and Head of the Hessian State Chancellery in Wiesbaden under Prime Minister Wallmann . The political scientist Eike Hennig saw in Gauland a “liberal-conservative” politician, who, however, played a leading role in an “anti-integrative foreign policy campaign” in the election campaign . In order to implement the Hessen-Thuringia action program, an investment program for rebuilding the East , in 1989 he was entrusted with the management of a cabinet working group, which also included State Secretaries Dieter Posch (FDP) and Claus Demke (CDU).

On February 16, 1993, an advertisement appeared in the Frankfurter Rundschau that referred to a public discussion on February 24, 1993 on the subject of “Citizenship, Immigration and Asylum in Cosmopolitan Germany” in the Dominican monastery in Frankfurt. In addition to Gauland Winfried Hassemer , Dieter Hooge and others are named as discussion participants . The text was accompanied by a declaration signed by many celebrities (including Ignatz Bubis , Daniel Cohn-Bendit , Joschka Fischer and Marcel Reich-Ranicki ). It contained sentences such as “A modern Germany capable of Europe is to be won. A pragmatic and humane immigration policy is necessary. We need an intelligent and responsible asylum policy that fundamentally adheres to society's self-commitment to generosity. ”There was also talk of a“ republic that, as an open society, has left behind the 'folkish' self-image ”.

His attempt to transfer the leading ministerial advisor Rudolf Wirtz (SPD) to make room for his party friend Wolfgang Egerter , led to multi-instance proceedings before administrative courts and a state political controversy known as the " Gauland affair ". In this, Egerter's past in the Witikobund was discussed and Gauland had to give affidavits in the course of the proceedings . These turned out to be wrong. The writer Martin Walser dealt with the affair with its protagonists in the much acclaimed key novel Finks Krieg , which was published in 1996 by Suhrkamp Verlag. Gauland is a real role model for one of the main characters named Tronkenburg. In response, he accused Walser of ignorance of the conditions on site. After the legal scholar Heinz Müller-Dietz , Gauland stylized himself as a “victim of the opinionated protagonist”.

Idea of ​​the "Berlin Circle"

Like Hans-Joachim Schoeps and Günter Rohrmoser , he was counted among the conservatives around the Union. Gauland, who in recent years criticized the direction of the CDU under Chancellor Angela Merkel and was most recently the source of ideas for the conservative “ Berlin Circle ” within the party, resigned from the CDU in March 2013 after many years of membership. Before that, he sought talks with various representatives at party, youth organization and foundation events.

Editor of the "MAZ"

From 1991 to 2005, Gauland was co- managing director (or general representative ) of the Märkische Verlags- und Druck-Gesellschaft, which was then part of the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung (FAZ) publishing group, and publisher of the Märkische Allgemeine (MAZ) in Potsdam. After the fall of the Berlin Wall, he was responsible for the process of transition from the former SED organ to an independent daily newspaper . The readers were socialized differently politically, which presented him with greater challenges. The inexperienced employment of politically biased editors also led to credibility problems, Gauland confessed in retrospect, self-critically. In 1993 Gauland was a co-signer of the appeal for Frankfurt interference - Jens Reich is to become Federal President . In addition to his editorial work, Gauland also worked as a freelance journalist for the MAZ. The historian Michael Stürmer (2005) described the published articles as "philosophical-political debates".

In the report prepared in 2011 by the political scientist Ariane Mohl, a member of the SED-Staat research association , (personnel and institutional transitions in the Brandenburg media landscape) for Enquete Commission 5/1 of the Brandenburg State Parliament , it was stated that Gauland was not "offensive and for the public transparently dealt with the past of the MAZ editors ”in the GDR. Although two former editors-in-chief were dismissed during his term of office because of their Stasi past, it remains unclear "according to which criteria Gauland had proceeded in the individual case review".

In 2011, Gauland took the view in an article that Brandenburg had “no bourgeois history and therefore no bourgeois tradition”. This triggered a media debate in state politics with the participation of leading politicians from almost all parliamentary groups, during which the chairman of the CDU Brandenburg and the CDU parliamentary group in the Brandenburg state parliament , Saskia Ludwig , accused him of "making his own mistakes in the post-reunification period to shift the supposedly proletarianized , underage population structure in Brandenburg ”. The press perceived the events in Potsdam as an effect of the summer slump.

Party political reorientation

Party official of the AfD

Gauland at the AfD federal party conference in 2015

Together with CDU members Konrad Adam and Bernd Lucke and Gerd Robanus , he was a founding member of the 2013 alternative in September 2012 . He was elected deputy spokesman together with Patricia Casale and Roland Klaus in April 2013 at the founding party conference of the Euro- critical AfD . In February 2014 he was elected chairman of the AfD Brandenburg at a state party conference in Großbeeren from an opposing candidate with around 77 percent of the votes and thus succeeded Roland Scheel, who resigned in December 2013.

The party quickly benefited from his and Adam's professional experience in the media. With a controversially discussed policy paper, Gauland sharpened the AfD's foreign policy profile by advocating rapprochement with Russia . In public he was considered an internal party opponent of Luckes. Social scientists also consider him to be part of the right wing of the AfD, not least because of his topics . Researchers such as David Bebnowski , Franz Walter , Lars Geiges , Stine Marg , Alexander Häusler , Gudrun Hentges , Jürgen W. Falter , Frank Decker , Sebastian Friedrich , Lothar Probst , Susanne Merkle and Elmar Wiesendahl describe this and Gauland's role in the party as predominantly national - or also right-wing conservative .

According to Gauland, the AfD, which he describes as the “party of the common people”, offers a political home for a “long-buried national liberal attitude to life that is neither right nor left, but deeply human, conservative not in the political sense, but in the lifeworld”. In addition to the “economically educated economic liberals ”, it is a movement of “ protest voters ” with a “national conservative” and “national liberal” orientation. He is convinced that she will inherit the FDP .

In a study on AfD Brandenburg commissioned by the Left Brandenburg (“If I name what drives people, I'm a democrat”, 2014), Christoph Kopke and Alexander Lorenz from the Moses Mendelssohn Center for European-Jewish Studies in Potsdam discussed Gauland's contact with Jürgen Elsässer's magazine Compact and his lecturing at fraternities . Even Wolfgang Storz from the union- Otto Brenner Foundation , of a study on the political and journalistic cross front anfertigte network, referred to Gaulands interview and started working for Alsatian magazine. According to observer, he also uses the new right-wing weekly newspaper Junge Freiheit to carry out internal party debates. He was also a speaker at the New Right Library of Conservatism in Berlin, at the so-called Compact Peace Conference in Berlin and the State and Economic Political Society in Hamburg, as Kopke and Lorenz added in a 2016 article.

In March 2015, he was one of the first to sign the so-called " Erfurt Resolution " initiated by the regional chairmen Björn Höcke from Thuringia and André Poggenburg from Saxony-Anhalt . In April 2015 he was re-elected as state chairman at the state party conference in Pritzwalk ( Prignitz district ) with 88.7 percent of the vote. At the extraordinary federal party conference of the AfD in Essen in July 2015, at which Petry prevailed against Lucke, he was again elected deputy federal spokesman for two competitors with 83.8 percent of the vote, this time alongside Beatrix von Storch and Albrecht Glaser .

According to Kopke and Lorenz (2016), Gauland has recently “trimmed the AfD further on a sharper legal course”, which is surprising because up until now he has been considered conservative but with integrity in academia . His saying that the debate about the refugee crisis in Germany from 2015 was a "gift" for his party is in the context of attempts by the AfD to raise its profile as an "anti- refugee party" and thus as a "political beneficiary of the wave of racist protests", so Häusler and Virchow . For Häusler, who attests that Gauland sometimes has a “right-wing populist style” and considers him a “ spin doctor ” of the party, the politician supports Höcke's intention to set up the AfD as a “right-wing movement party ”. At demonstrations in East Germany, for example, the two gave speeches with “nationalist pathos ” and tested solidarity with the radical right in Europe: In 2016, Gauland, Höcke and Poggenburg invited to a party event with the General Secretary of the FPÖ and member of the European Parliament, Harald Vilimsky , in Nauen in Brandenburg . Furthermore, at a rally on June 2, 2016 in Elsterwerda, Gauland used the slogan “Today we are tolerant and tomorrow strangers in our own country” in connection with the alleged danger of foreign infiltration, which he first denied in the Anne Will program , but admitted after a single player ( originally this sentence came from the chorus of the song Tolerant und Geisteskrank from the CD Adolf Hitler Lives! by the right-wing extremist band "Gigi and The Brown Town Musicians" by musician Daniel Giese ). According to Elmar Wiesendahl , a “firewall erected on the right of the Union parties” will be “torn down” and “bridges built into the national conservative-ethnic”, which could also include “ racial ideology ” and “right-wing extremism”.

At the AfD party convention in April 2017, he and Alice Weidel were elected as the top candidate for the federal election campaign. After the party congress, the top candidates ended their communication with AfD national spokeswoman Frauke Petry ; In August 2017 she announced her willingness to talk to Weidel and Gauland.

In the 2017 federal election campaign , Gauland attracted attention with racist and revisionist remarks. In the week before the election, Petry distanced himself from Gauland and Weidel and expressed her understanding for voters who were "horrified" by their statements.

Member of the Brandenburg State Parliament

Gauland in the plenum of the Brandenburg state parliament (2016)

Gauland was the top candidate of the AfD Brandenburg in the 2013 federal election , which received 6.0 percent of the second vote . In the state elections in Brandenburg in 2014, he was again the top candidate and ran as a direct candidate in the state constituency of Potsdam I (constituency 21). Important topics of the election campaign were a. the Berlin Brandenburg Airport , the internal security and immigration . In Gaulands offer to both left and right voters in Brandenburg, the scientists collective Nicole Berbuir sees Marcel Lewandowsky and jasmine Siri signs of a " catch-all - protest party ". He received 7.2 percent of the first votes and 7.5 percent of the second votes and was elected to the 6th Brandenburg State Parliament via the state list of the AfD .

On September 21, 2014, he was unanimously elected group leader. In his speech as senior president at the constitution of the state parliament, he spoke about the theses of the British statesman and philosopher Edmund Burke on the role of the imperative mandate . This was largely positively received by the other groups.

In 2015, Gauland met Alexander Dugin in Saint Petersburg .

For years, Gauland has been particularly interested in cultural policy , which, in his eyes, has lost “enormously in importance”. There is a lack of legitimacy and funding. In particular, " it is increasingly difficult for high culture ". In the Brandenburg state parliament he was a full member of the main committee A1 and the committee for science, research and culture A6 . Gauland has not been a member of the Brandenburg state parliament since the 2017 federal election.

After giving up the state chairmanship in Brandenburg, Gauland is honorary chairman of the AfD state association.

Member of the Bundestag and party chairman

Alexander Gauland ran as a direct candidate in the Bundestag constituency Frankfurt (Oder) - Oder-Spree and was defeated there with 21.9% to the CDU candidate Martin Patzelt , who received 27.1% of the first votes. He was elected to number one on the state list of the AfD Brandenburg and moved into the Bundestag via this state list in the 2017 federal election.

On December 2, 2017 it chose the federal party with 68 percent of votes for party leader of the Alternative for Germany , as one of two speakers together with Jörg Meuthen .

In order to cope with his mandate tasks and to support his parliamentary work, Gauland, like eighteen other members of his parliamentary group , hired employees from the right-wing extremist milieu after research by Zeit Online : Until January 2018, he employed an ex-cadre of the forbidden home-loyal German youth (HDJ) who had previously had worked as a transport and European policy advisor for the Brandenburg AfD parliamentary group since at least the beginning of 2015, as Gauland confirmed to the FAZ . Another Gauland employee from Brandenburg was active in the Berlin neo-Nazi scene, according to Zeit Online ; in spring 2016, a person by his name was registered as a steward by the organizers of a neo-Nazi concert in Thuringia . Before working for Gauland, he worked as an intern in the AfD parliamentary group in Potsdam, where he attracted attention with extremely right-wing views.

Waiver of immunity

By resolution of the Bundestag, Alexander Gauland's immunity as a member of the Bundestag was lifted on January 30, 2020. A majority of the AfD MPs abstained. The public prosecutor's office in Frankfurt am Main had applied for a waiver in order to be able to investigate criminal proceedings. According to the Frankfurt chief public prosecutor Nadja Niesen, Gauland is suspected of private tax evasion in the five-digit range. His apartment in the Berlin suburb in Potsdam was searched by the investigative authorities for two hours at noon. The searches only concerned the suspect's registered address. The investigators took two envelopes full of documents for evaluation. Bundestag offices were not searched. An AfD parliamentary group spokesman told AFP that the investigation was about an old procedure from the year before last. The group wanted to comment in more detail on this.


Gauland is a member of the Protestant Church and, according to his own statement, belongs to it “out of respect for family tradition”. He is married and the father of their daughter Dorothea (* 1983) from a previous marriage. Since 1993 he has lived in a villa in the Potsdam suburb of Berlin not far from the Holy See . His partner Carola Hein was a local editor for the Märkische Allgemeine, which he published until 2005 .

The son of his partner, the PR consultant Stefan Hein , is also a member of the AfD and was elected to the Brandenburg state parliament with Gauland in 2014, but then initially refused to accept his mandate due to a suspected false report about internal matters of the party to the Spiegel this decision later returned. After being expelled from the AfD parliamentary group, he was a non-attached MP until 2019 .

His daughter, the Protestant pastor Dorothea Gauland, previously in the Dreieich dean's office of the Evangelical Church in Hesse and Nassau , since August 2019 new ecumenical pastor in Mainz , publicly distanced herself from her father's statements on refugee policy in February 2016. So far she has actively campaigned for refugee aid.

Journalism and reception

Legal publications


Gauland's dissertation on international law , published by Duncker & Humblot , The Legitimacy Principle in State Practice since the Congress of Vienna (1971), deals with the concept of legitimacy and its underlying principles in recent history. It begins with the French statesman Charles-Maurice de Talleyrand-Périgord at the Congress of Vienna , then deals with the Christian princes of Europe united in the Holy Alliance and ends with a consideration of democratic-revolutionary and constitutional characteristics. The historian Rainer Koch , at that time assistant to Lothar Gall at the Friedrich Meinecke Institute of the Free University of Berlin , commented: “The thesis asserted in the introduction of a dialectical connection between the dynastic principle of legitimacy and the right of peoples to self-determination as an antithesis as well as of the democratic principle of legitimacy and the socialist principle of legitimacy becomes Instead of urgently required verification, an unproven formula was set up: 'What all forms of the principle of legitimacy have in common is their conservative character'. An ivory tower under international law is certainly out of place. "

Further specialist publications

He wrote several academic articles on constitutional and international law. In International Law Sovereignty in the Case of Admission of States to the UN (1973) he took the view that "the sovereignty of a state is not a condition for its admission to the United Nations ". This was criticized by the Regensburg international lawyer Otto Kimminich as "wrong [r] starting point". Gauland misinterpreted the legal scholars Friedrich Berber , Leland Goodrich and Edvard Hambro with regard to their interpretation of the scope of Article 3 of the UN Charter . It is also incomprehensible how Gauland could assert that international law, for example, would require “not […] sovereignty from a state”, but rather public authority for recognition as a state ( three-element theory ). Furthermore, Kimminich expressly contradicted the view that the non-problematization of problems following the war was a weakness of the UN.

Gauland's specialist article, The Nationalization of Banks According to the Basic Law , published in 1974 in the DÖV , was criticized in a reply by the lawyer and Ministerialrat Rolf Groß . Gauland's arguments, which he saw “ apodictically ” and “superficially”, do not justify why the “ means of production concept of classical economics ” should be interpreted so narrowly. Gauland previously worked out that banks are not a means of production within the meaning of Article 15 of the Basic Law and ultimately would not fall within the socialization competence of the state. He later contradicted Groß in a correcting-oriented answer.

Historical treatises and biographies

In addition, Gauland is the author of several historical-political monographs : Common and Lords. Portrait of a Political Class (1989), What is Conservatism. Polemic against the false German traditions. Western values ​​from a conservative point of view (1991), Helmut Kohl. A Principle (1994), The Windsor House (1996), Instructions for Being Conservative (2002), Little German History. From the Staufer Period to the Fall of the Wall (2007), The Germans and Their History (2009) and Prince Eulenburg - a Prussian nobleman (2010).

The historian Benedikt Stuchtey , then an employee at the German Historical Institute London (DHIL), described Gauland's work Gemeine und Lords , published in 1989 by Suhrkamp Verlag . Portrait of a political class as a sympathetically presented, chronological portrait of British gentlemen . He recognized an essay-like and anecdotal processing of English history . Gauland draws a romanticized picture of the kingdom and overestimates the unity of the Whig oligarchy.

Gauland wrote about the former Federal Chancellor Helmut Kohl in a critical and evaluative analysis (1994), published by Rowohlt Verlag , that he was "the first classic professional politician without roots in a different social milieu". He also presented "brilliant sketches", according to the CDU historian Hans-Otto Kleinmann , about Franz Josef Strauss , Kurt Biedenkopf and Heiner Geißler . In Gauland's eyes, Kohl is a representative of the Bonn Republic , who has become a historical figure “through his own merit and fortunate circumstances”. Like the philosopher Odo Marquard, Gauland denied modernity its historical greatness.

The former director of the DHIL, Peter Wende , described the volume Das Haus Windsor, presented by Gauland in 1996, as " nostalgic " and "elegantly written". The literary critic Elisabeth Endres also remarked that the content of the book was “nicely furnished”. According to the author Tom Levine , Gauland described the Elizabethan Age (16th century) as “England's greatest and most fruitful period. In a few years it produced a national poetry, a national renaissance, an insurmountable navy and, what is most important and has always been denied to us Germans, an image of the Englishman of himself. "As a" decisive constitutional change [of the British] in this [ the 20th] Century ”he judges the Parliament Act (1911) and thus the curtailment of the rights of the House of Lords. This continues to have an impact today.

Arnulf Baring , historian, dealt with Gauland's work The Germans and Their History (2009). Gauland presented a “knowledgeable and elegant” description from a “relaxed point of view” and used “pointed positions”. Gauland felt particular rejection of the policies of former Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev .

Gauland's most recent monograph Fürst Eulenburg - a Prussian nobleman (2010) was reviewed in the Potsdamer Neuesten Nachrichten . As part of a panel discussion with historians Arnulf Baring and Daniel Koerfer , Gauland presented his work, which also deals with the Harden-Eulenburg affair , in the House of Brandenburg-Prussian History in the coach stable in Potsdam. The journalist Gerold Paul remarked, "Less detail and more sense of the whole" would have been helpful.

Free journalism for newspapers and magazines

Gauland wrote constantly alongside conservatives inclined to “ extremist positions” as “representatives of democratic conservatism” ( Armin Pfahl-Traughber ) for the right-wing conservative theory organ Criticón , where he worked from the 1970s a. a. Has published author portraits of British Conservatives such as Henry St. John and Benjamin Disraeli . The historian Horst Seferens from the Brandenburg Memorials Foundation put forward the thesis in 1998 that Gauland could have "possibly directly" influenced Ernst Jünger's nomination for the Goethe Prize of the city of Frankfurt am Main through a benevolent Criticón article about Ernst Jünger . According to historian Walter H. Pehle , the magazine was cleverly able to use protagonists of both popular parties for their right-wing intellectual goals. According to the literary historian Hans Sarkowicz , in particular Gauland and other conservatives such as Günter Rohrmoser , Hans Maier , Wolfgang Wild and Hans Graf Huyn indirectly supported the “ sociobiologistic chauvinism ” of the Schrenck-Notzing sheet, which wanted to unite the German right .

In the alternative Frankfurt city magazine Pflasterstrand , the CDU politician was on the one hand attested to having a right-wing intellectual attitude, but on the other hand his vision of the future of urban planning for the metropolis was recognized. At the end of the 1980s Gauland then occasionally wrote philosophical and political contributions for the paper. This caused unease in Union circles.

After working for the MAZ, he was the author of a column on the opinion page of the Berlin daily Der Tagesspiegel and of comments on Deutschlandradio . In addition, he has published in various national newspapers and magazines in recent years. a. in the Cicero , in the FAZ , in the world , in the time , in the Frankfurter Rundschau and in the taz . He was presented by the political magazine Cicero as "one of the most renowned conservative publicists in Germany".

In 2006 he was one of the 1,500 signatories of the appeal for freedom of the press - against the politically motivated unloading of the weekly newspaper Junge Freiheit by the Leipzig Book Fair .

Political and journalistic positions

Foreign and Security Policy

Gauland takes the pragmatic point of view that there is in fact no politically conservative foreign policy , but that it can only be right or wrong based on the interests of a country like Germany. According to observers, he is pursuing a power and realpolitik that is oriented towards national interests . This is partly contrary to ties to the West and NATO .

Foreign policy position paper

Before the 2013 federal election , Gauland presented a foreign policy position paper that he had worked out and that was based on Otto von Bismarck's alliance policy, which is also known in academia as the “Bismarck Paper”. The presentation took place during a press conference of the AfD, but it was never part of the official party or election program. At a party convention in October 2013, Gauland encouraged the party to incorporate his draft into the AfD's party program and to “independently define national interests”. Observers also see a connection to the AfD program. Gauland specifically advocates a stronger emphasis on national interests. However, he supported the firm anchoring of Germany in the western security architecture of NATO under the leadership of the USA. At the same time, he called for relations with Russia to be carefully cultivated, since Russia had been a positive godfather to key milestones in German history, but could not always rely on Western promises. He rejected foreign missions by the Bundeswehr outside of the NATO area such as in Afghanistan , but did not rule out the possibility of interventions on Europe's periphery such as in North Africa if German core interests were affected. One of Turkey's EU accession issued Gauland a clear rejection: "According to the AFD does Europe at Bosporus . With the admission of Turkey, Europe would lose its western identity. ” Gauland rejected a military strike against the Assad government during the Syrian civil war . Regarding Chancellor Merkel's repeated assurances that Israel's right to exist was part of the raison d'être of the Federal Republic of Germany, Gauland pointed out that in the event of a conflict, Germany would be neither legally nor strategically in a position to actually "fill such declarations with life".

According to the political scientist Marcel Lewandowsky , the paper depicts “the party's critical position on the EU”. It has “ nationalistic undertones”, according to the political scientist Viola Neu . According to political scientists Gunther Hellmann , Wolfgang Wagner and Rainer Baumann, Gauland's initiative could make " anti-French resentments acceptable again".

European policy and positions on Russia

He considers Europe to be “not an opportunistic term”, but for “German reasons of state ”, since national interest politics without or even against Europe is no longer possible. Germany can only have an impact by engaging in politics within the European Union . He believes that sticking to the historically grown British “Sonderweg” and thus the cultivated distance to continental Europe is not up to date. From historical experience, a European federalism will not prevail because of the recurring nationalisms . Rather, the “European project” was “exhausted” by 2005 at the latest. This is one of the reasons why he sees limits to the future enlargements of the European Union (e.g. to include Turkey).

The modern historian Heinrich August Winkler considers Gauland to be one of those defenders of Putin who, as "apologists for the annexation" of Crimea during the war in Ukraine since 2014, have argued with " völkisch [m] nationalism ". According to scientists Christian Nestler and Jan Rohgalf , Gauland is playing into the hands of isolationist tendencies . One could, for example, blame the EU's eastward expansion for the escalation in the region and stylize oneself as the “guardian of world peace ”.

In a speech on the occasion of the Russian annexation of Crimea in March 2014, Gauland admitted that this procedure was undoubtedly an “illegal act”, but added the assessment that “the legitimacy of an action” could be “assessed differently than its legality”. According to Volker Weiß , the Nazi lawyer and state theorist Carl Schmitt's concept of sovereignty shines through, "according to which real rule is shown by the fact that it can also rise above the legal framework". Putin, according to Gauland, “went back to an old Russian, tsarist tradition: collecting Russian soil”. Kiev may be regarded as "core cell of the Russian Empire" Russia nor be indifferent as Sevastopol . Even if one no longer understands “in our post-heroic world”, it is “still a reality” for Russia. Volker Weiß speaks of an "urge on the part of the experienced politician Gauland to enrich his arguments with [...] heroic myths".

Positions on the USA and Israel

In the article What Remains of Europe (2002) he sees the United States “as the new Rome , an American empire that would like to organize the world according to its own ideas and that seems less and less inclined to the interests, cultural traditions and historical traditions of others To be considerate. ”He also advocates a policy of equilibrium and accuses former German Chancellor Gerhard Schröder of having positioned himself against the Iraq war (2003) for domestic political reasons and therefore for“ maintaining power ”and“ not for historical knowledge ”. Gauland rejects the goal of promoting democracy by the US, as described in the National Security Strategy of September 2002 (Bush Doctrine).

Gauland's demand for more conservative [r] skepticism against America (2003) was criticized by the political sociologist Michael Zöller . Zöller considered Gauland's argument to be paradoxical . What he is submitting is merely the "defense of the status quo". For Europe, Gauland puts “a little less freedom, a little more state, less individual wealth and more social justice” in the foreground and spreads well-known prejudices against America under the guise of realism .

In 2014, the communication scientist Tobias Jaecker assessed some of Gauland's statements from the 2000s - who spoke of an increase in "skepticism against America" ​​(Gauland) - as embedded in an " anti-American discourse". Gauland's statements should be read as if the Americans were "intellectually limited and narrow-minded" and a "thrown together people without their own culture". In addition, as he noted with Gauland, they would have “no serious story”. Gauland continues to problematize the Middle East conflict only in the "existence of the state of Israel and its support by America". Israel is even a "foreign body" (Gauland).

Defense policy

In a newspaper article in 2012 he attested the Germans a “disturbed relationship to military violence ”, advocated an understanding of the war as “a continuation of politics by other means in the sense of Clausewitz ” and stated a “diffuse pacifism” . The federal administrative judge Dieter Deiseroth wrote in a letter to the editor that Gauland was “thus negating the prohibition of any use of military force in interstate relations, which was anchored in the UN Charter as a historical achievement of mankind after the crimes of the Second World War .” This circumvents the constitutional and international law provisions and use Bismarck's blood and iron speech to justify the violation of the law .

Domestic politics

Society and social policy

In his books What is Conservatism? (1991) and Instructions for Being Conservative (2002), based on Edmund Burke, he described "the careful handling of traditions [as] the most noble conservative task" and stated that "what slows down the pace stops the disintegration by Containing globalization is therefore good and right ”. In the current economic order, on the other hand, left and enlightened values ​​would be conveyed. The globalization and the commodification of virtually all areas of life is an objectionable abstraction from society drafts. The scientific collective Hans-Jürgen Arlt , Wolfgang Kessler and Wolfgang Storz , however, recognize that Gauland's conservative approach is closer to the political left.

In his theoretical considerations, Gauland worked out two future cultural milieus , on the one hand a “ liberal - individualistic ” and on the other a “ value conservative ”. The model preferred by Gauland is a contemporary, "constructive conservatism" (Gauland), which should not fall back on German national identifications and the overcome pre-modernity , rather traditions would have to be reorganized. For this he was partly criticized from the conservative side, so the historian Hans-Christof Kraus held against him “lacking ability to differentiate” in dealing with conservatism. Gauland tries to portray the Conservative Revolution of the 1920s as exclusively misguided. On the contrary, after the Wars of Liberation, there was no turning away from conservatism from the “West”. For the political sociologist Karin Priester (2007) "[Gauland] fled to a meta-level ". This is based on “anthropology, philosophy or theology” and ignores questions of social history . She predicted an emerging compulsion to position from conservatism, which is more hostile to “going into the people” for habitual reasons, to populism.

Positions on individual parties

According to the assessment of the political scientists Franz Walter , Christian Werwath and Oliver D'Antonio, Gauland is dissatisfied with the concrete results of the " spiritual and moral turn " of the 1980s promised by Federal Chancellor Helmut Kohl . As a result, he criticized the increasing loss of the conservative profile of the CDU. In particular, the national conservatives have almost completely died out since the end of the Warsaw Pact . He sees the supposed “social democratization” of the CDU as a conscious orientation of the party leadership around Angela Merkel (since 2000), which has become a success factor in elections. Bourgeois- conservative parties could only exist in the long term if they also had a social profile, according to Gauland. The development is the mirror image of the development of society and thus "an expression of consensus democracy and the need for security". The contemporary historian and political scientist Arnulf Baring believes that Gauland stood up for a conservative and social CDU.

Regarding the relationship between the Union and Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen (see the Pizza Connection discussion group ), Gauland advocated “change through rapprochement” and thus alluded to the conservative values ​​of the green party, which he saw as a bourgeoisie. In a review from 1992 he let it be known: “ What annoys me the most about Joschka Fischer's new book is that I agree with almost every sentence. It is true that socialism was a big mistake and left a huge ossuary in the former Soviet Union . […] It is also correct that the origin of all this already lies in Marx's theory , which almost inevitably had to produce secret police and terror. It is also true that without this dreadful experiment Russia would probably be a developed industrial country today. And of course Joschka Fischer is right when he states that the capitalist model is superior to the socialist one. [...] And of course one can identify with Manès Sperber's final quote that in future it will be necessary to 'live outside the absolute and against the absolute'. "

On the other hand, he attested that the former Social Democratic Chancellor Gerhard Schröder had an advancement-oriented careerism without having offered a social concept. The political scientist and journalist Albrecht von Lucke commented: “An amazing alliance from the conservative journalist Alexander Gauland to the social democratic professor Franz Walter recommends [...] the SPD to reflect on its tradition as a state party”. Gauland described the former federal constitutional judge and journalist Udo Di Fabio as a "turning philosopher" whose "intellectual position for the initial position of the grand coalition [...] can hardly be overestimated". The business journalist and publicist Rainer Hank countered this by stating that only “people in Germany who hoped for a way out of stagnation” would see Di Fabio as a “chief thinker”.

In further considerations, Gauland notes an increasing discrepancy between the political and economic elites on the one hand and the population on the other. In politics, managers , freelance professions and others are not wanted, rather it forms a "closed society". As early as 1991 he demanded that “the social composition of the classe politique must change”. This is absolutely necessary in order to be able to stabilize democracy in the long term.

Cultural and educational policy

In relation to the debate about the “German dominant culture ” that began in 2000, he noted that Germany would have difficulties recognizing cultural and historical differences. Because of its “ late birth ” and a lack of national tradition, it is ultimately a “society without self-confidence”. The sociologist Eunike Piwoni, along with Georg Paul Hefty , Jörg Schönbohm and Thomas Goppel, attested him an "[e] uropean cultural national understanding in connection with civic national understanding ". This is opposed to other considerations that are more aimed at constitutional patriotism and patriotism .

Gauland criticizes the symbolism in modern Germany, which is deficient compared to the United Kingdom . The cultural politician Hilmar Hoffmann stated that he “ignored the historical certainty that in the societies of former times, which were characterized by social contradictions, such symbols were not valid for everyone, nor should they have been accepted by everyone”. The right-wing extremism experts Friedrich Paul Heller and Anton Maegerle affirmed Gauland's analysis of the state of affairs, but countered the assessment that “symbolism and right-wing extremism developed exactly where bearskin hats [the British] supposedly bind them”. In an article from 2001, in view of the events in the USA, Gauland underlined the importance of European cultural theorists such as Martin Heidegger , Oswald Spengler and Arnold J. Toynbee and promoted: “Mythologists are needed again!” Later he complained that thinkers like Gottfried Benn , Ernst Jünger and Hans Sedlmayr and others would be considered reactionary today. In times of globalization, modern people need “cultural digestive options”, according to Gauland.

In a world commentary, the writer Rolf Schneider took up Gauland's essay Doubt on Modernity (2007). He criticized Gauland for mixing up “cultural and political modernity” in it. According to Schneider, Gauland fundamentally rejects modern art on the basis of supposedly false belief in progress and totalitarianism . In doing so, however, he called on the Viennese art historian Hans Sedlmayr as a “key witness”, who had conformed to the National Socialists in the fight against “ degenerate art ”. Gauland received support from the political journalist and political scientist Felix Dirsch , who in Gauland could very well recognize the ability to differentiate between “anti-humanist” and “National Socialist” positions. Elsewhere, the literary critic Stephan Reinhardt disliked the fact that Gauland seconded " Mosebach's bizarre-reactionary refeudalization " and blamed the French Revolution for a supposedly intolerant and inhuman modernity .

The goal of achieving an equalization of living conditions through education can only be achieved to a limited extent, said Gauland. In addition to what he believes (and to his own displeasure) “ Christian morality ”, which goes beyond the “socialist promise of salvation”, he calls for new solutions for people who have not been reached by the education system . According to the political scientist Franz Walter, he recognizes the "neo-social democratic chimera of the leveled society of opportunity ".

Memory politics

At a “ Kyffhäuser meeting” of the AfD in September 2017 in Thuringia , Gauland called for an end to the era of National Socialism . Gauland took the view that Germans had "the right to be proud of the achievements of German soldiers in two world wars". Reacting to criticism, Gauland subsequently stated that he did not say anything other than France's then President François Mitterrand in a speech on May 8, 1995, whereby this interpretation was criticized as wrong from various quarters. The social scientist Samuel Salzborn stated that Gauland had thus “advocated a complete reversal of the perpetrator-victim relationship” and “equated one of the central institutions of the anti-Semitic war of annihilation, the German Wehrmacht, with the Allied armies, which in contrast to the Germans have not waged a war of extermination, but have prevented the German armed forces from murdering even more people ”. In an interview with the Leipziger Volkszeitung, the then national spokeswoman, Frauke Petry , expressed her understanding for “when the voters are appalled” because of such statements, which the paper assessed as distancing itself from Gauland.

At the beginning of June 2018, Gauland's statement at the federal congress of the AfD youth organization Junge Alternative für Deutschland (JA) made a lecture that Hitler and National Socialism were just a "bird shit" in 1000 years of German history , among journalists, political opponents as well as some Party comrades for criticism and indignation. Gauland had added: “Only those who acknowledge history have the strength to shape the future [...] Yes, we acknowledge responsibility for the twelve years [...] We have a glorious history - and one that, dear friends, lasted longer than the damn twelve years. "The journalist Peter Huth von der Welt doubted that Gauland wanted to provoke, and assumed that" he means exactly what he says ", that makes it so bad. According to Eva Thöne from Spiegel, Gauland also relativizes "the most basic structures of coexistence in post-war Germany , which were not shaped by the millennia before, but primarily directly by the experiences of the Nazi era." CDU General Secretary Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer described it as a "slap in the face of the victims and such a relativization of what happened in the German name". SPD General Secretary Lars Klingbeil saw in Gauland's words a “terrifying trivialization of National Socialism”. The Greens chairman Robert Habeck said sentences like this are "system"; the “curve of the AfD from Euro-critical to xenophobic to völkisch ” is “steep and sloping”. The International Auschwitz Committee called Gauland's coldly calculated and inflammatory statements just disgusting.

There was also criticism from parts of the AfD: The Bundestag member Uwe Witt tweeted “The greatest mass murderer in Germany, Hitler, is by no means bird shit!” And apologized “as a politician of the AfD to all Jewish fellow citizens and the victims of the Nazi regime and their families for this unbelievable Trivialization by our party chairman ”. The party group, Alternative Mitte , called for a public apology from Gauland: "This must not happen to a politician who has a minimum of sensitivity and a sense of responsibility for our history". The chairman of the Junge Alternative Damian Lohr stated that he had not expressed himself in this way and was "fundamentally against talking about history, even if we naturally want to maintain the commemorative culture." The necessary change in Germany and Europe cannot be achieved with seminars on the Past. Gauland's co-chairman Jörg Meuthen distanced himself, but also defended him: The statement was “extremely unfortunate and the choice of words inappropriate”, but in the context of the speech it “becomes clear that he is in no way playing down the horrific atrocities of the Nazi era or has relativized, as he is now reflexively assumed ”. The Thuringian AfD chairman Björn Höcke described Gauland's critics as "hyper-moralists" and "upper-phrase thrashers". Anyone who, like this, has ensured that the “social security systems are released for looting” and internal security crumbles, and that “at least indirectly” is responsible for the fact that “our daughters and our women are turned on, raped and killed” have forfeited all rights to express oneself morally about AfD politicians. Gauland himself later stated that he had used "one of the most contemptuous characterizations" known to the German language. That could "never be a mockery of the victims of this criminal system."

At the beginning of May 2020, the editorial network Germany asked several German politicians to comment on an initiative by Holocaust survivor Esther Bejarano to make May 8, the anniversary of the end of the war and Nazi rule in 1945, a public holiday. Gauland replied: “You can't make May 8 a lucky day for Germany. (...) It was a day of liberation for the concentration camp inmates. But it was also a day of absolute defeat, a day of the loss of large parts of Germany and the loss of scope for action. ”His negative attitude was heavily criticized by, among others, Cem Özdemir, Jan Korte and Lars Klingbeil. People like Gauland should “never again have creative opportunities” in Germany.

Justice and Religious Policy

Gauland considers the political participation of civil disobedience in the broader sense (see Daniel Cohn-Bendit ) to be an unusable criterion for resistance against state power . He is more in favor of legality versus illegality as a means.

He was critical of the relocation of the federal capital from Bonn to Berlin (see capital resolution ). In the opinion of the political scientist and journalist Tilman Fichter , Gauland led a kind of “ culture war ” in journalism because of “ Catholic- conservative reservations against Berlin ”. For him, the old Federal Republic seemed to have perished, says Eckhard Jesse .

In the course of media coverage of the abuse scandal in the Catholic Church (2010), Gauland recognized a new “culture of suspicion and ideological blinkers [...] that result from centuries-old battles and are almost reflexively extended when the old trenches appear usable again”.

Positions on Islam

In 2001, Gauland said that with Islam "after the secularization of the West [...] we are facing the last great, closed spiritual force that we respect in its intrinsic value and to which we have to grant the right to autonomously shape its otherness". The literary scholar and journalist Richard Herzinger sees Gauland as a conservative cultural pessimist .

According to the religious scholar Michael Blume , he welcomed positive opinion polls on Thilo Sarrazin's social theses "triumphantly" . In a contribution, Gauland spoke of “ counter-publicity ” and “aloofness of the elites”. The political and media scientist Kai Hafez places Gauland more on the side of "social Islamophobia than on that of multicultural recognition". Furthermore, Gauland supports the so-called “popular will” in dealing with Islam, which - according to Hafez - could not lead to “equal rights for Muslims”. Gauland, already a member of the AfD, showed understanding for the Dresden “ PEGIDA ” demonstrators at the end of 2014 . He sees the party as “a natural ally of this movement”.

In an interview with Junge Freiheit , Gauland said that the AfD is “not a Christian party” but a “German party” that defends “cultural tradition” against “foreign immigration” that “originates from Islam”. He uses “the term 'Occident' as a demarcation from Islam”. "With the victory over the Turks before Vienna in 1683 " one had "got a clear separation between the West and the Ottoman- Muslim occupied territories".

Positions on Judaism

An article by Gauland in the Frankfurter Allgemeine Sonntagszeitung on the subject of Jews in our society still a taboo (2000), in which he initially spoke positively of the conservative British statesman Benjamin Disraeli (a convert to Anglican Christianity), called out to the tribune author Heiner Otto received criticism. Gauland called the Vice President of the Central Council of Jews in Germany , Michel Friedman , a possible pretext for growing anti-Semitism in our society. His introductory words that Friedman was “excruciatingly well dressed” served typical stereotypes of the “rich” Jew . This works towards anti-Semitism, so Otto. The educational scientist Benjamin Ortmeyer , board member of the education and science union , found in a letter to the editor that Gauland's article spread "unfounded and false anti-Semitic stereotypes".

In 2014, on the occasion of anti-Semitic riots by Muslims during anti-Israeli demonstrations , Gauland said : “Once again, it has been shown that multicultural dreams are shattered in reality when the hatred is stronger than the integrating tendencies of the receiving society.” This hatred must be countered “and clearly differentiate between permitted protest against Israel on the one hand and misanthropic anti-Semitism on the other [...] ”. Grimm / Kahmann describe such criticism of anti-Semitism among Muslims and immigrants as "instrumental and not the subject of serious reflections if it primarily serves the moral justification of an anti-migration and nationalist policy that aims to ban the immigration of people from Islamic countries across the board". Criticism of anti-Semitism is played “against a modern right to citizenship and a modern immigration policy”, while at the same time hardly any of the other forms of anti-Semitism in society are problematized.

Economic and environmental policy

On economic issues, Gauland emphasizes that “consensus” and “stability” are important pillars of the social market economy of German character. Germany never shared the political approaches of Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan . The political scientist Falk Illing criticized Gauland's undifferentiated argumentation in the course of the subprime crisis , who at the time questioned the self-regulatory power of the market and denounced Adam Smith's theory as “unchristian” and “unjust”. Gauland moves on a similar line of argument as the Austrian economist Walter Ötsch .

According to science journalists Dirk Maxeiner and Michael Miersch , who work on pessimism about progress, Gauland uses "from the green and left spectrum". He adapted parts of ecologism and made anti-capitalism his own. Gauland counts on the church and environmental associations "as the last guardian of German identity". The capital is the "new left," said Gauland, and the keywords " flexibility , innovation and deregulation " would act completely destructive. According to the modern historian Paul Nolte (2015), Gauland's conservatism is even directed against the market economy itself.

Gauland denies that there is human-made climate change caused by carbon dioxide emissions . In 2019 Gauland reiterated his party's resistance to climate protection measures and described the "criticism of the so-called climate protection policy [...] after the euro and immigration [as] the third big issue for the AfD".

More controversy

In a contribution to the Tagesspiegel ( The Politically Correct Germany , 2012) , Gauland criticized the fact that “positions that deviate from the mainstream are being morally driven out”. He cited the topics of women's quota , climate change , the theses of the successful book author Thilo Sarrazin , immigration from other cultures and Germany in World War II . According to the social scientist Alexander Häusler from the research focus right-wing extremism / neo-Nazism , the article can be read as a template for Sarrazin's book Der neue Tugendterror (2014), especially since Sarrazin makes direct reference to it. Häusler attested that Gauland was on the one hand unrealistic, on the other hand he was spreading “basic statements of right-wing declarations of war against an alleged ' political correctness '”, as they have also been “campaign-like” for years in Junge Freiheit .

During the Hohmann affair (2003), Gauland represented: “The letters, calls and emails in the CDU's Internet forum about Hohmann should warn us: It is not enough to say that the man has no place in our ranks, one must also justify why someone like Hohmann doesn't get a second chance in Germany while Michel Friedman is already using his. "For the journalist Jörg Lau , Alexander Gauland, Konrad Adam and Karl Cardinal Lehmann used the argument of freedom of expression ," as if it were about uncovering suppressed truths to help, which one [...] should not say for reasons of political correctness ”. Similarly, he assisted the writer Martin Mosebach and the moderator Eva Herman , according to the historian Wolfgang Wippermann in a treatise on the " silent majority ". Gauland supported the latter with: “You may think what you want of [her] intellectual abilities and her assessment of family politics between 1933 and 1945 , her exclusion from a public television discussion was a poor testimony to the claim to contradict and correct her. "

Statements by Gauland about the German national soccer team and the national player Jérôme Boateng in May and June 2016, quoted by the Frankfurter Allgemeine Sonntagszeitung (FAS), were widely received and commented on in the press: the historian Andreas Wirsching , director of the Munich Institute for Contemporary History (IfZ), looks behind the judgment that the national team “has not been German for a long time”, “latent ethnic intentions”. The communication scientist Margreth Lünenborg looked at the media discourse around the quote “People think he's good as a football player. But they don't want a Boateng as a neighbor. ”Especially as the“ unbelievable media hype ”or“ perfect PR strategy ”of the AfD, according to which such statements are specifically launched in the press that create moral panic and thus a large public.

Gauland himself stated in a letter to the AfD members that the conversation with the FAS editors was a background conversation classified as confidential, in which, among other things, it was about the "unchecked influx of people from outside the country and culture to Germany". He can no longer say who first mentioned the name Boateng, but he thinks it was one of the editors, as the name and football are largely alien to him. He said "at no point gave a value judgment about Jérôme Boateng , whom I did not know before". Contrary to what had been agreed, no quotes for authorization were presented to him prior to publication. His aim was to describe feelings "which we all perceive everywhere in our neighborhood and which are not diminished by the fact that we hypocritically ignore them". Klaus D. Minhardt, head of the Berlin-Brandenburg regional association of the German Association of Journalists (DJV-BB), criticized the FAS editors' approach and accused them of sensationalism and a hunting instinct that was unfairly directed against the AfD. The accusation of the lying press is based on such biased reporting. Any “hunt down” on the AfD would improve their polls. The umbrella organization DJV distanced itself from Minhardt's statements.

In January 2016, Gauland told the national-conservative Polish government that it was “up to the Poles to decide how many refugees they want in their national body ”. Marc Grimm and Bodo Kahmann state that by using the term “people's body”, Gauland has adopted one of the “central interpretive models of radical right-wing nationalism”.

On August 26, 2017, Alexander Gauland publicly addressed the then migration commissioner Aydan Özoğuz at an election campaign event in Leinefelde-Worbis . He said that Özoğuz said in May 2017 on the debate about a German dominant culture that a “specifically German culture [...], beyond the language, is simply not identifiable”. That said, he stated:

“That's what a German-Turkish woman says. Invite her to Eichsfeld and tell her what specifically German culture is. After that it will never come back here and we will then, thank God, be able to dispose of it in Anatolia . "

He later replied to the “ Tagesspiegel ” that he could not remember whether he had used the term “dispose of”. However, Gauland affirmed that anyone who, like "Özoguz says that living together in Germany must be negotiated anew every day", belongs "back to Anatolia". He also insisted on Junge Freiheit that Özoguz had no business in Germany. Leading federal politicians criticized him violently for using the term "dispose of". In view of the statement, the public prosecutor's office in Mühlhausen started preliminary investigations on suspicion of sedition . On May 17, 2018, she announced that she would refrain from initiating a formal investigation in the absence of sufficient suspicion. Gauland's statement was covered by the fundamental right to freedom of expression . For a legal assessment, it should be "put into context and interpreted": Gauland had reacted to a statement by Özoğuz that a specifically German culture beyond language could not be identified. In this way, Gauland expressed himself in the context of forming public opinion and “not out of private interests” in a special election campaign situation, which had to be taken into account. The Germanist and literary scholar Heinrich Detering certified Gauland to use a "badly disguised jargon of gangsters".

In October Gauland said in a conversation with the right-wing magazine Compact about the right-wing extremist Identitarian Movement that he expected "that people who think like the AfD will also join us". Therefore, he “does not see at all why we should work with the Identitarian Movement, because they can all come to us”. Gauland rejected the occupation of the Brandenburg Gate in Berlin by activists of the Identitarian Movement at the end of August 2016, because he did not want “the symbol of German history to be misused in any way for politics”.

A few weeks after his controversial "bird shit" speech, Gauland drew an implicit comparison between Adolf Hitler and Chancellor Merkel at the Augsburg AfD party conference at the end of June 2018 . He said that Merkel was enemies with Russia, Great Britain, the United States, Italy and other countries, and added: "The last German head of government to have raised such an enemy constellation against him ... No, we'd rather leave that." He then said that he had not compared anyone. After he had already spoken of a so-called population exchange that was "running at full speed" in 2017 , in this party congress speech he again used the battle term classified outside of the right as a conspiracy theory , which is an alleged deliberate exchange of the white European population by people from other parts of the world should express on the basis of planned and controlled migration. Gauland himself said that if population exchange is a right battle term, then the motorway is also one. At the same party congress, Gauland also compared today's Federal Republic with the GDR shortly before the fall of the Wall in 1989 . He does not want to trivialize the SED dictatorship, but today he feels “reminded of the last months of the GDR”. Gauland said: “As then, the regime consists of a small group of party functionaries, a kind of politburo , and again there is a broad social alliance of block party functionaries, journalists, TV moderators, church officials, artists, teachers, professors, cabaret artists and other committed people Governance and fight the opposition ”. The “only opposition party AfD” is “the current New Forum, so to speak ”. The historian Ilko-Sascha Kowalczuk saw in these GDR comparisons, historical-political distortions and a “cheap propaganda lie”. According to the historian Patrice Poutrus , these comparisons showed "how far the personnel of this party are from recognizing the constitutional order of the Federal Republic and how little their policies are geared towards securing or expanding democratic conditions".

The riots by right-wing extremists in Chemnitz at the end of August 2018, which took place in response to a homicide and which had led to violent attacks on migrants and journalists, commented Gauland: "When such an act of killing happens, it is normal for people to freak out."

At the beginning of September 2018, Gauland said that "the political system in the sense of the party system" must be eliminated. By that he means “the parties that govern us […] the Merkel system.” To this he counts “those who support politics, these are also people from other parties and unfortunately also from the media. I want to drive them out of responsibility. ”He left it open exactly how that should look. His aim is to "finally reverse the imbalance in the media in our favor". He calls it a "peaceful revolution ". The journalist and editor Berthold Kohler described this allusion to the change in the GDR in the FAZ as a "serious case of political abuse". In the past, such party and media political actions as Gauland had in mind were called " cleansing ". According to the German scholar Heinrich Detering, changes of government in the Federal Republic are “not a change of system”, but “on the contrary, part of a system of free elections”. Anyone who, as Gauland put it in the same interview, wants to be a “stake in the flesh of a political system that has become obsolete” does not want the Basic Law .

In the FAZ issue of October 6, 2018, a guest article by Gauland was accused of being similar to a speech by Adolf Hitler . In 1933 he had spoken of a “small rootless clique” that “incites peoples against one another”, of “people who are at home everywhere and nowhere, but who live in Berlin today, can be in Brussels tomorrow, the day after tomorrow in Paris and then again in Prague or Vienna or in London, and who feel at home everywhere. ”According to the anti-Semitism researcher Wolfgang Benz , Hitler meant the Jews and linked the anti-Semitic image of the“ homeless Jew ”. In his contribution entitled Why does it have to be populism? criticizes a “globalized class”. According to Gauland, its members live “almost exclusively in large cities, speak fluent English, and when they move from Berlin to London or Singapore to change jobs, they will find similar apartments, houses, restaurants, shops and private schools everywhere.” Christoph Heubner, Executive Vice President, too of the International Auschwitz Committee , Gauland accused of stigmatizing people "as alien and rootless". This “Gauland strategy” is known to Auschwitz survivors from their own life experience during the Nazi years. According to Gauland's advisor Michael Klonovsky , Gauland wrote this article himself, although neither he (Klonovsky) nor Gauland knew the wording of the Hitler speech. In January 2019, Gauland himself explained his theses in a lecture entitled Populism and Democracy in the premises of what the historian Bodo Mrozek claims to be a “ small folk publisher in Saxony-Anhalt”. Gauland, whose audience included Björn Höcke from the nationalist wing , referred to the corresponding concept of the British journalist David Goodhart and concluded the speech with a quote from Botho Strauss (“Between the forces of the traditional and those of the constant removal, serving and erasure there will be war. ”) Gauland's emphasis on wanting to work towards a“ peaceful solution ”to this“ conflict ”was taken from Mrozek that this implied“ that if necessary it could turn out unpeaceful ”.

In the Bundestag debate on the UN migration pact on November 7, 2018, Gauland declared that “left dreamers and globalist elites” wanted to “secretly transform Germany from a nation state into a settlement area”. He was then accused of spreading a conspiracy theory .

According to the opinion of the Office for the Protection of the Constitution, on the basis of which parts of the party are observed by the Office for the Protection of the Constitution and which classifies the entire AfD as a "test case", Gauland spoke out in February 2019 in favor of abolishing the Office for the Protection of the Constitution and denied that there were unconstitutional efforts in the AfD give. Gauland also stated that he had only read the parts of the report that concerned him and that he would not read the rest. At the same time, however, Gauland had his signature as the first signatory under the " Erfurt Resolution " of the völkisch wing of the AfD "clandestinely" removed from the network, according to Zeit .

In a speech at the Kyffhäuser meeting of the right- wing nationalist AfD group Der Flügel at the beginning of July 2019, Gauland said that in order to come to power and “put our country back in order”, one could “bite your lip ". The journalist Jan Sternberg remarked that Gauland "the Höckes , Wittgensteins and other right-wing extremists in the AfD" do not call for moderation of their positions, but only their language in the interest of gaining power. Incidentally, he confirms that the AfD wants a different Germany with these sentences.

When asked whether it is a bourgeois party, as Gauland calls the AfD again and again, that the AfD had taken up slogans of the NPD in the Brandenburg state election campaign , Gauland replied in the affirmative in September 2019 and added that it could be, “that someone had a thought that is not wrong from the start ”.

In September 2019, Gauland was a guest of Tina Hassel in the ARD “Summer Interview”, in which the respective guests are also confronted with audience questions sent in by email or video. Gauland asked to be able to see this beforehand. When that was rejected, Gauland canceled this part of the program on the grounds: “Why do I have to look into a black hole, so to speak?” The politicians who had participated in the “summer interview” up to this point had agreed to the online question and answer session.

public perception

Gauland (right in the picture) in the Maischberger program in January 2019, topic "Does the AfD threaten democracy?"

Before his AfD career in journalism, Gauland was perceived as a conservative intellectual and was sometimes labeled as a “Christian-democratic esthete ” ( Tilman Fichter 1990), “lawyer with a cultural level” ( Hilmar Hoffmann 1990) and “salon conservative” ( Nikolaus Blome 2013) . On his 60th birthday (2001) Heribert Klein described him in the FAZ as a representative of a “skeptical rationality from the spirit of the Enlightenment ”. In 2009, a prominent conversation with theologian and business ethicist Michael Schramm took place for the alpha forum on the education channel ARD-alpha . For years, Gauland was a valued interlocutor, also among representatives of the political left . After his top candidacy for the AfD in the state elections in Brandenburg in 2014 , media such as taz and ZEIT followed Gauland's party-political change critically. Jens Schneider, with whom he held a political salon for years, spoke in 2015 in the Süddeutsche of a “metamorphosis” of Gauland, who could now be carried as a “agitator by howling crowds”, although he was once a “guarantor [for] that the AfD is not drifting all the way to the right ”. In the media discourse of recent years, Gauland is often described as a nationally conservative, occasionally referred to as a reactionary . Because of his Russia policy, he is also known as a "Putin understanding". The journalist Joachim Riecker , former chief editor under Gauland, described him as " German national , Anglophile and pro-Russian".

In political and habitual terms, the political scientist Herfried Münkler (2015) locates it in conservatism. For the political scientist Franz Walter, too, Gauland is a wait-and-see conservative. The political sociologist Karin Priester (2007) considers Gauland - like Pim Fortuyn and Ernst Forsthoff - to be both a conservative and a populist who perceives modernity as a loss of its own concept of freedom. She later characterized Gauland's conservatism as Anglophile and reform-conservative, in the spirit of Edmund Burke . Above all, "diversity, decentralization and federalism " are the important cornerstones of his political thinking. According to Priester (2016), Gauland is an example of the conservative part within a right-wing populist movement, which in turn represents a “reservoir”. “ Schmitt's criticism of pluralism ” is evident - with all Gauland's references to Burke. Ultimately because of the saying “in order to be successful, you have to take with you all those who only want and vote for the AfD because it is different, populistically looking the people in the mouth, and because it formulates what is in living rooms and on politically The political scientists Dieter Plehwe and Matthias Schlögl (2014) describe him as an “ avowed right-wing populist ”. The sociologist and political scientist Samuel Salzborn sees a "positive identification with the German nation" in the sense of an "emphasis and exaggeration of what is perceived as positive" as the basis for Gauland's view of history. In Gauland's view of the world, Germans are " generally victims of National Socialism" and there seem to be "no more perpetrators except Hitler and perhaps a few other leading Nazis." The historian Philipp Lenhard describes Gauland as a "clever man who can pretend well", repeatedly playing with stereotypes and thus serving the right-wing extremist party clientele as well as building on conspiracy theories . According to historian Moritz Hoffmann , Gauland is “about cultivating a positive German myth, a kind of useful use of history for a positive Germany” that also benefits German interests. Gauland wants to "pick raisins from history and happily tick off the rest".

According to Christoph Kopke and Alexander Lorenz, the AfD state chairman Gauland has been serving "uncritical resentment towards Islam" since the attack on Charlie Hebdo and the hostage-taking at the Porte de Vincennes in Paris .

In August 2017, after Gauland's “hate speech” against Aydan Özoğuz , Thomas Schmid said that Gauland was “no longer the britophile gentleman and gentleman he used to want to be. He's been riding the waves of resentment with full intent. It's his political engine. "

The US magazine Foreign Policy ranked him among the 70 most important “new thinkers” in the world in 2017, because “he had spurred a populist opposition to liberalism in the heart of Europe”.

Further commitment

Committee work / volunteering

Gauland was a member a. a. on the board of directors of Deutschlandfunk in Cologne, in the board of guarantees of the Hessische Landesbank in Frankfurt am Main and on the supervisory board of the Hessen Investment Bank AG - Hessische Landesentwicklungs- und Treuhandgesellschaft in Frankfurt am Main.

In 1998 he was appointed to the first board of trustees of the University of Potsdam as one of fifteen people , and from 2001 to 2006 he was a founding member of the foundation board of the Jewish Museum Berlin . In addition, he was a member of the advisory board of the international media meeting M100 Sanssouci Colloquium in Potsdam, founded in 2005 for several years . Until March 2016, Gauland was chairman of the Potsdam Association of Brandenburg Literature Landscape , which is responsible for the Brandenburg Literature Office .

Political Salon

Together with Klaus Ness (General Secretary of the Brandenburg SPD and member of the Brandenburg State Parliament), Ute Samtleben (gallery owner from Potsdam) and Jens Schneider (capital correspondent of the Süddeutsche Zeitung ), he hosted the Friedrich-Ebert- Foundation organized political salons in Potsdam. For years he presented books by u. a. Udo Di Fabio (The Culture of Freedom) , Joachim Fest (Not Me) , Konrad Adam (The Ancient Greeks) , Karl Schlögel (Terror and Dream. Moscow 1937) and Günter Müchler (1813: Napoleon, Metternich and the world-historical duel of Dresden ) before. In 2013 the journalist Schneider attested him "with great clarity, decidedly conservative standpoints". Due to his party-political reorientation, the cooperation in the Political Salon was not continued in 2014.


In 2006 Gauland spoke alongside companions Arnulf Baring and Stephan Speicher at a Potsdam memorial event in honor of the historian, publicist and FAZ publisher Joachim Fest , who died on September 11th . Gauland knew him from Frankfurt.

Fonts (selection)

Articles in scientific journals

  • Sovereignty under international law in the event of states joining the UN . In: United Nations 1973, pp. 1 ff.
  • The nationalization of the banks according to the Basic Law . In: Public Administration 1974, pp. 622 ff.
  • Once again. The termination of membership in the European Community . In: Neue Juristische Wochenschrift 1974, pp. 1034 ff.
  • The right to use the transit routes . In: Neue Juristische Wochenschrift 1974, pp. 1931 ff.
  • The UN Convention for the Protection of Journalists - a false start . In: United Nations 1975, p. 180 ff.
  • Securing peace through equilibrium politics . In: Archiv des Völkerrechts 1975, p. 367 ff.
  • Wanted: Conservative reformers . In: Blätter für German and international politics 4/2000, p. 391 ff.
  • 60 years of the Basic Law . In: Journal of State and European Sciences 2/2009, p. 323 ff.


  • The principle of legitimacy in state practice since the Congress of Vienna (= Writings on International Law , Volume 20.). Duncker & Humblot, Berlin 1971, ISBN 3-428-02569-5 . (including dissertation, University of Marburg, 1970)
  • Common and Lords. Portrait of a political class (= Suhrkamp-Taschenbuch , 1650). Suhrkamp Verlag, Frankfurt 1989, ISBN 3-518-38150-4 .
  • What is Conservatism? Polemic against the false German traditions. Western values ​​from a conservative point of view . Eichborn Verlag, Frankfurt am Main 1991, ISBN 3-8218-0454-8 .
  • Helmut Kohl. One principle . Rowohlt Berlin, Berlin 1994, ISBN 3-87134-206-8 .
  • The Windsor House . Orbis Verlag, Berlin 2000, ISBN 3-572-01124-8 . (License from Siedler Verlag, Berlin 1996)
  • Instructions on how to be conservative . Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, Stuttgart a. a. 2002, ISBN 3-421-05649-8 .
  • Little German story. From the Staufer period to the fall of the Berlin Wall . Rowohlt Verlag, Berlin 2007, ISBN 978-3-87134-582-1 .
  • The Germans and their history . wjs verlag, Berlin 2009, ISBN 3-937989-56-0 .
  • Prince Eulenburg - a Prussian nobleman. The conservative alternative to imperial world politics Wilhelm II . Strauss Edition, Potsdam 2010, ISBN 978-3-86886-018-4 .

Contributions to edited volumes

  • Henry St. John, first Viscount Bolingbroke (1678–1751) and Benjamin Disraeli (1804–1881) . In: Caspar von Schrenck-Notzing (Hrsg.): Conservative heads. From Machiavelli to Solzhenitsyn (= Criticon library . 2). Criticon-Verlag, Munich 1978, ISBN 3-922024-02-2 , pp. 23 ff., 55 ff.
  • The Hessian Private Broadcasting Act . In: Martin Schindehütte , Otmar Schulz (Hrsg.): Private broadcasting in Hessen. Perspectives of the Hessian Private Radio Act. [Documentation of a conference of the Evangelical Academy Hofgeismar, November 14th to 15th, 1988] (= Hofgeismar Protocols . 260). Evangelical Academy Hofgeismar, Hofgeismar 1989, ISBN 3-89281-167-9 , p. 7 ff.
  • The king's head falls. Charles I as a victim of a judicial murder . In: Uwe Schultz (Ed.): Large processes. Law and Justice in History . Verlag CH Beck, Munich 1996, ISBN 3-406-40522-3 , p. 177 ff.
  • Objection . In: Klaus Reichert (Ed.): Law, Spirit and Art. Liber amicorum for Rüdiger Volhard . Nomos, Baden-Baden 1996, ISBN 3-7890-4372-9 , p. 269 ff.
  • Preface. In: Heide Streiter-Buscher (Ed.): Theodor Fontane. “A newspaper number only lives 12 hours”. London correspondence from Berlin . Verlag Walter de Gruyter, Berlin u. a. 1998, ISBN 3-11-015804-3 , pp. XI ff.
  • The “powder conspiracy” against parliament and the king. In 1605 the Catholic uprising in England fails . In: Uwe Schultz (ed.): Large conspiracies. Coup d'état and the overthrow of a tyrant from ancient times to the present . Beck, Munich 1998, ISBN 3-406-44102-5 , pp. 130 ff.
  • Differences drive the engine . In: Manfred Bissinger , Dietmar Kuhnt , Dieter Schweer (eds.): Consensus or conflict? How Germany should be governed (= Campe-Paperback ). Hoffmann and Campe, Hamburg 1999, ISBN 3-455-10393-6 , p. 59 ff.
  • The republican discourse. Diana as the angel of death of the monarchy? . In: Sabine Berghahn , Sigrid Koch-Baumgarten (ed.): Myth Diana. From the Princess of Wales to the Queen of hearts . Psychosozial Verlag, Giessen 1999, ISBN 3-932133-59-5 , p. 215 ff.
  • Farewell to the amusement park . In: Hans-Dietrich Genscher , Ulrich Frank-Planitz (ed.): Just a change of location? An interim balance sheet of the Berlin Republic . For Arnulf Baring's 70th birthday . Hohenheim Verlag, Stuttgart u. a. 2002, ISBN 3-89850-074-8 , pp. 74 ff.
  • Goethe and Prussia . In: Peter Walther (Ed.): Goethe and the Mark Brandenburg . vacat verlag, Potsdam 2006, ISBN 3-930752-43-3 , p. 103 ff.
  • My club . In: Evelyn Fischer : Under 3. Berlin Press Club - History of an Institution . DBB-Verlag, Berlin 2007, ISBN 978-3-87863-137-8 , p. 60 ff.
  • Against pure rationality. Building blocks for a modern conservatism . In: Hans Zehetmair (Ed.): The future needs conservatives . Herder publishing house, Freiburg im Breisgau u. a. 2009, ISBN 978-3-451-30295-4 , p. 92 ff.
  • The ideology of the “invisible hand” and its consequences . In: Jürgen Rüttgers (Ed.): Who pays the bill? Ways out of the crisis . Klartext, Bonn 2009, ISBN 978-3-8375-0196-4 , p. 32 f.
  • Epilogue. In: Peter Böthig , Peter Walther (Ed.): The Russians are there. Everyday life in the war and a new beginning in 1945 in diaries from Brandenburg . Lukas Verlag, Berlin 2011, ISBN 978-3-86732-079-5 , p. 482 ff.
  • Contribution. In: Markus Porsche-Ludwig , Jürgen Bellers (Ed.): What is conservative? A search for traces in politics, philosophy, science, literature . Verlag Traugott Bautz, Nordhausen 2013, ISBN 978-3-88309-785-5 , p. 76 ff.
  • Prerequisite for a common destiny. Battling the ghosts of Germany's past to build a European future . In: John F. Jungclaussen , Charlotte Ryland, Isobel Finkel (eds.): Common Destiny vs. Marriage of Convenience - What do Britons and Germans want from Europe? 28 essays including 15 prize-winning contributions . Publishing, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-9815035-1-7 , p. 58 ff.



Web links

Commons : Alexander Gauland  - collection of images, videos and audio files

Individual evidence

    Wolfgang Janisch: AfD top candidate Gauland reported because of racist utterance . Published in Süddeutsche Zeitung on August 29, 2017 . Accessed on January 22, 2018.
    Sabine am Orde: AfD on National Socialism. Gauland relativizes Nazi crimes , TAZ, September 15, 2017
    Federal Parliament election 2017. Alexander Gauland: From conservative publicist to agitator , Focus Online, September 15, 2017
  2. ^ Frank Jansen : Gauland considers the protection of the constitution to be more problematic than Meuthen . In: Tagesspiegel . 17th January 2019.
    Georg Mascolo , NDR , WDR : Gauland in the sights of the protection of the constitution . In: . 17th January 2019.
  3. Saxon Verwaltungsblatt no. 2/1936, ed. By the Saxon State Chancellery, Teubner, Dresden 1937, p 273. Online
  4. a b c d e f g h Gauland, Alexander im: Lexikon Chemnitz authors . In: Wolfgang Emmerich , Bernd Leistner (Ed.): Literary Chemnitz. Authors - works - tendencies . Verlag Heimatland Sachsen, Chemnitz 2008, ISBN 978-3-910186-68-2 , p. 133.
  5. Markus Wehner : The three lives of Alexander Gauland . In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Sonntagszeitung , February 28, 2015, p. 9.
  6. a b Addi Jacobi : Super User: State Secretary a. D. Dr. Alexander Gauland. In: Retrieved January 25, 2019 .
  7. See also: Dr. Alexander Gauland: Publicist in conversation with Dr. Michael Schramm , copy of the broadcast alpha-Forum at BR-alpha from January 20, 2009, o. S. ( PDF ).
  8. a b c Anne Hähnig: Verbannt from the salon . In: Die Zeit , No. 48, November 20, 2014, p. 10.
    Martin Reeh: Successful adaptation . In: the daily newspaper , September 13, 2014, p. 6.
  9. "Anyone who is not politically persecuted has no right at all" ( Memento from November 7, 2015 in the web archive ). rbb summer interview, August 16, 2015.
  10. Alexander Pitz: A pointed foray through German history . In: Märkische Allgemeine , February 11, 2010, p. Nrp5.
  11. ^ A b c Walter Wallmann : In the light of the Paulskirche. Memoirs of a Political . Goetz, Potsdam 2002, ISBN 3-00-009956-5 , p. 102 f.
  12. Alexander-Georg Rackow, Jan Fleischhauer: AfD boss Gauland: “Part of my family has completely broken with me”. In: Focus . November 30, 2019, accessed December 2, 2019 .
  13. ^ Alexander Gauland: The principle of legitimacy in state practice since the Congress of Vienna . Berlin 1971, p. 7.
  14. ^ Catalog of the German National Library. Retrieved January 20, 2019 .
  15. Christoph Kopke , Alexander Lorenz: "If I name what drives people, I am a democrat." Study commissioned by DIE LINKE party, Brandenburg State Association, Potsdam October 2014, p. 22.
  16. Manfred Kittel : March through the institutions? Politics and culture in Frankfurt am Main after 1968 (= sources and representations on contemporary history . Volume 86). Oldenbourg, Munich 2011, ISBN 978-3-486-70402-0 , p. 1 f.
  17. a b c Heribert Klein: Alexander Gauland 60 years . In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung , February 19, 2001, No. 42, p. 22.
  18. ^ "Dan lang Engelsberg than chao" . In: Der Spiegel , 31/1979, July 30, 1979, pp. 28–32, here: p. 28 ( PDF ).
  19. a b c d e f g h i j k l m Alexander Gauland , in Internationales Biographisches Archiv 02/2015 from January 6, 2015, in the Munzinger archive ( beginning of article freely available)
  20. Benedikt Schreiter, Sebastian Geiger: Data and facts on the political system of Hesse. In: Wolfgang Schroeder , Arijana Neumann (Hrsg.): Politics and government in Hessen. Springer Fachmedien, Wiesbaden 2015, ISBN 978-3-531-17302-3 , pp. 339–384, here: p. 369.
  21. Eike Hennig : The Republicans in the shadow of Germany. To organize the mental province. In collaboration with Manfred Kieserling and Rolf Kirchner, Suhrkamp, ​​Frankfurt am Main 1991, ISBN 3-518-11605-3 , p. 285.
  22. ^ Axel Schneider: Hesse and Thuringia. Keywords of a neighborhood (= The Hessen Library ). Insel Verlag, Frankfurt am Main 1990, ISBN 3-458-16036-1 , p. 101.
  23. Stephan Hebel : Multicultural friend Gauland. In: Frankfurter Rundschau from March 31, 1. April 2018, p. 7.
  24. Günter Mick : The "case" Gauland. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung , April 7, 1992, p. 42.
  25. ^ Claudia Wagner: Martin Walser. Tabular curriculum vitae in the LeMO ( DHM and HdG )
  26. Robert Leicht : The case on which "Finks War" is based . In: Die Zeit , 13/1996, March 22, 1996.
  27. Erich Satter : Value consciousness in the mirror of religion and postmodernism. On the development of moral science and the relationship between aesthetics and ethics in the religious and ideological field of tension between modernity and postmodernism. Lenz, Neu-Isenburg 2009, ISBN 978-3-933037-59-6 , p. 325.
  28. Jörg Magenau : Martin Walser. A biography. Rowohlt, Reinbek bei Hamburg 2005, ISBN 3-498-04497-4 , p. 459.
  29. Adolf Kühn : Who is who at Walser? In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Sonntagszeitung , March 3, 1996, No. 9, p. 3.
  30. Norbert Bachleitner : Brief history of the German feuilleton novel (= fool study books ). Narr, Tübingen 1999, ISBN 3-8233-4972-4 , p. 175.
  31. Heinz Müller-Dietz : Law and criminality in literary breaks (= legal contemporary history. Department 6: Law in Art - Art in Law ). De Gruyter, Berlin a. a. 2016, ISBN 978-3-11-047485-5 , p. 51.
  32. ^ Sven-Uwe Schmitz: Conservatism. VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden 2009, ISBN 978-3-531-15303-2 , p. 146.
  33. Udo Zolleis , Josef Schmid : The CDU under Angela Merkel - the new Chancellor Association? In: Oskar Niedermayer (Ed.): The parties after the 2013 federal election. Springer, Wiesbaden 2014, ISBN 978-3-658-02852-7 . P. 34.
  34. a b c Viola New : Hidden champions or eternal losers? The “other” parties in the Bundestag election . In: Eckhard Jesse , Roland Sturm (ed.): Balance sheet of the federal election 2013. Requirements, results, consequences (= parties and elections . Volume 7). Nomos, Baden-Baden 2014, ISBN 978-3-8487-1118-5 , p. 303 f.
  35. Maria Fiedler: The power system Gauland. politics & communication , January 19, 2018
  36. a b Jens Schneider: Alexander Gauland . In: Süddeutsche Zeitung , Munich edition, March 19, 2013, p. 4.
  37. Frank Pergande : Only pay gross . In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung , January 13, 2001, No. 11, p. Bs2.
    Timo Frasch: main actor, extras and a fictional character . In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung , October 18, 2010, No. 242, p. 2.
  38. ^ A b c d Jan Philipp Sternberg: The conservative import from the West. Alexander Gauland . In: Kulturland Brandenburg eV (Hrsg.): Bürgerland Brandenburg. Democracy and Democracy Movements in Brandenburg . Conception and editing by Uwe Rada. Koehler & Amelang, Leipzig 2009, ISBN 978-3-7338-0368-1 , p. 176.
    Jörg Lau : Pride and Prejudice. From the leading culture to the new patriotism . In: Christina Knüllig (Ed.): Up please! Ten contributions against Germany's free fall . European Publishing House, Hamburg 2004, ISBN 3-434-50578-4 , p. 28.
  39. a b Annegret Schirrmacher: "Culture has lost a lot of its importance" . In: Frankfurter Rundschau , Region edition, August 8, 2001, p. 24.
  40. Irene Charlotte Streul: The media. In: Oskar Niedermayer (Hrsg.): Intermediäre structures in Ostdeutschland (= contributions to the reports of the commission for the study of the social and political change in the new federal states . Volume 2). Leske and Budrich, Opladen 1996, ISBN 3-8100-1718-3 , p. 460.
  41. ^ Konrad Adam et al .: Frankfurt interference - Jens Reich is to become Federal President. In: Blätter für German and international politics 7/1993, p. 898.
  42. a b Michael Stürmer : The Conservative Sixty-Eight . In: Die Welt , June 22, 2005, No. 143, p. 30.
  43. Excerpts from the report on the Brandenburg media landscape . In: Märkische Allgemeine , June 29, 2011, p. Brandenburg2.
  44. Gerold Büchner: The spirit of Prussia . In: Berliner Zeitung , issue 168, July 21, 2011, p. 22.
  45. ^ Oskar Niedermayer : A new competitor in the party system? The alternative for Germany. In: ders. (Ed.): The parties after the federal election 2013 . Springer, Wiesbaden 2014, ISBN 978-3-658-02852-7 . P. 180.
  46. ^ Oskar Niedermayer : A new competitor in the party system? The alternative for Germany. In: ders. (Ed.): The parties after the federal election 2013. Springer, Wiesbaden 2014, ISBN 978-3-658-02852-7 . P. 183.
  47. a b dpa: Gauland leads the AfD in Brandenburg. Euro critics are preparing for the European election campaign . In: Potsdamer Latest News , No. 34, February 10, 2014, p. 14.
  48. ^ A b Gideon Botsch , Christoph Kopke , Alexander Lorenz: How does the "Alternative for Germany" act locally? The Brandenburg case study. In: Andreas Zick , Beate Küpper : Anger, contempt, devaluation. Right-wing populism in Germany. Edited for the Friedrich Ebert Foundation by Ralf Melzer and Dietmar Molthagen . Dietz, Bonn 2015, ISBN 978-3-8012-0478-5 , pp. 146–166, here: p. 147.
  49. Karin Priester : “Recognize the situation!” About the right-wing populist temptation of West German conservatism. In: INDES - Zeitschrift für Politik und Gesellschaft 3/2015, pp. 84–92, here: p. 85. doi : 10.13109 / inde.2015.4.3.84
  50. a b Nicole Berbuir, Marcel Lewandowsky and jasmine Siri : The AFD and its Sympathisers. Finally a Right-Wing PopulistMovement in Germany? . German Politics Online, November 24, 2014, p. 10 ff. Doi: 10.1080 / 09644008.2014.982546
  51. ^ David Bebnowski: The alternative for Germany. Rise and social representation of a right-wing populist party. Springer Fachmedien, Wiesbaden 2015, ISBN 978-3-658-08285-7 , p. 22.
  52. ^ A b c d Lars Geiges, Stine Marg, Franz Walter: Pegida. The dirty side of civil society? (= X texts ). Transcript, Bielefeld 2015, ISBN 978-3-8376-3192-0 , p. 153.
  53. a b Alexander Häusler , Rainer Roeser: The right ›courage‹ citizens. Origin, development, personnel and positions of the »Alternative for Germany« . VSA, Hamburg 2015, ISBN 978-3-89965-640-4 , p. 20 f.
  54. Gudrun Hentges: Sarrazin's heirs: Resentments from PEGIDA and AfD can already be found with the ex-finance senator. In: ROSALUX. Journal of the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation , edition 1/2015, 20 f.
  55. Kristina zur Mühlen : “Power struggle reduces the electoral chances” ( Memento from January 23, 2015 in the Internet Archive ) (interview with Jürgen W. Falter). tagesschau24 , January 22, 2015.
  56. ^ Frank Decker: Alternative for Germany and Pegida. The arrival of the new right-wing populism in the Federal Republic. In: Frank Decker, Bernd Henningsen , Kjetil Jakobsen (eds.): Right-wing populism and right-wing extremism in Europe. The challenge of civil society through old ideologies and new media (= International Studies on Populism . Vol. 2). Nomos, Baden-Baden 2015, ISBN 978-3-8487-1206-9 , pp. 75–90, here: p. 80.
  57. Sebastian Friedrich: The social basis of the AfD. From the party of the reactionary petty bourgeoisie to the "party of the common people"? In: Friedrich Burschel (Ed.): Uprising of the "Wutbürger". AfD, Christian fundamentalism, Pegida and their dangerous networks. Documentation of the discussion group on the right to the meetings in Halle and Rostock (= Papers . 7/2015). Rosa Luxemburg Foundation , Berlin 2015, pp. 47–52, here: p. 47.
  58. ^ Lothar Probst: The state elections in Bremen on May 10th, 2015. SPD and Greens losers in the election, but the majority narrowly maintained. In: Journal for Parliamentary Issues , 46 (2015) 3, pp. 539–560, here: p. 546. doi : 10.5771 / 0340-1758-2015-3-539
  59. Susanne Merkle: Populist elements in the communication of the alternative for Germany. A qualitative analysis of election advertising and press releases in the 2014 European election campaign . In: Christina Holtz-Bacha (ed.): European election campaign 2014: International studies on the role of the media. Springer VS, Wiesbaden 2016, ISBN 978-3-658-11019-2 , pp. 129–152, here: p. 134.
  60. a b Elmar Wiesendahl: The cultural conflict over the refugee crisis and the political consequences . In: Journal of State and European Sciences 14 (2016) 1, pp. 53–79, here: p. 74.
  61. Karin Priester : “Recognize the situation!” About the right-wing populist temptation of West German conservatism. In: INDES - Zeitschrift für Politik und Gesellschaft 3/2015, pp. 84–92, here: p. 91. doi : 10.13109 / inde.2015.4.3.84
  62. Kamil Marcinkiewicz, Michael Jankowski: The 2013 Bundestag election in historical comparison. In: Oliver Strijbis, Kai-Uwe Schnapp (Hrsg.): Activation and persuasion in the federal election campaign 2013. Springer VS, Wiesbaden 2014, ISBN 978-3-658-05049-8 , p. 70.
  63. Alexander Häusler , Rainer Roeser: The right ›courage‹ citizens. Origin, development, personnel and positions of the »Alternative for Germany«. VSA, Hamburg 2015, ISBN 978-3-89965-640-4 , p. 15.
  64. ^ David F. Patton : The Prospects of the FDP in Comparative Perspective. Restin Peace or the dead live longer? In: German Politics Online, December 6, 2014, p. 11. doi: 10.1080 / 09644008.2014.982547
  65. Alexander Fröhlich: Under observation. In: Potsdamer Latest News , No. 266, November 15, 2014, p. 22.
  66. Wolfgang Storz: “Querfront” - career of a political-journalistic network (= OBS working paper . No. 18), Otto Brenner Foundation, Frankfurt am Main 2015, p. 22.
  67. Alexander Häusler, Rainer Roeser: The right ›courage‹ citizens. Origin, development, personnel and positions of the »Alternative for Germany« . VSA, Hamburg 2015, ISBN 978-3-89965-640-4 , p. 127.
  68. a b Christoph Kopke , Alexander Lorenz: »I don't know any wings, I don't know any currents. I only know the Brandenburg AfD «. The alternative for Germany (AfD) in Brandenburg in spring 2015. In: Alexander Häusler (Hrsg.): The alternative for Germany. Program, development and political positioning. Springer Fachmedien, Wiesbaden 2016, ISBN 978-3-658-10638-6 , pp. 221–235, here: p. 229.
  69. Editor: Alexander Gauland signs the "Erfurt Resolution". Erfurt resolution, March 14, 2015, accessed May 30, 2015.
  70. Thorsten Metzner: Gauland keeps AfD on the right course. Boss raises the mood against refugee homes. In: Potsdamer Latest News , No. 91, April 20, 2015, p. 12.
  71. Sabine am Orde , Konrad Litschko, Andreas Speit : On the right path. In: the daily newspaper , July 11, 2015, p. 7.
  72. Christoph Kopke , Alexander Lorenz: »I don't know any wings, I don't know any currents. I only know the Brandenburg AfD «. The Alternative for Germany (AfD) in Brandenburg in spring 2015 . In: Alexander Häusler (ed.): The alternative for Germany. Program, development and political positioning. Springer Fachmedien, Wiesbaden 2016, ISBN 978-3-658-10638-6 , pp. 221–235, here: p. 230.
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This article was added to the list of excellent articles on June 19, 2015 in this version .