Volkish nationalism

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The racist concept of völkisch nationalism forms the common ideological basis of the völkisch movement . It is based on the essentialist construct of population groups called “ peoples ” or “ ethnic groups ”, which would each form closed ethno-biological and / or ethno-cultural units within a hierarchy of such populations. At times, völkisch nationalism in Central Europe was a broad and predominant ideological perspective, represented in numerous nationalist, explicitly anti-Semitic and other racist associations of all kinds with many publications and well-known personalities.
Today it also takes the form of ethnopluralism . Völkisch nationalism was and is politically located on the right-wing fringes and at the same time as “center extremism ”.

content

Völkischer Nationalism understands a socially, culturally, religiously etc. heterogeneous population or population group ethnically meant as a "people" or as an "ethnic group" and elevates them to collective subjects. It forms a hierarchy of “peoples” according to their value. It calls homogeneity inwards towards "otherness" and " alienation " but exclusion or deferral ( "segregation" preventing " umvolkung " an "exchange" of the population) and oriented because its strategies. Völkisch nationalism is ideologically based on ethnic - racist concepts. Its sponsors and actors are located in the political spectrum both on the far right and - as usual everyday beliefs - in the middle of society.

The social scientist Helmut Kellershohn names seven core elements of a völkisch nationalism:

  1. the equation of “people” and “nation” or the idea of ​​a “nation” that is homogeneous according to racist criteria
  2. the elevation of the "people" to a collective subject in the sense of ethnos and the subordination of specific interests to the primacy of the "national community"
  3. the justification of a “strong state” that organizes the national community by means of “nationally” minded elites and / or a charismatic leader
  4. the heroization of the “decent national comrade” who puts himself body and soul in the service of his national community and makes sacrifices for them
  5. the ethnic or racist construction of an "internal (state) enemy" who is held responsible for setbacks in the realization of the national community and, as a negative projection surface for the national community, has an identity-creating and consensus-building function
  6. a biopolitical understanding of the “people's body” that wants to keep or make them healthy and strong through population policy
  7. a chauvinistic power state thinking.

history

Towards the end of the 19th century, a völkisch movement developed , which gained influence on the political and cultural discussion in German-speaking Central Europe. Her own ethnic nationalism found its historical expression primarily in the German Empire . German Protestantism is counted among its social supporters and its “necessary ideal condition” . From the perspective of the history of ideas, the “bourgeois-Protestant mentality” has become increasingly more German-ethnic since the founding of the empire. The religiously inflated nationalism or a völkisch charged Protestantism of the empire led up to the National Socialist concept of German Christianity . The predominantly male and Protestant supporters of ethnic nationalism were recruited from the middle classes. The sociologist Seymour Martin Lipset analyzed this social profile and its significance for the rise of the NSDAP as “middle-class extremism”. The völkisch movement, to which the German national associations and the NSDAP belonged - whose party organ was the “Völkischer Beobachter” - rejected the Weimar constitutional state and advocated concepts of völkisch community (“German Volksgemeinschaft”). The biological and cultural homogeneity of the "people" as a "community of descent" and the "elimination or destruction of the heterogeneous" ( Carl Schmitt : The intellectual-historical situation of today's parliamentarism , 1926) were invoked. Völkisch concepts such as “ Volkstum ”, “ Lebensraum ” and above all “ Volksgemeinschaft ” were overarching ideas in large parts of the population and especially within the “patriotic camp”, and thus an integral part of the National Socialist program.

With the National Socialist mass crimes, the ideas on which they were founded were greatly devalued. According to the opinion of the social scientist Christoph Butterwegge (1996), they have "hardly ever met with secret or even openly expressed sympathy from the media makers". Since the fall of the Wall, however, folk-nationalistic tendencies have become more apparent again “within the established cultural scene”. It almost looks as if völkisch nationalism is migrating “into the middle” in the course of a “reorganization of 'national identity'”. In the early 1990s, the sociologist and racism researcher Nora Räthzel examined the print media discourse on the right to asylum and how in its course a homogeneous German people was constructed as the victim of exploitation / foreign infiltration by “the others”.

present

Everyday beliefs

Opinion polls show that in 2014 at least every tenth German citizen agreed to a “natural hierarchy” of “peoples”. Devaluations of ethnically and / or religiously defined population groups (e.g. by Roma or Muslims) are widespread. Part of the research therefore turns to the question of the extent to which ethnic concepts are alive in the everyday thinking of the German population and are brought up in everyday discourse or to what extent "ethnic ideology" is "embedded in the everyday thinking of this society" - the German. " The conclusion is that there is a wide range of ethnic ideologues - homogeneity of the “German people”, rejection of “foreign” influences caused by migration, German high culture versus backward oriental cultures, etc. a. m. - in everyday thinking. They are located socially and politically as "middle extremism". They are not considered to be the unique selling point of “right-wing” political alliances, but are also to be found in a center that tends to the right.

Claus Leggewie , director of the Institute for Cultural Studies (KWI), sees a “drifting tax and Europe-critical liberalism” as a source of “völkisch-authoritarian nationalism”. “People” is again stylized ethnically as a closed “people's community” and the democratic slogan “We are the people” - as in 1989 - reinterpreted as the ethnocratic “We are one people”. This goes hand in hand with the fact that everything “foreign” is rejected and excluded. Against this background, speaking of the actors as “right-wing populists” is trivializing them.

Organized forms

After the end of the Nazi regime, ethnic nationalism is still vital in a broad spectrum of political organization. It is a common characteristic of the political formations on the right, but is not limited to it.

As early as the 1980s / 1990s, several political scientists pointed to affinities between parts of the CSU and the radical New Right under the sign of “authoritarian-folk nationalism”. When, in 2000, the political and social scientist Andreas Klärner noted a transition from ideologues of ethnic nationalism from right-wing extremists to the mainstream on the subject of “immigration” in the late 1990s, he related this influence to the campaign of the CDU / CSU against dual citizenship (1998/99). In 1996 the NPD program claimed that “peoples” are historical subjects and “bearers of culture”. Turning away from the “society” category, it said that “mere societies” were incapable of developing culture and that “multicultural societies” were “in reality” cultureless. In this concept, “the nation” or “the people” - in the sense of ethnos , not of dēmos  - is elevated to the most important key variable. The highest goal of all politics must therefore lie in securing the existence of this entity, imagined as a closed and homogeneous unit. Specifically, right-wing extremist politics in this context calls for hereditary descent from ancestors of "German blood" ("German descent") as a prerequisite for German citizenship. So-called “different types” could not be integrated. The influx of “foreigners” should be rejected; their expulsion or “segregation of peoples” is usually demanded. The social scientists Margaret and Siegfried Jäger are of the opinion that a nationalism based on folkism always has a racist content.

The basic program of the NPD contains not only biological, but also clear ethno-pluralistic components. Political scientists classify ethnopluralism as a variant of ethnic nationalism. There it is regarded as a distinguishing feature of the so-called New Right . He should justify the racism typical of right-wing extremists "new and less vulnerable". Like classical racists, ethnopluralists also unify groups of people as “peoples” or “ethnic groups” to form personality collectives with “fundamental and unchangeable characteristics”. The higher the cultural homogeneity of a "people" is, it is said, the stronger a "people" is in the global competition for resources, which is seen as competition between ethnic groups ("peoples"). Ethnopluralists avoid (hereditary) biological derivation (“blood community”, “community of descent”) of the groups. It is being replaced by an anthropological-cultural, culture-racist variant. According to this, “peoples” have timeless, invariant cultural identities. B. Southeast European or Middle Eastern migrants are threatened and must therefore be defended against them. Specifically, this concept can be found, for example, in the motto “We Germans also have a right to our homeland, to our fatherland! China for the Chinese, Turkey for the Turks and Germany for the Germans - that is our credo ... “( German League for People and Homeland ). or in the self-description of the group " Oldschool Society " accused of terrorism as a "connection of like-minded people who live German culture and its values".

For some time now, social and political scientists have been referring to völkisch-nationalist tendencies and elements in the AfD, which was judged partly as “right-wing populist” and “national-chauvinist”, partly as overall “right-wing radical” . The political scientist Gero Neugebauer describes the Thuringian AfD parliamentary group leader Björn Höcke as a representative of a nationalist nationalism. As early as 2015, his colleague Hajo Funke saw the “völkisch-nationalist right-wing extremism” represented by Höcke with “biological-racist” statements as an “integral part” of a party in a “right-wing radicalization process”. Against this background there is an attempt to get rid of the term “völkisch” of its Nazi involvement and to reinterpret its content in a positive way. The term, it is said from the party leadership, is subject to an "ostracism". “Völkisch” is just the “associated attribute of people”. Numerous media voices refer to the definition of the term in the Duden ( folkish equals "in the racist ideology of National Socialism").

The “ Identitarian Movement ” is also committed to ethnopluralism with its demand for “ethnopluralistic diversity” instead of “cultural uniformity”, the German offshoot of which emerged from the small group “ Sarrazin Movement”. In connection with the new right-wing ideologemes, she assumes a collective origin and cultural identity of the regional populations, which is threatened by migrant influences and needs to be protected. "Identity is thus occupied in a folkish way, but circumscribed in a culturalist way" (Sieber). Essentialist culturalism and biological racism therefore overlap in “identitarians” and construct ethnic collectives. “Ethno-cultural collectives” sound more modern than the older usage. The old racism gets "a new facade".

According to the political scientist Christoph Butterwegge  , the ethnopluralist approach is only "superficially" about the upholding "cultural identity". Behind this are distribution conflicts over scarce resources. Social conflict material is ethnicized, the conflicts are transformed "into defensive battles against" the foreigners "" and thus relieve the burden in the country itself.

literature

General and contemporary history

  • Stefan Breuer : Basic positions of the German right 1871-1945 (= historical introductions. Vol. 2). Edition diskord, Tübingen 1999, ISBN 3-89295-666-9 .
  • Stefan Breuer: Orders of Inequality - the German right in conflict with their ideas 1871-1945. Scientific Book Society, Darmstadt 2001, ISBN 3-534-15575-0 .
  • Hubert Cancik , Uwe Puschner (ed.): Anti-Semitism, Paganism, Völkische Religion. = Anti-semitism, paganism, voelkish religion. Saur, Munich 2004, ISBN 3-598-11458-3 .
  • Michael Fahlbusch : Science in the Service of National Socialist Politics? The “Volksdeutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft” from 1931–1945. Nomos, Baden-Baden 1999, ISBN 3-7890-5770-3 .
  • Michael Fahlbusch, Ingo Haar, Alexander Pinwinkler (eds.): Handbook of völkisch sciences. Actors, networks, research programs . With the collaboration of David Hamann, 2nd volume, Berlin 2017, ISBN 978-3-11-042989-3 .
  • Roger Griffin : Völkischer Nationalism as a pioneer and continuer of fascism: An Anglo-Saxon view of a not only German phenomenon. In: Heiko Kauffmann, Helmut Kellershohn , Jobst Paul (eds.): Völkische Bande. Decadence and rebirth. Analysis of right-wing ideology (= Edition DISS. Vol. 8). Unrast, Münster 2005, ISBN 3-89771-737-9 , pp. 20-48.
  • Ingo Haar : Historian under National Socialism. German historical science and “Volkstumskampf” in the east (= critical studies on historical science . Vol. 143). Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen 2000, ISBN 3-525-35942-X . (At the same time: Halle, University, dissertation, 1998)
  • Rainer Hering: Constructed Nation. The Pan-German Association 1890 to 1939 (= Hamburg contributions to social and contemporary history. Vol. 40). Christians, Hamburg 2003, ISBN 3-7672-1429-6 .
  • Gerald Hubmann: Völkischer Nationalismus und Antisemitismus in the early 19th century: The writings of Rühs and Fries on the Jewish question, in: Renate Heuer, Ralph-Rainer Wuthenow (Ed.), Antisemitismus - Zionismus - Antizionismus 1850-1940, Frankfurt am Main / New York 1997, pp. 10-34.
  • Helmut Kellershohn: Völkischer Nationalism and its core ideologeme. A brief explanation of terms. In: Siegfried Jäger (Ed.): The spook is not over. Völkisch-Nationalist Ideologeme in the public discourse of the present. Duisburg Institute for Language and Social Research, Duisburg 1998, ISBN 3-927388-63-7 , pp. 26-30.
  • George L. Mosse : The Volkish Revolution. About the spiritual roots of National Socialism. Special edition. Hain, Frankfurt am Main 1991, ISBN 3-445-04765-0 .
  • George L. Mosse: One people, one empire, one leader. The Volkish Origins of National Socialism. Athenaeum, Königstein im Taunus 1979, ISBN 3-7610-8056-5 .
  • Dieter Oberndörfer : The delusion of the national. The alternative of the open republic (= Herder spectrum 4279). 2nd Edition. Herder, Freiburg (Breisgau) a. a. 1994, ISBN 3-451-04279-7 , excerpt .
  • Uwe Puschner: The nationalist movement in the Wilhelmine Empire. Language - race - religion. Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, Darmstadt 2001, ISBN 3-534-15052-X (also: Berlin, Free University, habilitation paper, 1998/1999).
  • Uwe Puschner, Walter Schmitz , Justus H. Ulbricht (eds.): Handbook on the “Völkische Movement” 1871–1918. Saur, Munich 1996, ISBN 3-598-11241-6 .
  • Stephan Vopel: Radikaler, völkischer Nationalismus in Deutschland 1917–1933, in: Heiner Timmermann (Ed.): Nationalismus und Nationalbewegung in Europa 1914–1945, Berlin 1999, S. 161–182.
  • Winfried Schulze , Otto Gerhard Oexle (ed.): German historians in National Socialism. Fischer-Taschenbuch-Verlag, Frankfurt am Main 1999, ISBN 3-596-14606-2 .
  • Zeev Sternhell: From Enlightenment to Fascism and Nazism. Reflections on the fate of ideas in the 20th century. In: Siegfried Jäger, Jobst Paul (ed.) “These rights are still part of our world”. Aspects of a New Conservative Revolution. Duisburg Institute for Language and Social Research, Duisburg 2001, ISBN 3-927388-78-5 , pp. 16–48; again in: jour fixe initiative berlin (ed.): History after Auschwitz. Unrast, Münster 2002, ISBN 3-89771-409-4 , pp. 61-94.

To younger tendencies

  • Brigitte Bailer-Galanda, Wolfgang Neugebauer, Handbook of Austrian Right-Wing Extremism, Vienna 1994.
  • David Bebnowski, The Alternative for Germany: Rise and Social Representation of a Right-Wing Populist Party, Wiesbaden 2015.
  • Stephan Braun / Alexander Geisler / Martin Gerster (eds.), Strategies of the extreme right: Backgrounds - Analyzes - Answers, Wiesbaden 2016, 2nd ed.
  • Alice Brauner-Orten, The New Right in Germany: Anti-Democratic and Racist Tendencies, Opladen 2001.
  • Christoph Butterwegge / Siegfried Jäger (eds.): Rassismus in Europa, 3rd edition Cologne 1993.
  • Jürgen W. Falter / Hans-Gerd Jaschke / Jürgen R. Winkler (eds.), Right-wing extremism. Results and perspectives of research (= Politische Vierteljahresschrift, special issue 27/1996), Opladen 1996.
  • Margaret Jäger, Siegfried Jäger: Dangerous inheritances. The creeping restoration of right thinking (= assembly paperbacks 7019). Montage-Taschenbuch-Verlag, Berlin 1999.
  • Siegfried Jäger / Dirk Kretschmer / Gabriele Cleve u. a. The spook is not over. Völkisch-Nationalist Ideologeme in the public discourse of the present, Duisburg o. J.
  • Heiko Kauffmann, Helmut Kellershohn and Jobst Paul (eds.): Völkische Bande. Decadence and rebirth - analyzes of right-wing ideology, Münster: Unrast 2005.
  • Helmut Kellershohn (ed.): The plagiarism. The Völkische Nationalismus der Junge Freiheit, Duisburg 1994.
  • Helmut Kellershohn / Mark Haarfeldt / Michael Lausberg / Martin Dietzsch / Lenard Suermann, ethnic nationalism and right-wing populism. Theses of the AK Law in DISS, Duisburg 2014.
  • Andreas Klärner, Resentment Rebellion. Immigration discourse, ethnic nationalism and the CDU / CSU campaign against dual citizenship, Cologne 2000.

Web links

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ Brigitte Bailer-Galanda, Wolfgang Neugebauer, Handbook of Austrian Right-Wing Extremism, Vienna 1994, p. 36.
  2. ↑ Alice Brauner-Orten, The New Right in Germany: Antidemokratische und racist tendencies, Opladen 2001, p. 47ff.
  3. ↑ Cf. Roger Griffin: Völkischer Nationalismus as a trailblazer and continuation of fascism. An Anglo-Saxon view of a not only German phenomenon. In: Heiko Kauffmann, Helmut Kellershohn and Jobst Paul (eds.): Völkische Bande. Decadence and Rebirth - Analyzes of Right Ideology , 2005; Margret Jäger / Siegfried Jäger (1999): Dangerous inheritances. The creeping restoration of right-wing thinking and Uwe Puschner: The völkisch movement in the Wilhelmine Empire. Language - race - religion . Knowledge Book Society, Darmstadt 2001.
  4. ↑ ZB: Siegfried Jäger / Dirk Kretschmer, Symbolic Politics of the “Center”, turned to the right, in: Siegfried Jäger / Dirk Kretschmer / Gabriele Cleve u. a. The spook is not over. Völkisch-nationalist ideologeme in the public discourse of the present, Duisburg undated, pp. 54–57, see also: [1] .
  5. ^ Helmut Kellershohn: The Young Freedom Project. An introduction, in: ders. (Ed.): Das Plagiat. The Völkische Nationalismus der Junge Freiheit, Duisburg 1994, pp. 17–50.
  6. ↑ See: Frank Unger: Democracy and Imperium: the United States between Fundamentalism, Liberalism and Populism, Würzburg 2010, p. 175.
  7. ↑ Frank-Michael Kuhlemann, Bürgerlichkeit und Religion, Göttingen 2002, p. 305.
  8. ↑ Birgit Schreiber: Political Retheologization . Ernst Toller's early drama as a search for a “politics of pure means” ]. Würzburg: Königshausen and Neumann 1997, p. 89.
  9. ↑ Gunther Mai: Times of Violence . Europe in the interwar period . In: Michael Klein (Ed.): Violence - interdisciplinary (= Erfurt Social Science Series , No. 5). Münster: Lit Verlag 2002, p. 17.
  10. ↑ Matthias Hambrock: The establishment of outsiders . The Association of National German Jews 1921–1935 . Cologne: Böhlau Verlag 2003, p. 498.
  11. ↑ Ulrich R. Haltern: Integration as a Myth . To overwhelm the Federal Constitutional Court . In: Yearbook of Public Law of the Present . New episode 45. Tübingen: JCB Mohr (Paul Siebeck) 1997, p. 51.
  12. ↑ Christoph Butterwegge, Migrant (inside) and mass media, see: Digital Library of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, [2]
  13. ↑ Nora Räthzel, On the importance of asylum policy and new racisms in the reorganization of national identity in a unified Germany, in: Christoph Butterwegge / Siegfried Jäger (ed.): Rassismus in Europa, 3rd edition Cologne 1993, pp. 213–229, here: p. 216ff.
  14. ↑ So Karl Moehl, Head of the Public Relations and Communication Department of the Federal Anti-Discrimination Agency in: Law without effect? National and international legal bases for the elimination of racism Documentation of the specialist congress, see: [3] .
  15. ↑ Völkischer Nationalismus and its core ideologeme. A brief explanation of terms, in: Siegfried Jäger / Dirk Kretschmer / Gabriele Cleve u. a. The spook is not over. Völkisch-nationalist ideologeme in the public discourse of the present, Duisburg undated, pp. 22–28, here: p. 22, see also: [4] .
  16. ↑ Gabriele Cleve, Racism and ethnic thinking in everyday life, in: Siegfried Jäger / Dirk Kretschmer / Gabriele Cleve u. a., The spook is not over. Völkisch-nationalist ideologeme in the public discourse of the present, Duisburg undated, pp. 228–265, here: pp. 259ff., See also: [5] .
  17. ↑ See Siegfried Jäger / Dirk Kretschmer, Symbolic Politics of the “Center”, turned to the right, in: Siegfried Jäger / Dirk Kretschmer / Gabriele Cleve u. a., The spook is not over. Völkisch-nationalist ideologeme in the public discourse of the present, Duisburg undated, pp. 54–57, see also: [6] .
  18. ↑ Claus Leggewie, Anti-European: Breivik, Dugin, al-Suri & Co., Berlin 2016.
  19. ↑ Political expert warns against “playing down” right-wing populists, in: Die Welt, March 14, 2017.
  20. ↑ Michael Minkenberg, The new radical right in comparison. USA, France, Germany, Opladen / Wiesbaden 1998, p. 163.
  21. ↑ Andreas Klärner, Revolt of Resentment. Immigration discourse, ethnic nationalism and the CDU / CSU campaign against dual citizenship, Cologne 2000.
  22. ↑ Margaret Jäger , Siegfried Jäger : Dangerous legacies. The creeping restoration of right thinking (= assembly paperbacks 7019). Aufbau-Taschenbuch-Verlag, Berlin 1999, online edition .
  23. ↑ Glossary of the Federal Agency for Civic Education , Lemma Ethnopluralismus, see: [7] , from February 3, 2014.
  24. ↑ See e.g. E.g .: Jürgen W. Falter / Hans-Gerd Jaschke / Jürgen R. Winkler (eds.), Right-wing extremism. Results and perspectives of research (= Politische Vierteljahresschrift, special issue 27/1996), Opladen 1996, passim; Glossary of the Federal Agency for Civic Education, Lemma Ethnopluralism, see: [8] , from February 3, 2014.
  25. ↑ Glossary of the Federal Agency for Civic Education, Lemma Ethnopluralismus, see: [9] , from February 3, 2014.
  26. ↑ Margaret Jäger, Siegfried Jäger: Dangerous legacies. The creeping restoration of right thinking (= assembly paperbacks 7019). Aufbau-Taschenbuch-Verlag, Berlin 1999, online edition
  27. ↑ Heiko Kauffmann, Helmut Kellershohn and Jobst Paul (eds.): Völkische Bande. Decadence and Rebirth - Analyzes of Right Ideology , 2005.
  28. ↑ Sebastian Lipp, Drugs, Scars, SS Hats. "Oldschool Society" in court: defendants describe their life paths, in: Junge Welt, from May 10, 2016, p. 4.
  29. ↑ Manfred Baberg, Social inequality as a cause of social problems, in: Carsten Müller / Eric Mührel / Bernd Birgmeier (eds.), Social Work in the Economization Trap ?, Wiesbaden 2016, pp. 107–124, here: p. 116.
  30. ↑ Hajo Funke , The AfD has become a right-wing radical party, in: Deutschlandfunk, February 1, 2016, see also: [10] .
  31. ↑ See also: Helmut Kellershohn / Mark Haarfeldt / Michael Lausberg / Martin Dietzsch / Lenard Suermann, Völkischer Nationalismus und right-wing populism. Theses of the AK Law in DISS, Duisburg 2014.
  32. ↑ Thomas Leif (Red.), Reader for the specialist conference “Right-wing populism in the shadow of the refugee crisis. Analyzes and counter-strategies ”, Mainz, November 9, 2015 (Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Mainz, p. 13, see: [11] ).
  33. ↑ Why the AfD is caught in the “radicalization trap”. Hajo Funke in conversation with Dieter Kassel, in: Deutschlandradio Kultur, December 15, 2015, see also: [12] .
  34. ↑ Frauke Petry advertises the term “völkisch”, in: Die Zeit, September 11, 2016, see also: [13] .
  35. ↑ ZB: Frauke Petry advertises the term “völkisch”, in: Die Zeit, September 11, 2016, see: [14] ; AfD boss Petry wants to occupy “völkisch” positively, in: Der Tagesspiegel, September 11, 2016, see also: [15] .
  36. ↑ See Duden-online: [16] .
  37. ↑ Roland Sieber, From “Immortals” and “Identitaries”, in: Stephan Braun / Alexander Geisler / Martin Gerster (eds.), Strategies of the extreme right: Backgrounds - Analyzes - Answers, Wiesbaden 2016, 2nd edition, p. 365 –376, here: p. 369.
  38. ↑ Christoph Butterwegge, guarantors of a clear conscience despite the exclusion of and violence against migrants. On the role of cultural racism and locational nationalism in the construction of the prosperity fortress (Western) Europe, p. 10, see: [17] ; David Bebnowski, The Alternative for Germany: Rise and Social Representation of a Right-Wing Populist Party, Wiesbaden 2015, p. 28.
  39. ↑ reviews on this book with H-Soz-u-Kult and shoa.de .