Foreign infiltration

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Foreign infiltration is a political catchphrase that in the German-speaking area describes an apparent preponderance of influences on society , culture , nation or language that are assessed as foreign and harmful . In business , the term describes the acquisition of larger shares of capital in a company with the aim of gaining significant influence over its management. In right-wing extremism , the term is used in connection with xenophobic and xenophobic demands, measures and goals. In 1993 the expression was chosen as the German word of the year .

The Dutch People's Union (NVU), which calls for a “return to the Germanic-Christian culture”, in anti-Muslim protests against “foreign infiltration ” (2011)

overview

The expression is colloquially related to various processes, but nowhere precisely defined. As a catchphrase , it is intended to mark external influences as "strange", "excessive" and threatening, and to that extent devalue them.

The Duden shows its change in meaning: He first named the noun in 1929 and explained it economically as "taking in too much foreign money". In 1934 came the "penetration of foreign races", in 1941 the "penetration of foreign nationalities ". From 1956 "foreigner" replaced the term "foreign races". "Foreign folk" was still indicated. As an example, the following was mentioned: “A country is foreign to us”. It was not until 1958 that the details of 1934 were removed. Since 1991 the verb “overriding” has been declared in spelling dude as “enforcing with foreign influences, becoming dominant in something as foreign influence”. The noun has been explained since 1993 with the example "the fear of foreign infiltration (of the presence of too many foreigners permanently living here) is unfounded".

The term is only used as a technical term in economics . Some language carers use it to criticize Anglicisms . Right-wing extremists in particular use it as a battle term to portray religious, ethnic, racial or cultural minorities as a threat to the “locals”, their culture and / or nation. They associate this with political demands for exclusion. This usage comes from the folk ideology and folk movement of the 19th century in German-speaking countries. But also populists and democrats sometimes use the term in debates about immigration policy , migration , integration and asylum law .

The Society for the German Language (GfdS) voted "Überfremdung" 1993 as the German bad word of the year with the following reasons :

"The decisive factor for the criticism of this word, which at first glance seems harmless, was the statement that 'foreign infiltration' is still used in the sense of a racist reinterpretation [...] 'foreign infiltration' became the slogan of the regulars, which also included the most undifferentiated xenophobia 'argumentative' should secure. "

Also, linguistics , literature, political and social sciences criticize the term because of its uncertainty, its use in the language of Nazism and continued negative connotation as a keyword for propaganda.

In English there are comparable expressions such as foreign infiltration and foreign penetration , whereby the foreigner ' foreigner' is differentiated from the stranger 'stranger'. In French one encounters surpopulation étrangère , déculturation or envahissement par des étrangers , in Spanish extranjerización , in Italian infiltrazione straniera . These terms each have their own historical background and connotations.

Economic meaning of the term

Buyers of shares can exert influence over a company through a blocking minority . According to surveys, many shareholders in stock corporations fear such acquisitions and the associated loss of influence.

As a countermeasure, companies can equip shares with multiple voting rights in accordance with Section 252, Paragraph 1, Clause 4 of the HGB : This was increasingly used in the period of inflation to ward off the risk of foreign infiltration by domestic and foreign investors. Companies can also issue registered shares : Family companies in particular try to keep an overview of the group of shareholders. They can also restrict the shareholders' voting rights. It is controversial whether a company's board of directors may also purchase its own shares as a preventive measure and, according to the prevailing view, should only be considered in the event of imminent serious damage to society due to foreign infiltration. This is not explicitly regulated in the Stock Corporation Act ( Section 71 ).

The Deutsche Lufthansa AG was the purchase of own shares was expressly granted, increased in March 2006 as the proportion of foreign shareholders to over 40 percent. European aviation law only allowed a foreign share of up to 50 percent of a company's share capital for the right to approach non-European destinations.

Such protective measures also play a role for national economies . When, in the mid-1970s, some oil-producing countries bought large amounts of blocks of German shares, there were discussions about ways to “protect the German economy against foreign infiltration”. The excessive participation of foreign investors in German companies was considered undesirable.

Opponents of globalization often justify their rejection of foreign investments with nationalism : for example in Latin America against investors from the USA . German observers see this in turn as an opportunity for an increased exchange of goods with countries like Argentina . In Thailand , even representatives of almost insolvent banks are defending themselves against the inflow of capital from abroad because of fears of foreign infiltration. In the meantime, however, research sees little room for nation-state protectionism , also due to image issues .

German-speaking right-wing extremists take up economic fears of foreign infiltration. The NPD claims that American investors tried to conquer the German economy by “infiltration of capital in the German economy” in order to achieve “complete control over the key industries in Europe”.

Language-critical meaning of the term

A uniform language has been the main feature and unifying bond of the nation in Europe since the 18th century . In doing so, national identity was formed through the delimitation of other languages, their speakers and the cultural peculiarities associated with them. The criticism of "foreign infiltration" of one's own language served this demarcation in the German-speaking area, so that language-critical and political-ideological use of the term occurred historically at the same time and can hardly be separated in terms of content.

Hans Jakob Christoffel of Grimmelshausen

Hans Jakob Christoffel von Grimmelshausen (1621–1676) already criticized a “language mix” (mixture of languages), as it was common at the time as an imitation of Italian and French court language at German royal courts, in his treatise Dess Weltberuffenen Simplicissimi Pralerey and Gepräng with his German Michel . He wanted to contribute to the preservation of the then imperial order.

From 1801 to 1807, Johann Heinrich Campe published the six-volume dictionary for the explanation and Germanization of the foreign expressions that appeared in our language , in which he suggested German alternatives to foreign words that were favored at the time. The Berlin Society for the German Language , founded in 1815, was dedicated to “researching and keeping German clean” and the fight against Gallicisms . For members like Friedrich Ludwig Jahn , this was paired with a nationalist hostility towards the French.

Gustav Wustmann combined all kinds of language stupidity in his treatise, published in 1891 . Short German grammar of the doubtful, the wrong and the ugly language criticism with conspiracy - theoretical anti-Semitism :

“The real hearth and hotbed of this wilderness are the newspapers, more precisely the daily press. Since the freedom of the press in 1848, there has been an oversupply that has led to wilderness. [...] Above all, the Jews are to blame for this decline. A large part of our linguistic junk today goes back exclusively to the Jewish German of the Berlin and Vienna daily press. The reason for this is that the ancestors of the Jews did not yet speak German as their mother tongue. That is why the Jew does not master the German language so well: As quickly as the Jew finds himself in the elements of the German grammar, where it depends on a feeling for the language, he remains forever the stranger. "

In the time of National Socialism , such clichés were used for racist propaganda to justify genocide .

In today's German-speaking world, language criticism primarily relates to Anglicisms. So complained z. B. the literary critic Marcel Reich-Ranicki 2001:

“What is now going on with English in German is pretty ridiculous and hideous. It no longer makes sense at all, expressions are used in abundance that are much better available in German. One should vigorously oppose this unusual alienation. "

The President of the Goethe-Institut Jutta Limbach and the linguist Ulrich Knoop, chairman of the Henning Kaufmann Foundation for the maintenance of the purity of the German language , had a similar opinion :

“With the Anglicisms, we bring in a lot of foreign elements in order to wash ourselves off as much as possible of responsibility for our history. The more foreign we become, the less we are the Germans who are responsible for the Third Reich and its crimes. "

Language norm issues play a major role again today, often in the context of public debates about German identity and the dominant culture . The spread of a linguistic variety with simplified grammar , sound changes and sprinkling of other languages ​​is increasingly criticized. Some Germans of Turkish descent like to use common mixed forms deliberately self-deprecatingly as Kanak Sprak . Some German politicians, on the other hand , are calling for language protection laws , similar to those in France, Poland and Latvia.

Political use

Germany

Imperial times

Even before the founding of the empire, German nationalists such as Ernst Moritz Arndt had polemicized against immigration from Eastern Europe and warned against “flooding” by foreigners and their culture, especially the Jews. Since 1871, the arguments have been based more and more on the thought patterns of pseudoscientific racism . Even where this was rejected, one's own people were often viewed as a collective which, in the sense of social Darwinism, had to assert itself aggressively against other “nationalities” inside and outside and force minorities to adapt.

The Berlin anti-Semitism controversy was a clear sign of the advance of this stance in the bourgeoisie and academic classes . In the essay "Our prospects" Heinrich von Treitschke spoke of the "foreign folklore" of a Polish "Jewish tribe" that was "far more alien to the European and especially the Germanic being" than other minorities. Many naturalized Jews are also "German speaking Orientals". They used their alleged hegemony over the press to slander Christianity and patriotism. The “Semithism” carries “heavy complicity” in the “cheeky greed of the founder's nonsense” and the “disdainful materialism of our day”. “The Jew who is rampantly selling out his neighbors ” sits in “thousands of German villages”. The anti-Semite movement of that time was a "natural reaction of the Germanic popular feeling against a foreign element". Because the German national feeling is underdeveloped, "that's why we were defenseless against foreign beings for so long". As a denomination, Judaism should never stand on an equal footing with Christianity. The adherence of religious Jews to the biblical election is a "racial conceit". Only their adaptation to Germanness could prevent their expulsion in the long term. With this, Treitschke questioned the recently achieved Jewish emancipation and made the anti-Semitism in the bourgeoisie, which had hitherto been largely despised, acceptable.

Since 1879, especially from 1893 onwards, a number of parties, associations and clubs founded specifically for this purpose represented the anti-Semitic propaganda of foreign infiltration. At the beginning of the First World War , this initially took a back seat to common patriotism. The Reich government brought foreign forced laborers , including around 35,000 Eastern European Jews, to Germany for their own armaments industry. Since then, anti-Semitic groups have increased their agitation against “Jewish foreign infiltration”, also in order to hit German Jews who have long since adapted.

In the German Empire, nation building had been promoted since the 1870s, with the result that the Catholic Poles, who formed the largest minority in the eastern provinces, were subject to a policy of Germanization. Germans were seen as hardworking, culturally superior to Poles and civilized, while Poles served as a negative foil for this. In 1885, regulations were made in Prussia to expel Poles. 30 to 40,000 Poles, including Jews, were expelled from four Prussian provinces. The influx of Polish workers in the eastern provinces was a result of the emigration of Germans and inland Poles to the western industrial cities of the kingdom. A total of 400,000 Poles immigrated to the West from the Prussian-occupied areas. The ban on access to Poland was lifted after just five years out of consideration for the East Elbe farmers who were dependent on cheap labor. In the West, official pressure and social exclusion ultimately did not lead to the desired isolation of Polish miners and industrial workers. On the contrary, the repression, which at the same time went hand in hand with professional emancipation, led to an increased integration of the Poles, who remained one third in the country.

Weimar Republic

This tendency continued in the Weimar Republic and became radicalized. The church historian Wolfgang Gerlach pointed out how bourgeois parties like the DNVP and the media used the immigration of Eastern Jews after 1918 against all native Jews who had already adapted. Of the 250 ministers of the Weimar Republic, only four were Jews:

“Therefore, the question today is whether terms like 'overpowering' or 'foreign infiltration' really had a purely descriptive function, or rather an agitational one, namely to inject an uncanny component into the discussion about the so-called Jewish question . And so the anti-Semites who rallied politically in the NSDAP succeeded in changing their 'inferiority' into the pose of the stronger by declaring the Jewish 'superman' they had invented to be 'subhuman'. The German Christians later joined such thoughts . "

- Wolfgang Gerlach : When the witnesses were silent. Confessing Church and the Jews. 2nd edition 1993, p. 26f.

In 1925, the German Academic Association unanimously accepted a motion stating:

“The foreign infiltration of German universities by Jewish teachers and students must be stopped. Further teachers of Jewish descent are no longer to be appointed. The numerus clausus is to be introduced for the students. "

- Notker Hammerstein : Anti-Semitism and German Universities 1871–1933. 1995, p. 88.

The German Volkstumsforschung, especially the Ostforschung and the folk and cultural soil research , understood since the 1920s as the " Germanness " committed "fighting science" ( Werner Conze , Theodor Schieder , Walter Frank ). She now tried to establish "foreign infiltration" as a scientific term. So you put processes of integration and assimilation is a danger that a " umvolkung " German " ethnic groups could cause". These terms such as "were national community ", " habitat ", " cultural space ", " Tradition " or " civilization " developed, which should be protected against "foreign infiltration".

The re-establishment of the Polish state was the visible sign of the loss of some East Prussian provinces, such as the end of the German Imperial and Prussian Kingdom. Not only folk forces who, especially after 1920, called for German helpers instead of Polish laborers and for this purpose also founded associations and organized trips and accommodation for the mostly young volunteers, but also the government under the central politician Heinrich Brüning planned one with the help of the settlement of German small farmers in the eastern regions to prevent supposed policing.

At the same time, lexicons of the time named the economic meaning of the term first.

time of the nationalsocialism

The NSDAP made the defense against alleged Jewish and foreign infiltration a main goal from the start. Your 25-point program from 1920 excluded Jews from the “German Volksgemeinschaft” from the outset. Legislation on aliens for all non-Germans, the expulsion of all foreigners in the event of supply crises, the dismissal of non-citizens from all state offices, etc. were decided as party goals. With retroactive effect to August 2, 1914, the immigration of "non-Germans" should be banned. H. all foreign workers recruited during World War I should be expelled.

Even during the Great Depression , when anti-Semitic propaganda resigned on the instructions of the party leadership, the rhetoric of foreign infiltration, now more with anti-capitalist references, remained acute.

Introduction and § 1 of the “Blood Protection Act” of the Nuremberg Laws of 1935

Immediately after it came to power , the Nazi regime set about excluding Jews from professional and social life with all available means of power. This was especially true for the fields of science, art and culture: Joseph Goebbels spoke in 1933 of the "foreign infiltration of German intellectual life by Judaism". The term was now interpreted and propagated in a racist way as a mixture with “blood of a different species”: It meant “too strong penetration of non-German or alien blood into the German people”. In 1935, the Nuremberg Laws drew the overall political conclusion of an apartheid policy between non-Jewish and Jewish Germans.

The Nazi propaganda put Judaism with Bolshevism , capitalism and cultural decadence same. In relation to art, music, architecture, etc., “foreign infiltration” was equated with “degeneracy” (see Degenerate Art and Degenerate Music ). Since the war began in 1939, the Nazis also spoke with regard to non-Jewish foreigners, mainly Poles and Slavs , of "blood excessive foreign infiltration" unwanted contacts with prisoners of war and forced laborers to a taboo .

Federal Republic

In the post-war period, given the public renunciation of the inhumane ideologies of the Nazi era and the acceptance of millions of East German refugees in West Germany, the term hardly played a role. A more in-depth discussion of the Volkish ideology only began with the student movement in the 1960s.

With the establishment of the NPD in 1964, the term reappeared in political debates: always in a xenophobic context, e.g. B. as a rejection of guest workers with the demand “German jobs only for Germans” (1965). After a temporary decline, the NPD tried in 1980 to draw attention to itself with citizens' initiatives to “stop foreigners”.

University lecturers also accepted such demands: on June 17, 1981, the authors Helmut Schrätze , then a speaker for right-wing extremist groups and in the same year founder of the Schutzbund for the German People , and Theodor Schmidt-Kaler published the Heidelberg Manifesto signed by 15 professors . In the first version it said:

“We observe with great concern the infiltration of the German people through the influx of millions of foreigners and their families, the infiltration of our language, our culture and our nationality. [...] Peoples are (biologically and cybernetic) living systems of a higher order with mutually different system properties that are passed on genetically and through traditions. The integration of large masses of non-German foreigners is therefore not possible while preserving our people and leads to the well-known ethnic catastrophes of multicultural societies. Every people, including the German people, has a natural right to preserve its identity and individual character in its residential area. Respect for other peoples requires their preservation, but not their melting down ('Germanization'). "

After violent protests and counter-declarations by other professors, the manifesto was slightly softened, but without revising the völkisch core theses. As a result, Schrätze and a few other signatories withdrew their signatures.

On January 29, 1989, the party The Republicans in the election to the Berlin House of Representatives with the campaign topic "foreign infiltration" reached 7.5% of the votes and moved into a state parliament for the first time . In a commercial they illustrated a Berlin of the future in which only Turkish citizens live.

The talk of "foreign infiltration" is a standard motif in European right-wing extremism today. Alongside anti-Semitism and historical revisionism, it forms a supporting pillar of right-wing extremist ideologies. Theoretical basis is often an ethnopluralism , which pretends to want to preserve the uniqueness of different peoples. a. Derives demands for the abolition of the right to asylum and deportation or expulsion . These goals are also pursued by attempts by the German right-wing extremist camp to collect, for example the German League for People and Homeland .

In August 1997 a 25-page brochure was published in Dresden with the title: Call to all Germans to defend themselves against foreign infiltration - The genocide of the German people. It said:

"We, the undersigned, call on all loyal Germans to self-defense against the genocide of the German people, which was officially planned by the government and carried out with brutal methods."

The signatories were, among others, Helmut Fleck , Udo Pastörs , Rigolf Hennig and Emil Schlee .

One experiences daily "steps of brainwashing, all of which are intended to carry out the replacement of the German people [...] by foreign peoples". The right of asylum allows "a flood of people that will oppress and wipe us out" to immigrate and "ultimately serve the de facto enslavement of the Germans". The legal right of strangers to asylum should therefore be "excluded immediately":

"The recognition of asylum is now to be left to the sole decision of the German people [...] The old recruitment contracts for guest workers are now applicable. That means that all guest workers and their relatives are now to be released to their home countries. "

Added to this was the anti-Semitic stereotype of the Jewish world conspiracy : The "excessive foreign policy" have the "secret treaty carbon - Galinski " - meant a contract by the Federal Government with Russia, the Russian Germans and Russian Jews should facilitate the entry - reached its peak:

“We estimate very carefully that several million Jews will immigrate to Germany here if we don't prevent it. This treaty is illegal, immoral and inhuman: it is monstrous, because it must lead to war in Germany and it will make Germany a second Palestine. "

This manifesto was written by 65 well-known right-wing extremists, including the Saxon NPD leader Udo Pastörs, Schrätze u. a. signed and sent to schools and individuals nationwide by right-wing extremist organizers such as the Volksbund Deutsches Reich (VBDR) and the Witikobund . An investigation by the Federal Criminal Police Office for sedition was discontinued in 1999 with no result.

In political debates about the asylum compromise (1993), dual citizenship (1999) or the green card (2000), the CDU also used poster slogans such as “the boat is full” or “children instead of Indians” ( Jürgen Rüttgers , 2000). The CDU politician Heinrich Lummer wrote in 1997:

“Germany should be taken from the Germans. Whether you call it land grabbing, foreign infiltration or infiltration does not matter. "

In the 2005 election campaign for the WASG, Oskar Lafontaine warned against foreign workers who would take away their jobs from family men and women "for cheap wages."

Such use of xenophobia in the population is regularly criticized: from competing parties, but also from the media and its own supporters.

But economists also warn of “foreign infiltration” in the sense of a possible social explosive between locals and immigrants. With regard to tendencies towards an aging society, for example, Klaus F. Zimmermann , President of the German Institute for Economic Research (DIW), said in 2003:

"If we wanted to replace demographic failures with migration alone, in thirty years we will have infiltration that will probably not work socially."

According to a survey commissioned by the University of Leipzig in 2004, 37.7 percent of Germans in both East and West agreed with the statement: "The Federal Republic is dangerously foreign to the many foreigners."

Since autumn 2014, thousands have been demonstrating at Pegida against the alleged infiltration of the [evening] country.

Pegida supporters claim "foreign infiltration", so the subline of a propaganda clip on YouTube and on banners. The word first appeared in the Duden dictionary in 1929 and was later popularized by Goebbels . National Socialists and their current supporters use the term polemically to mark an "excessive penetration of non-Germans or foreigners into the German people". In 1933, Goebbels spoke in a NSDAP sponsorship conference speech on September 2nd on the race issue and world propaganda of the "foreign infiltration of German intellectual life by Judaism" and thus gave the word its disparaging and combative character. "In 1993, 'foreign infiltration' was even a bad word of the year , the term has [...] persisted," said Andrea Ewels, Managing Director of the Society for German Language , GfdS, in 2015 and continued: "Today, however, it often refers to other minorities, such as Refugees from Muslim countries. "

Austria

In Austria , right-wing extremist groups only began to use words such as “foreign infiltration” and “re-population”, which were historically burdened by National Socialism , again from the 1970s . Initially, they related this to guest workers, since the fall of the “ Iron Curtain ” in 1989, Austria's accession to the EU in 1995 and the EU expansion in 2004, increasingly to an alleged “mass immigration” from Eastern Europe. Most recently, the “threat of Islamization ” became an integral part of this rhetoric of foreign infiltration.

The warning against such alleged dangers today - as before 1945 - always emphasizes that the Austrians are to be regarded as part of a "German national and cultural community". The guest workers, Jews, asylum seekers or immigrants defined as “foreigners” would endanger the “German identity” of the majority population.

NDP and the extreme right

In 1967 Norbert Burger , former federal chairman of the Ring of Freedom Students and an activist in the Liberation Committee of South Tyrol , founded the National Democratic Party of Austria (NDP). In addition to the annexation of Austria to Germany, she called for the “repatriation” of guest workers in order to ward off the allegedly threatened “foreign infiltration” and “biological infiltration” of Austria. She lamented "denationalization processes" and the "de-Germanization of German people as just as bad a crime as the Germanization of non-Germans".

In 1974 the Federal Assembly of the NDP decided to organize an “anti-guest worker referendum ”, but this did not materialize. Supporters of the party distributed leaflets with the demand: " Foreign workers out!" When Burger stood as an NDP candidate in the election for the Austrian Federal President in 1980 , his election slogan was: "Against foreign infiltration - for a German Austria!"

In 1982 the NDP tried again to launch a “referendum to protect Austria against foreign infiltration and foreign infiltration”, which failed again. The Constitutional Court (VfGH) applied the Prohibition Act 1947 against the NDP in 1988 and, with reference to Article 9 of the Austrian State Treaty ( dissolution of Nazi organizations ), denied its legal personality as a political party ; the NDP association was officially dissolved. In its justification, the VfGH stated that the NDP's program was based on a “biological-racist popular term”. His “Greater German Propaganda” agreed “in key points with the goals of the NSDAP”.

The citizens' initiative for the referendum of the NDP also belonged to the Aktion Neuerechte (ANR) and the Ausländer-Halt movement - also known as the “people's movement against foreign infiltration” or just the “people's movement” - Gerd Honsiks . It emerged from the Babenberg comradeship, which was banned in 1980 . Honsik and other representatives of the “people's movement” tried to run the National Council election in Austria in 1990 with the list “No to the flood of foreigners” (NA) . The electoral authority rejected the nomination and justified this with statements from NA such as "Child poverty and foreign infiltration are the pincers that threaten to destroy our identity" and "Foreign infiltration is genocide!"

The NA then tried to challenge the election; her complaint was dismissed in 1991 by the Constitutional Court. In the judgment, the "extensive identification with a particularly important National Socialist program point and the [...] revival of a political demand characteristic of the NSDAP with a similar propaganda vocabulary" was established, which is reflected in "the frequent use of words, which are clearly racist Show motivated attitude ”would be. The term “foreign infiltration policy” was cited as an example.

Honsik was convicted in Germany in 1990 for sedition , 1992 for denial of the Holocaust , and in Austria in 1992 for re-activating the Nazis . Gottfried Küssel , who was also convicted in 1993 for re-activating the Nazis, was part of his “people's movement” . He founded the People's Loyal Extra-Parliamentary Opposition (VAPO). This periodically published the magazine Halt with the subtitle Democratic Combat Means against Foreign Infiltration and the wall newspaper of the Austrian defensive struggle . Here, too, racist agitation against foreigners, demands for Austria's annexation to Germany and Holocaust denial were central concerns. It was complained that the politics of “the people in Austria” deprived them of their right to preserve “racial and ethnic purity”; due to the "infiltration of our people", the native Austrians would find themselves on a " death march " ( Halt. 53/1990). In 1991 an article headline was titled "Verpestung": Greens are planning to import Jews!

FPÖ and BZÖ

The Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ) emerged in 1956 from the Association of Independents (VdU), which was founded as a collective movement of former NSDAP members, expellees and returnees. From 1986, when Jörg Haider took over the party leadership and pushed the liberal wing of the party back in favor of the national one, it increasingly picked up terms such as “foreign infiltration”. Haider had started his political activity after he had won a speech competition of the Austrian Gymnastics Federation in 1966 with his contribution “Are we Austrians Germans?”.

For example, in February 1998 Hilmar Kabas (FPÖ) submitted a motion to the Vienna City Council for a debate on the subject of “Foreigner Policy in Vienna - Stop Foreign Immigration, Preserve Home”. In the same year Haider stated in an interview with the daily newspaper Die Presse :

“We are threatened by further foreign infiltration through [naturalization] and through eastward expansion. I imply that the federal government wants to create a new electorate because it can no longer be sure of the old one. "

In 1993, the FPÖ initiated a referendum "Austria first" , in which a total immigration ban, the obligation to identify foreigners at work and a reduction in the number of children with foreign mother tongue in school classes were called for.

In the election campaign for the 1999 National Council election , the Vienna regional group of the FPÖ, at that time under regional party leader Hilmar Kabas and the Vienna top candidate Herbert Scheibner , used posters with the slogan: “We guarantee: Stop foreign infiltration - Austria first!” This campaign was not only used by political opponents, but also Sharply criticized by church representatives, in the media and in the public as recourse to Nazi diction and inciting xenophobic tendencies. The European Monitoring Center on Racism and Xenophobia (EUMC) found:

"In the Austrian election campaign in 1999, some of the 'mainstream' media contained FPÖ election advertisements and made the word 'foreign infiltration' a common term."

Also for the Bündnis Zukunft Österreich (BZÖ), which split off from the FPÖ in 2005 under the leadership of Jörg Haider, the “foreigners and immigration policy” was a central point of the program in the election campaign for the 2006 National Council election . The then party chairman Peter Westenthaler demanded : "Immigration stop and 30 percent fewer foreigners in the next three years", because "one million foreigners is too many". He also referred to the “Austria first!” Referendum from 1993 when he was on the Vienna City Council for the FPÖ.

The fight against foreign infiltration is an integral part of the programs of the FPÖ, its various sub-organizations and their representatives. The Ring Freedom Youth Austria (RFJ), the youth organization of the FPÖ, dedicates its own program point to the demand “Stop foreign infiltration”.

Under the heading Gudenus , the RFJ federal chairman Johann Gudenus, with reference to the mission statement of the organization in an article 2004, called for “unbelievable and anti-Austrian demands for regulated immigration” from the federal government as a “slap in the face for every Austrian”. A theses paper of the Freedom Academic Association of Salzburg states: "The aim of foreigner, foreigner, residence and immigration policy is not the multicultural pseudo integration of strangers with children and cones or bag and baggage, but to cover the actual need for labor in Austria." Only a restrictive attitude towards foreigners can prevent the "foreign infiltration of our country".

Heinz-Christian Strache warned in his earlier function as regional chairman of the RFJ-Vienna: "Viennese schools suffer from foreign infiltration" (press release, November 27, 2004). At the Vienna State Party Congress on May 6, 2006, Strache, meanwhile Federal Party Chairman of the FPÖ, spoke again of "foreign infiltration" and "Umvolkung". He demanded "to put on the battle suit", because two times in the past "the Turkish siege had been repulsed". The Austrians should make sure that “our ancestors did not fight in vain”.

Switzerland

Until 1945

In Switzerland , the proportion of foreigners is traditionally high. By 1920 it reached 15 percent of the total population; at the same time, restrictive legislation made naturalization difficult .

Around 1900 political leaders began here to warn of the impending danger of foreign infiltration, although they also turned against German hegemonic striving. During the First World War, the previously liberal policy was replaced by a restrictive foreigner policy: in 1914, the Federal Department of Foreign Affairs took measures against illegal immigrants. In 1917 a central aliens police was set up.

Since the 1920s the term has been part of the political discourse and “cultural code” ( Shulamit Volkov ) of Switzerland. The term is also used officially:

"When assessing permit applications, the intellectual and economic interests, the degree of foreign infiltration and the situation of the labor market must be taken into account."

- Article 8 of the Radio Regulations of the Law on Foreigners in Switzerland

It was never precisely defined and was thus able to find broad approval in phases of social crisis, especially when the number of foreigners reached its lowest point after the war. In the economic crisis of the 1930s, the foreign infiltration discourse flourished and penetrated the Swiss federal authorities. The spiritual national defense as a cultural code also protected to a certain extent against the ideologies of National Socialism, Fascism and Stalinism , which were also rejected as strange.

As in Germany, the Eastern Jews in particular were viewed as backward, hardly integrable and therefore the greatest risk of foreign infiltration. In 1926 the Aliens Police issued a directive that provided for the repulsion of Polish and Galician Jews at the borders. In 1938, under pressure from the Swiss government, the Nazi regime introduced an extra stamp for passports of German Jews in order to make it more difficult for them to leave Switzerland.

Since the 1930s, the authorities rarely spoke of Jews, but of foreigners in general. J. Picard explains this as a taboo on the German events of that time: They wanted to cover up the fact that they tried to keep Jews away from Switzerland in order not to be considered anti-Semites. Picard calls this "the swelling of anti-Semitism", Rieder "prophylactic anti-Semitism".

Since 1945

Foreign infiltration and environmental protection from the point of view of national action
Posters for and against the referendum on the foreign infiltration initiative 1974

The economic boom in Switzerland in the 1950s required foreign workers. After the end of the economic miracle , the number of voices speaking of foreign infiltration increased again: first from the left and from trade union circles, and only then did populist parties organize.

In 1961 the National Action against Foreign Immigration and Foreign Immigration was founded, which had made the drastic reduction in the proportion of foreigners its program and whose popular initiatives against “foreign infiltration” received up to 46 percent of voters in the 1970s. After splitting off (1971) and reunification (1990) with the Swiss Republicans , it changed its name to Swiss Democrats .

In 1964 a state study commission stated that Switzerland was in a state of pronounced risk of foreign infiltration. For xenophobic circles, foreign infiltration had already been achieved; they increasingly demanded the expulsion and expulsion of foreigners. At the end of the 1960s, popular initiatives and debates made foreign infiltration a topic of national politics. In 1970 the famous Schwarzenbach initiative followed, and in 1971 the National Action won considerable seats in the National Council elections.

Other foreign infiltration initiatives each achieved a high turnout, but were all rejected. The discourse on intellectual national defense of the 1930s and 1940s was continued and turned into the problem of integration. There was now discussion about Swiss culture and historical and state myths. National uniqueness was named as the most important basis of state independence and democracy. In addition, there was ethnopluralistic thinking: The assimilation of foreign cultures generally does not succeed. In 1982 the National Action narrowly won the referendum on the new Aliens Act. In the years that followed, the party repeatedly achieved successes in votes, including in the fight against the easier naturalization of foreigners and in the area of ​​asylum policy.

Foreign infiltration remained a catchphrase in the 1980s. The focus now shifted from foreigner policy to asylum policy. The economic crisis led to new distinctions between real and fake, between economic and political asylum seekers. The foreign infiltration discourse extended to four specific dimensions: 1. demographic immigration and superimposition, 2. burden on the ecosystem , 3. societal value crisis, 4. loss of political independence.

Fear was stoked about an alleged demographic overlay due to uncontrolled immigration and the alleged impending extinction of the Swiss. This combined with the environmental and habitat problems. Finally, the crisis of values ​​was also attributed to foreign infiltration, and populist circles prophesied the loss of national sovereignty through accession to the European Union , the UN and through globalization. One representative of this way of thinking is the psychiatrist Jean-Jacques Hegg , who in his book “Bioethics” combines eugenic, anti-globalist and ecological approaches.

The term secondo or seconda has been in use in Switzerland since the end of the 20th century. This describes the children of immigrants or of already naturalized migrants. Basically, the term has positive connotations and is used by those affected themselves.

France

The right-wing extremist Front National portrays immigrants as a threat to France's culture and level of prosperity. a. to limit immigration to a minimum, to give preference to French people in all areas ( préférence nationale ), to abolish dual citizenship and ius soli and to reduce the number of naturalizations. Some of these demands are based on racist or culturally racist reasons. They are directed primarily against Muslims from former French colonies in the Maghreb and Sub-Saharan Africa: They claimed “special rights” with the building of mosques and thus endangered traditional French customs and traditions.

European Union

The enlargement of the EU is being discussed controversially in some member states. Turkey's accession in particular is often rejected not only for economic reasons, but also because of the alleged threat of “foreign infiltration” through the Islamization of traditionally Christian Europe.

The former Federal Chancellor Helmut Schmidt pointed out in 2004 that the European “identity” hardly goes beyond a free trade area and that demagogues could exploit fears of foreign infiltration to torpedo the EU constitution .

Right-wing extremist parties and groups confirm this concern across Europe. They portrayed Turkish guest workers as a “Turkish threat” since the 1960s. Today, for example, the neo-Nazi group Free Resistance Wattenscheid is calling for “foreigners to be repatriated instead of further immigration” and “Referendum now - finally getting back on top of your own house” and under the heading “Foreign immigration” executes:

“The millions of Turkish guest workers are already an explosive device for our crisis-ridden country. [...] In Turkey currently live 66 million people, 99% of whom […] belong to Islam. Due to the high birth rate, population growth to up to 90 million in 2013 can be expected. In terms of population policy, Turkey is therefore a threat to the aging, shrinking peoples of Europe. "

The uncertainty of where an enlarged Europe would head and on which common values ​​- beyond economic structures and legal institutions - it should be based is widespread in the populations of European states. Andrea K. Riemer stated:

“It cannot be denied that existing fears of foreign infiltration are being used for hidden national interests. The Islamism argument, however, is a pseudo-argument that could easily be refuted by the normative power of the factual - around 15 million Muslims already live in the EU. However, it explains the massive financial support of the EU for the Balkan states (in which a not inconsiderable number of Muslims also live), which is opposed by the hesitant attitude towards Turkey. "

United States

In the USA , nativism emerged around 1840 as a reaction to increased immigration. His followers called for US-born whites to be given preference over immigrants. In this tradition, Samuel P. Huntington, in a book published in 2004, invoked a threat to the white and Protestant majority of the population due to the increase in the number of Latinos in particular (called wetback ), but also of blacks and Asians.

Scientific discourse

The historical contexts in which the term “foreign infiltration” appeared in politics and science, and the goals and methods of its users, show clear continuities: from the nationalist movement of the interwar period through National Socialism to the present day. The partial reshaping of individual terms that were particularly burdened and discredited by the Nazi crimes did not in part prevent the further use and further development of the associated concepts and paradigms.

However, these lines of tradition were only researched and proven in more detail in the 1990s using the biographies of the scientists and their vocabulary: in the sense of a self-critical review of German scientific history in the subject areas concerned. In 1999, Frank-Rutger Hausmann analyzed in his book German Spiritual Science in World War II - Die ' Aktion Ritterbusch ' (1940–1945) for the first time the connections between Nazi ethnicity research and its ideological elements and research in the interwar period. It showed their common semantics , the characteristics of an interdisciplinary "collective work" associated with the political ideologies as well as the influence of völkisch scientists after 1945 on West German science and their attempts to separate their own work from National Socialism.

Notions of “foreign infiltration” are still virulent in parts of society today and in part support the formation of the subject's own identity . Since the term “foreign infiltration” expresses a subjective feeling and point of view dependent on the respective point of view, considerations regarding its real existence or non-existence are difficult and almost always controversial. People who form their identity partly from xenophobic ideologues, such as that of "foreign infiltration", can understand this feeling as reality depending on their own conviction. A person who is shaped accordingly divides his fellow human beings primarily into “population groups” and connects himself and “the others” with essential characteristics that range from family relationships to religious and cultural habits. The identification of essential individual and external characteristics is sometimes accompanied by the assignment of one's own and other living spaces . Through this conception of intrinsic own and other groups and their “living spaces”, the person can change the most varied of societal changes - such as B. migratory movements - in their worldview, regardless of their empirical measurability, transform them into a scenario of threat and perceive it as such.

The Austrian behavioral researcher Konrad Lorenz and his pupil Irenäus Eibl-Eibesfeldt are cited by representatives of the foreign infiltration thesis to provide scientific support . So Eibl-Eibesfeldt assumes a biologically conditioned, evolutionary and human “foreign shy” (a term he created as a replacement for xenophobia ), through which groups differentiate themselves from one another. Conversely, "the binding familiarity of the group members [...] is based not only on personal awareness, but also on the fact that actually all act more or less according to the same norms and thus understand each other." In his book In derfall des Kurzzeitdenkens, Eibl-Eibesfeldt draws in 1999 direct political consequences from this, in that he recommends a "limitation of immigration from culturally and anthropologically distant populations".

See also

literature

The term
  • Karin Böke, Matthias Jung, Martin Wengeler: Public usage. Practical, theoretical and historical perspectives. Dedicated to Georg Stötzel on the occasion of his 60th birthday. Westdeutscher Verlag, Opladen 1996, ISBN 3-531-12851-5 .
Analysis and criticism of the political use of terms
  • Roger Griffin : International Fascism. Theories, Causes, and the New Consensus. Arnold, London a. a. 1998, ISBN 0-340-70614-7 ( Arnold Readers in History Series ), (English).
  • Heiko Kauffmann, Helmut Kellershohn, Jobst Paul (eds.): Völkische Bande. Decadence and Rebirth - Analyzes of Right Ideology. Unrast-Verlag, Münster 2005, ISBN 3-89771-737-9 ( Edition DISS 8).
  • jour fixe initiative berlin (ed.): How do you become a stranger? Unrast, Münster 2001 ISBN 3-89771-405-1 .
  • Angelika Magiros: Critique of Identity. “Bio-Power” and “Dialectics of Enlightenment”. For the analysis of (post-) modern xenophobia - tools against anti-alienation and (neo-) racism. Unrast, Münster 2004, ISBN 3-89771-734-4 ( Edition DISS 5), (also: Marburg, Univ., Diss., 2004).
Germany
  • Frank-Rutger Hausmann : "German Spiritual Science" in World War II. The "Ritterbusch Action" (1940–1945) . Dresden University Press, Dresden 1998, ISBN 3-933168-10-4 ( Writings on the history of science and universities 1).
  • Cornelia Schmitz-Berning: Vocabulary of National Socialism . de Gruyter, Berlin a. a. 1998, ISBN 3-11-013379-2 , keyword “Überfremdung” p. 615 ff.
  • Bernhard Pörksen : The construction of enemy images. On the use of language in neo-Nazi media. 2nd expanded edition. VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden 2005, ISBN 3-531-33502-2 (also: Hamburg, Univ., Diss., 1999).
Austria
  • Reinhold Jawhari, Anton Pelinka (ed.): Rejected because of foreign infiltration . Integration of foreigners and symbolic politics. Wilhelm Braumüller Verlag, Vienna 2000, ISBN 3-7003-1319-5 ( Studies on Political Reality 9).
Switzerland
  • Urs Altermatt : “Foreign infiltration” as a cultural code of the thirties and forties . In: Urs Altermatt: Catholicism and anti-Semitism. Mentalities, continuities, ambivalences. On the cultural history of Switzerland 1918–1945 . Publishing house Huber, Frauenfeld u. a. 1999, ISBN 3-7193-1160-0 , pp. 172-202.
  • Patrick Kury : Talking about strangers. Foreign infiltration discourse and exclusion in Switzerland 1900–1945. Chronos, Zurich 2003, ISBN 3-0340-0646-2 ( publications of the Archives for Contemporary History of the Institute for History of the ETH Zurich 4), (also: Basel, Univ., Diss., 2002).
  • Mathilde Schulte-Haller: Aspects and development tendencies of the Swiss self-image, illustrated by the problem of "foreign infiltration" . University of Frankfurt am Main, dissertation 1984, Frankfurt am Main 1987.
economy
  • Gerhard Stratthaus : Foreign infiltration of our economy? US investments in the Federal Republic . Pesch-Haus Verlag, Mannheim 1968 ( Freedom and Order 63, ZDB -ID 540785-0 ).
language
  • Georg Heinrich Henrici: About the increasing need to clean the German language from foreign words. Meyer, Braunschweig, 1848.
  • Jan Wohlgemuth, Tyko Dirksmeyer: Diversity under threat. Aspects of language death . Weißensee-Verlag, 2005, ISBN 3-89998-041-7 .

Web links

Wiktionary: Foreign infiltration  - explanations of meanings, word origins, synonyms, translations

Political use of Germany

Austria

Switzerland

language

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ Brockhaus Encyclopedia . 17th edition, Wiesbaden 1966–1974.
  2. ↑ Cornelia Schmitz-Berning: Vocabulary of National Socialism. Walter de Gruyter, Berlin 2007, ISBN 3-11-019549-6 , p. 615 in the Google book search.
  3. ↑ Paul Grebe (Ed.): Der Grosse Duden, Volume 1. Dudenverlag des Bibliographisches Institut, 1956, p. 698 (keyword “Überfremdung”).
  4. ^ Horst Dieter Schlosser: There will be two Germanys: Contemporary history and language in post-war Germany 1945–1949. Peter Lang, 2005, ISBN 3-631-53705-0 , p. 72.
  5. ↑ Der Duden - German Universal Dictionary. 3rd extended edition 2006, ISBN 3-411-05506-5 (keywords "foreign infiltration" , "foreign infiltration" online)
  6. ↑ Harald Süss: Loss of Language. To the foreign infiltration of the German. Association for German writing and language, 2001, ISBN 3-930540-13-4 .
  7. ↑ Unwort of the year 1993: Überfremdung ( Memento of the original from March 25, 2016 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.unwortdesjahres.net
  8. ↑ Alexander Pollak, Ruth Wodak: The failed scandal. Discourse-historical investigation of a Viennese court judgment. Czernin Verlag, Vienna 2001, ISBN 3-7076-0134-X , pp. 10 and 150.
  9. ↑ Hartmut Wilke: Felt foreign infiltration - a phenomenological criticism of sociobiological explanations. ( Memento of the original from November 3, 2011 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. In: sicetnon . magazine for philosophy and culture, November 20, 2005 (PDF). @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.sicetnon.org
  10. ↑ Sonja Weigel: Start-up assistance and business support: Afraid of the AG? (PDF; 44 kB) Chamber of Commerce and Industry Würzburg-Schweinfurt-Mainfranken.
  11. ^ History and law of the supervisory board
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  18. ^ Gustav Wustmann: All kinds of language stupidities. Little German grammar of the doubtful, the wrong and the ugly . Autorhaus-Verlag, Leipzig, ISBN 3-932909-22-4 , p. 14.
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  20. ^ Press review 2006 ( Memento from December 31, 2006 in the Internet Archive ) German Language Association.
  21. ^ Language Policy ( Memento from August 14, 2013 in the Internet Archive ) Institute for German Language.
  22. ^ Walter Böhlich: The Berlin anti-Semitism dispute . Pp. 6-12.
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  26. ↑ Christiane Reinecke: Limits to freedom of movement. Migration Control in Great Britain and Germany, 1880-1930 . Munich 2010, ISBN 978-3-486-59745-5 , p. 84.
  27. ↑ Christiane Reinecke: Limits to freedom of movement. Migration Control in Great Britain and Germany, 1880-1930 . Munich 2010, ISBN 978-3-486-59745-5 , p. 84.
  28. ↑ Knuth Dose: Foreign workers and the bourgeois state: Genesis and function of state policy on foreigners and law on foreigners. From the German Empire to the Federal Republic of Germany . Express Edition, Berlin 1985, p. 30.
  29. ^ Ulrich Herbert: History of the policy on foreigners in Germany. Seasonal workers, forced laborers, guest workers, refugees . Munich 2001, ISBN 3-406-47477-2 , p. 74.
  30. ↑ Christiane Reinecke: Limits to freedom of movement. Migration Control in Great Britain and Germany, 1880-1930 . Munich 2010, ISBN 978-3-486-59745-5 , p. 85.
  31. ↑ quoted from Sigrid Wölbern: Anti-Semitism in the educated middle class from the Empire to the Weimar Republic .
  32. ↑ 25-point program of the NSDAP. German Historical Museum .
  33. ↑ Karl-Heinz Brackmann, Renate Birkenhauer: Nazi German: Obvious terms and catchphrases from the time of National Socialism. Straelener-Ms.-Verlag 2001, ISBN 3-89107-021-7 , p. 185.
  34. ^ Anton Maegerle : Professors in the far-right haze . In: look to the right. 12/1996.
  35. ^ Legal dispute over an election spot for the "Republicans": Subtle rushed. In: The time . January 27, 1989. Retrieved February 7, 2017 .
  36. ^ Looking to the right ( Memento of September 27, 2007 in the Internet Archive ) Issue 22, 1997, print version.
  37. ^ Heinrich Lummer in: Rolf-Josef Eibicht: Suppression and persecution of German patriots - a dictatorship of convictions in Germany? Publishing house for holistic research and culture, 1997, ISBN 3-927933-92-9 , p. 604.
  38. ^ Hans Uske (DISS-Journal 6/2000): The boat is empty. Contours of a future migration policy.
  39. ^ Jörg Lau: Oskar Haider. Lafontaine's verbal attacks on foreigners are methodical . In: The time . No. 26/2005.
  40. ↑ Immigration can only alleviate the population problem . In: FAZ . August 7, 2003, p. 12.
  41. ↑ Oliver Decker, Elmar Brähler: Right-wing extremist attitudes in Germany. (PDF; 3.8 MB) In: From Politics and Contemporary History , No. 42/2005.
  42. ↑ Immigration: The Myth of Foreign Immigration 1. December 16, 2014, archived from the original on December 16, 2014 ; accessed on December 16, 2014 .
  43. ↑ 15,000 people demonstrate against alleged foreign infiltration. December 15, 2014, accessed December 16, 2014 .
  44. ↑ Karl-Heinz Brackmann, Renate Birkenhauer: Nazi German: "Self-evident" terms and catchwords from the time of National Socialism. Straelener Manuskripte , Straelen 2001, ISBN 3-89107-021-7 , new edition ibid. 2015.
  45. ↑ This speech, only in English translation online, in Lemma Goebbels, Weblinks. Bibliographical information: Hermann Beyer Verlag, Langensalza 1934; 2nd edition ibid. (Sometimes also referred to here as Hermann Beyer & Sons), 1937, as Writings on Political Education, Volume 6; zugl. Friedrich Manns Pedagogical Magazine, Vol. 1390. Available in the Heidelberg University Library . Speech also contained in the report of the party congress, edited by Julius Streicher , Vaterländischer Verlag CA Weller, Berlin 1933, pp. 135–142. The party congress took place from 1-3. September in Nuremberg
  46. ↑ FPÖ against “foreign infiltration” - or: How Nazi diction becomes socially acceptable. ( Memento from July 1, 2001 in the Internet Archive ) DÖW , September 1999.
  47. ^ DÖW (Ed.): Handbook of Austrian Right-Wing Extremism. 2nd Edition. Deuticke, Vienna 1993, ISBN 3-216-30053-6 .
  48. ↑ The press . July 10, 1998; quoted from: Hubertus Czernin (Ed.): Der Westentaschen-Haider . Czernin Verlag, Vienna 2000, ISBN 3-7076-0043-2 .
  49. ^ Election posters of the FPÖ 1999 .
  50. ↑ Annual report EUMC 1999 (PDF; 93 kB), summary on p. 5 below.
  51. ↑ BZÖ wants 30% fewer immigrants. Article on ORF .at from May 22, 2006.
  52. ^ Mission statement of the Ring Freedom Youth Austria: Stop foreign infiltration. ( Memento from September 28, 2007 in the Internet Archive )
  53. ↑ Gudenus calls for the end of systematic re-population . ( Memento of July 17, 2004 in the Internet Archive ) RFJ.
  54. ↑ Phase plan for a sustainable return policy. ( Memento from November 9, 2013 in the Internet Archive ) Freedom Academic Association Salzburg, 2006.
  55. ^ Article of the Kurier dated May 8, 2006.
  56. ↑ Referendum of October 20, 1974 , Federal Chancellery
  57. ↑ Jean Jacques Hegg .
  58. ↑ Helmut Schmidt : Please no megalomania - Turkey's accession would overwhelm the European Union . In: The time . No. 49/2004.
  59. ^ Islamization - foreign infiltration . ( Memento from February 20, 2007 in the Internet Archive ) Free resistance Wattenscheid.
  60. ↑ Turkey and the European Union. Federal Agency for Political Education .
  61. ^ Samuel P. Huntington: Who Are We? The American Identity Crisis. Europa Verlag, Hamburg 2004, ISBN 3-203-78060-7 ; Review by Florian Rötzer : USA: From a country of immigration to a xenophobic fortress? In: Telepolis . March 18, 2004.
  62. ↑ Gerhard Paul : “People in Crisis”. Right-wing extremist ideological patterns and their response in the German public . Friedrich Ebert Foundation .
  63. ↑ Irenäus Eibl-Eibesfeldt: The biology of human behavior - outline of human ethology . Piper, 1984, ISBN 3-492-02687-7 , p. 409.
  64. ↑ Irenäus Eibl-Eibesfeldt : In the trap of short-term thinking . Piper, 1999, ISBN 3-492-03315-6 , p. 182.