Educational salary

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The education salary ( synonyms : care allowance ; sometimes also education bonus , education bonus , also called housewife salary) denotes state cash benefits for the work done in families to care for and raise children and the reassessment of this care work with regard to the pension . Educational salary models have been implemented primarily in the Scandinavian countries of Finland , Norway and Sweden .

An education salary has been discussed in Germany since around 1983. A very controversial discussion is currently taking place in Germany about the educational salary for children under three years of age as an alternative to day nurseries . Politicians and the media who criticize the care allowance use - often with a pejorative connotation - the terms stove premium or educational aversion premium (see below ). Proponents use meliorative terms to represent the educational content positively.

Models

In some models, full-time family work is made a condition; Others plan to switch the funding of care facilities from funding for the facilities (object funding) to funding for families (subject funding) (e.g. partially in kindergarten, completely before that). Each family could choose whether to buy childcare from third parties (e.g. relatives, kindergarten) for the money they received, or whether they would prefer to take care of the childcare themselves and keep the money received.

Of the many different models, the following should be mentioned:

The models differ in terms of the amount and duration of remuneration, tax and social obligations and financing. What they all have in common is a certain amount of redeployment funding. The latter is used as an argument by both supporters and critics: by supporters - an educational salary is self-financing - and by critics - it does not bring those affected any real net improvement.

Alternatives

A possible form of recognition of previously unpaid or barely paid work (family work, voluntary work) is a citizen's benefit or an unconditional basic income .

An alternative is family allowance or income-oriented parental allowance. Both were discussed in Germany in the discussions about a reform of the childcare allowance during the years before the grand coalition (before 2005). For example, the CDU / CSU advocated a “family benefit” with a net benefit for the first three years of life, which should be offset against child benefit and child allowances ; the Federal Ministry of Family Affairs (2002–2005 under Minister Renate Schmidt ) presented the parental allowance concept, also based on the Norwegian parental and care allowance.

Flexible child care and an expansion of all-day schools is from the SPD demanded by the Greens , a children's basic security (now in and the PDS The Left passed) demanded childcare centers , day schools and a life-sustaining child support.

Concepts that rely on continuous gainful employment for mothers and incentives for fathers to take part in childcare, as can be found in France or Sweden, are preferred by the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung .

The Federal Parental Allowance and Parental Leave Act came into force on January 1, 2007.

Per arguments

Appreciation, recognition and quality of family education work:

  • Educational work is not a private good . Children are our future capital. At the moment they would be part of a collective good such as B. Equal environmental protection . The children themselves would be given more importance again.
  • A parenting salary would create material equivalence between parenting work and employment . Family upbringing would be rewarded.
  • The public often rates the value of family and parenting work so low because it remains unpaid and therefore does not appear to be an achievement.
  • Small children would be cared for at home by their trusted caregiver. For many children it is too early to part with their first attachment figure. In the old federal states of the Federal Republic of Germany in particular , the opinion is held more strongly than in any other EU country that preschool children suffer from their mother's work. Studies show that the question of whether children derive a disadvantage or an advantage from the situation cannot be answered with “yes” or “no”: The effect of work on the child depends on context factors, in particular the work context the way time and money are used, the quality of non-parental childcare, and the woman's satisfaction with her role . The topic has been the subject of an extensive long-term statistical study in the USA since the 1990s.

Financial incentive:

  • A parenting salary could give fathers an economic incentive to participate more in this work.

Freedom of choice:

  • In addition, institutions such as day-care centers want to switch from object funding to subject funding (in the form of a non-taxable education voucher) in the future. (For example, a study by the DIW referred to the voucher model. At the same time, the need for quality standards was emphasized.) This could promote outside care. There are studies that show that a stay in day-care centers promotes the development of children between the ages of one and three years, but that they level off in the further course of life. Their social behavior is said to be marginally further or better developed than in children who only grew up in the family. This education voucher would also increase the parents' freedom of choice when choosing a childcare place and strengthen their demand position. This reallocation of funds is an important pillar for the solid financing of this model.
  • Furthermore, with the upbringing salary, the parents would have the freedom to choose whether they want to have their children partly cared for outside the home or whether they want to take care of this themselves.

Economic situation of educators:

  • If the educational salary was high enough, mothers would no longer have to rely on additional income. This would allow them to look after the children more and better.
  • The fact that low-income families would become independent of social assistance and other social benefits would have advantages, for example an expected positive psychological effect (DFV, p. 14). A parenting salary would presumably relieve a parenting group of people from the dependency of social assistance , with the associated disadvantages of the need to disclose the circumstances financially and possible stigmatization . Proponents of a parenting salary emphasize that it gives those who have made a conscious choice for housework and upbringing at least partial and temporary financial security.
  • Depending on the model, one of the main advantages of the educational salary would be permanent basic income ; also or especially after the children come of age; it should ensure that the mothers are covered after a long exit from working life if they cannot return to their old job and cannot find any other suitable work.

Cheaper than kindergarten / crèche

  • It would be more cost-effective to pay the parenting salary than to create new additional places in kindergartens and crèches.

Contra arguments

Appreciation, recognition and quality of family education work:

  • The parenting content alone does not necessarily or automatically change the behavior of parents towards their children. In other words: time that they have more available does not automatically benefit the children. That has a lot to do with the motivation of the individual. Not infrequently, fully employed people would devote themselves very intensively to their children. Others who have enough time spend it elsewhere. There is practically no quality control in education.
  • One also feared a kind of " nationalization " of child rearing. The question was raised whether a parenting salary was at all compatible with the parental primary responsibility for the children according to Article 6 of the Basic Law (DFV, p. 4). If the state or society supports the families financially, something is expected in return. This could mean that excessive demands are made on families with regard to raising children. On the other hand, the state education salary relieves dependent parents from their financial responsibility . The state and thus all taxpayers would have to bear additional economic burdens of bringing up children. In terms of class and integration, this sends the wrong signal because “the life of social transfer payments is becoming more comfortable for the so-called less educated classes. Children are becoming even more of an income factor ”.

Financial incentive:

  • It is criticized that a uniform parenting salary induces financially poor parents to look after their children at home even without sufficient educational stimulus. It would also be particularly attractive to poorly educated women with no other future prospects. There, however, the birth rate is already quite high, but the future prospects of children (and thus also their future benefit for society) are statistically poor. For better educated women, however, a job would continue to be financially more interesting than bringing up children.
  • The education salary primarily benefits unemployed women. Better educated mothers would not interrupt their professional careers and would use the parenting salary in full for care outside the home. The goal of these mothers being able to take care of the children themselves again will not be achieved.
  • Even the current parental leave , which lasts up to three years, makes it difficult to return to work. Since the educational salary can lead to downtime of 7 or more years, a return to work would be almost impossible for many. Such mothers would stay away from the labor market permanently, which would be a step backwards in terms of equality and labor market policy and would increase latent poverty. There is no provision for protection against dismissal in this model. A parenting salary - regardless of its form - counteracts gender equality insofar as it favors longer interruptions or complete termination of employment and the associated possible influence on society, but, depending on the model, is not sufficient to secure the livelihood of the family and thus not real fathers Offer incentives for family activities.
  • Proponents of more gainful employment for women doubt whether the view that the mother is responsible for raising children, which is still in some cases today, will be changed by this model and whether more men would really take on this work. For example, men might fear a certain loss of status by taking on child-rearing work, or they might agree with the prevailing opinion of society, at least in West Germany, that the mother-child relationship suffers if women remain gainfully employed after the birth of their children.
  • According to the Arbeiterwohlfahrt (AWO), parents should not be given the incentive not to use day-care facilities in order to obtain the childcare allowance .
  • The German Association of Women Lawyers criticized that the financial incentive of a childcare allowance would stand in the way of the development of language and social skills through additional childcare, which is necessary for some of the children.

Freedom of choice:

  • The switch from object to subject funding would also lead to a high financial burden for the parents, provided that the funding is significantly below the existing level of support for day nursery places, as the day care place would then no longer be supported by the state to the same extent would have to be financed to a greater extent by the family itself. The same would apply if the education voucher only covered part of these costs. Single parents may be forced to forego outside care for financial reasons. In this context, it should be mentioned that the DFV favored free-of-charge (object funding) for the kindergarten due to its educational mandate (DFV, p. 15).

Economic situation of educators:

  • In 2004, the German Family Association (DFV) criticized the education salary 2000 model for the fact that, due to the fact that single parents with children, for example , were in fact hardly better off than before due to the fact that they can be counted towards social transfers, they favored an increase in the (then) childcare allowance instead (DFV, p. 3) .

Economic effects and budgetary aspects:

  • The assumption that this will increase overall economic demand is also questionable. In similar situations (e.g. salary increases, tax reductions) it has been shown that the population first activates saving behavior before consuming behavior.
  • According to critics, a parenting salary or childcare allowance would be in competition with other family-related investments, such as free infrastructure and benefits in kind.

Useless investment

  • If the childcare allowance is enforced, this would cost Germany 1.2 billion euros a year. Even if you save the costs for professional educational support, administrative and administrative staff are still required. This money can also be invested in expanding day-care centers.

implementation

Scandinavia

In Finland , taxable child care allowance has been paid since 1985 when parents look after their children under 3 at home.

In 1998 a care allowance (norw. Kontanstøtte ) was introduced in Norway . It is often used in combination with a kindergarten place. In the first three years after its introduction, almost 80 percent of parents received it; in the next nine years the proportion fell to 58 percent. According to Arni Hole, Director General in the Norwegian Ministry of Children and Equality, it is used almost exclusively by lower-class and immigrant families in the variant of completely avoiding kindergarten attendance. In relation to the labor market, the care allowance is associated with a decline in female employment.

Since 2008 there has been childcare allowance in Sweden (Swedish: vårdnadsbidrag ). In all Scandinavian countries, the childcare allowance is significantly higher than the subsidy that should be paid in Germany. It amounts to around 10 percent of an average monthly income, which translates into between 320 (Finland) and 430 euros (Norway) per month. It is paid for children under three years of age if the children are not or only partially placed in state-subsidized childcare facilities.

A meta-study by Anne Lise Ellingsæter, research assistant for sociology at the University of Oslo, on behalf of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (2012) on the effects of state grants to parents in Scandinavia comes to the conclusion: In practice it works The childcare allowance has a negative impact on gender equality, it hinders the employment of mothers, slows down the expansion of childcare offers, and it prevents immigrant families from sending their children to daycare .

In 2011 in Sweden only 2.5 percent of parents used the childcare allowance. 92 percent of all applicants were women, immigrants were clearly overrepresented. It is estimated that more than half of the women who receive the care allowance are “economically dependent on their partner.” In Finland, where “part-time work is not an alternative” and is rarely found, as well as in Norway, which has been offering day-care facilities since 2005. Has expanded places enormously, it is expected that there will be an increasing negative effect on the employment of mothers, namely "more so among mothers of Asian and African origin".

Germany

Goal setting

The educational salary model for 2000 had four objectives.

  1. It should enhance the educational work and contribute to establishing a material equivalence between family educational work and employment .
  2. It should improve some external framework conditions for "more partnership in parenthood" and make mothers with a small child better financially.
  3. The education and pedagogical support of the next generation should be improved. This can be done in domestic and non-domestic educational work. This is what some call "social investment"; the education salary should pay for the domestic education work.
  4. Mothers should be given the opportunity to partially withdraw from working life .

It was and is controversial whether and to what extent this model can achieve the stated goals.

See also: Day nursery #Chances equalization with parental freedom of choice .

As early as 1972, the artist Joseph Beuys addressed the relationship between performance and remuneration at Documenta 5 : “Is housewife work an achievement or is it not an achievement? If you come to recognize it as an achievement, it has to be paid for. "

In Germany, child-raising allowance was paid for births between January 1, 1986 and December 31, 2006 , a compensation from the German state for one of the parents who primarily raised the child .

Variants of the concept of care allowance (disparagingly called the “stove premium” by critics and elected bad word of the year in 2007 ) have been discussed since around 2006. The Society for German Language , on the other hand, chose the term “ educational avoidance premium ” in 2012 on the third place of the word of the year on the grounds of “successful battle term ” of the opponents.

With the “Law to promote children under three years of age in day care facilities” ( Federal Law Gazette I p. 2403 ), which came into force on December 16, 2008, passed by the government coalition of CDU, CSU and SPD in autumn 2008 This paragraph added in Section 16 of Book VIII of the Social Code: "From 2013, a monthly payment (for example childcare allowance) will be introduced for those parents who do not want or cannot have their children aged one to three years in institutions."

After the Bundestag election in 2009 , the CSU urged in the coalition talks to agree a childcare allowance in the coalition agreement. The CDU and FDP reluctantly gave in to this request. On June 12, 2012, the government parliamentary groups introduced a bill to the Bundestag.

At the end of August 2012, the SPD parliamentary group in the Bundestag announced that it would appeal to the Federal Constitutional Court if the childcare allowance should be passed. According to an expert opinion, the care allowance is unconstitutional.

In February 2013, the state of Hamburg submitted a regulatory review application to the Federal Constitutional Court. The application written by the legal scholars Arndt Schmehl and Margarete Schuler-Harms questions the legislative competence of the federal government and argues, among other things. a. with a possible violation of the principle of equality of the Basic Law.

One year before the legal right to a daycare place that came into force in autumn 2013, 220,000 of the 780,000 planned childcare places for children under three years of age were still missing. This would mean that even more places would have to be created than in the previous four years.

From January 1, 2014, parents who pay the childcare allowance into a so-called education account will receive a monthly allowance of 15 euros.

Term "salary"

The term “salary” is intended to make it clear that it is a payment for services and not a form of social assistance . “Salary” here does not mean the kind of remuneration an employee receives: Employees are bound by instructions ; on the other hand, the educators (or the educator) are just as free with this concept as before in how they shape upbringing and care for their child. It is also conceivable to attach certain conditions to the payment of the childcare allowance. For example, one could test the child's language development at a certain age and, if it fails the test, not pay the childcare allowance in order to induce the child to go to kindergarten where his language development is encouraged by the kindergarten teachers or other experts can.

Studies on economic, labor market and distribution policy effects

On behalf of the Federal Ministry of Finance, the Center for European Economic Research (ZEW) carried out an investigation into the fiscal effects as well as the labor market and distribution policy effects of the introduction of a childcare allowance for children under 3 years of age.

Positions of the parties

The educational salary is rejected by the parties Die Linke , SPD , FDP and Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen as well as the majority and the management level of the CDU under Angela Merkel and Ursula von der Leyen . These rely on other forms of family support (in particular child benefit and the expansion of crèche places). In 2007, during the time of the grand coalition at federal level, the federal and state governments, led by Peer Steinbrück (SPD) and Family Minister Ursula von der Leyen (CDU) , agreed to introduce a legal right to a daycare place from 2013. The CSU was unable to negotiate enforce with their demand for an educational salary.

The proposal was taken up again in autumn 2007; it was not without controversy within the CDU / CSU parliamentary group.

The demand for an educational salary was also taken up by several German small parties , including the Ecological Democratic Party (ÖDP), the Family Party of Germany , the right-wing or right-wing extremist parties of the Republicans and the Freedom German People's Party (FDVP) ( Merged into the German Party in 2003 ) as well as from the church-oriented Christian Party of Germany (CPD) (now affiliated to the German Center Party ) and the Alliance C - Christians for Germany (Alliance C).

The coalition agreement between the CDU, CSU and FDP confirmed:

"In order to enable freedom of choice to other public offers and services, a childcare allowance of 150 euros per month, if necessary as a voucher, is to be introduced for children under three as a federal benefit from 2013."

However, the coalition agreement contains a general financing reservation.

Costs for daycare places or childcare allowance

Estimates from 2007 put the cost of expanding the crèche places in the event that a third of the toddlers can get a crèche place at 10 billion euros and a further 5 billion euros annually for operating costs. A care allowance of 100 euros per month for each non-use of a daycare place was put at 1.45 billion euros annually in 2007. This does not include the effects on the pension fund (the parental leave should be rated higher than before).

In April 2012, the coalition brought into the discussion that the childcare allowance would be offset against benefits from Hartz IV , similar to that for child allowance and, since January 1, 2011, for parental allowance , whereby the poor would in fact receive no care allowance. In contrast, the childcare allowance in some federal states is a specific benefit that is not taken into account.

chronology

In February 2009 the government agreed to offer parents who do not send their children to a day care center a childcare allowance from 2013 onwards. The agreement was considered a prerequisite for tripling the number of crèche places in the coming years. In accordance with this agreement, Section 16 (4) of Book VIII of the Social Code provides:

"From 2013, a monthly payment (for example childcare allowance) is to be introduced for those parents who do not want or cannot have their children aged one to three years in institutions."

In the justification of the Child Promotion Act it was made clear that the specific design should be clarified by 2013, but the legislature remains free in its decision (BT-Drs. 16/9299). In April 2012, employees and employers warned against a “setback in terms of labor market and education policy”. Numerous women publicly opposed the childcare allowance, including Julia Franck , Gesine Schwan , Frauke Ludowig , Uschi Glas , Gerlinde Unverzagt , Maria von Welser , Lisa Ortgies , Necla Kelek , Ingrid Sehrbrock .

In May 2012 there were state elections ( in Saarland , Schleswig-Holstein , North Rhine-Westphalia ). The "educational salary" became an election issue.

In an interview in April 2012, Horst Seehofer , CSU chairman and Bavarian Prime Minister, indirectly threatened to break the coalition. The SPD and the Greens had previously threatened a constitutional lawsuit against a possible draft law. Family Minister Kristina Schröder (CDU) and Justice Minister Sabine Leutheusser-Schnarrenberger (FDP) announced further exams.

On June 12, 2012, the government parliamentary groups introduced a bill to the Bundestag (see above).

On June 14, 2012, twelve women's associations issued a joint statement appealing to the coalition to abandon the controversial project. International experience has shown that it creates false incentives. Other countries are therefore in the process of abolishing this service. Signed the declaration

There is also resistance in the group of Union women in the Bundestag parliamentary group. In June 2012, the OECD published a study according to which the care allowance makes the integration of immigrants more difficult.

At the beginning of June 2012, a cross-party signature campaign “No to the care allowance” was started, which in the same month collected over 20,000 signatures. The Bundestag should begin the first reading of the law on June 15, 2012. Because the Bundestag no longer had a quorum, this no longer happened.

A few days later, the federal and state national education report appeared . In it, researchers warn urgently against the planned care allowance.

In August 2012, 11 federal state ministers from the ranks of the SPD, the Greens and the Left Party announced that they would not agree to the introduction of a care allowance in the Federal Council . On November 9, 2012, the German Bundestag decided to introduce a childcare allowance for children between 1 and 3 years of age from August 2013. On December 14, 2012, the Federal Council decided not to appeal to the mediation committee on the law; he has thereby approved the law.

The law introducing childcare allowance (Betreuungsgeldgesetz - BetrGeldG) of February 20, 2013 enshrined the childcare allowance in the Federal Parental Allowance and Parental Leave Act. The corresponding regulations came into force on August 1, 2013.

Legal concerns

In legal expert circles, concerns are raised about the constitutionality of the implementation path chosen by the government coalition. According to this, there is neither an exclusive legislative competence of the federal government according to Art. 71 , 73 of the Basic Law (GG), nor a competing competence under Art. 74 (1) No. 7 GG, as there is a need to establish equivalent living conditions in the federal territory according to Art 72 sec. 2 GG is missing.

See also

Individual evidence

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  2. Yes to children, yes to family, yes to paid parenting work! , ODS Saarland ( Links  ( page no longer available , search in web archivesInfo: The link was automatically marked as defective. Please check the link according to the instructions and then remove this note. No longer available@1@ 2Template: Toter Link / www.pds-saar.de  
  3. Family makes you happy . In: Der Spiegel . No. 31 , 2007 ( online - dispute with Ursula von der Leyen and Christa Müller).
  4. Martin Ulrich, The “Trier Model”  ( page no longer available , search in web archivesInfo: The link was automatically marked as defective. Please check the link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. , Website of the ÖDP (accessed October 24, 2006)@1@ 2Template: Toter Link / www.oedp.de  
  5. http://www.oedp.de/programm/grundsatzprogramm/bünden-und-bildung/erziehungsangebote
  6. Verband Familienarbeit e. V. [1]
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  9. Chapter 6. Conceptual alternative to the educational content , in: Mother, Child and Father State: gender-political aspects of the educational content / Barbara Stiegler. (Expertise on women's studies). ISBN 3-86077-783-1 , Electronic ed .: Bonn: FES Library, 1999 (accessed on October 23, 2006)
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  11. ^ The NICHD Study of Early Child Care and Youth Development of the National Institute of Child Health and Development (NICHD), overview ( Memento of August 28, 2008 in the Internet Archive ) and list of publications ( Memento of September 22, 2008 in the Internet Archive ) (accessed on October 6, 2007). See also crèche # Effect of early childhood crèche care and child care # Controversy and the web links referenced there. Compare attachment theory # Modification of Bowlby's concept in recent research .
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