Freedom Party of Austria
|Freedom Party of Austria|
|Federal party chairman||Herbert Kickl|
|Secretary General||Michael Schnedlitz|
|Club chairman||Herbert Kickl|
|Federal Managing Director||Hans Weixelbaum
|founding||3rd November 1955|
|Place of foundation||Vienna|
|Headquarters||Friedrich-Schmidt-Platz 4 / 3a
|National Council mandates|
|Federal Council mandates|
|Seats in state parliaments|
|Government grants||47.8 million euros (2018)|
|Number of members||60,000 according to own information (2017)|
wing populism Right-wing extremism
conservatism EU skepticism
|Mandates in the European Parliament|
|European party||Identity and Democracy Party|
|EP club||Identity and democracy|
The Freedom Party of Austria ( FPÖ ) is a right-wing populist party in Austria that is represented in the National Council , in all nine state parliaments and in many local councils. She describes herself as a representative of the “ Third Camp ” and sees herself in the legacy of the national liberal value system of the bourgeois-democratic revolution of 1848 . She is accused of being close to right-wing extremism .
As a small coalition partner, it has been represented four times in a federal government ( 1983–1986 , 2000–2003 , 2003–2005 , 2017–2019 ). Most recently, in the wake of the Ibiza affair, Chancellor Sebastian Kurz ended the government coalition in May 2019 and said he was aiming for new elections in September 2019 .
In Upper Austria is within the proportional Government a working agreement between FPO and OVP under governor Josef Pühringer or its successor Thomas Stelzer . In the Lower Austrian provincial government Mikl-Leitner II , which is also based on the proportional system , the FPÖ provides a provincial council.
From June 1, 2021, the chairmanship of the party was vacant after the resignation of Norbert Hofer . The official business was led by Harald Stefan on an interim basis. Herbert Kickl was designated as chairman on June 7, 2021 and elected at an extraordinary party congress on June 19, 2021.
The party program “Austria First” was presented on June 20, 2011 in Graz. After Ewald Stadler still spoke of the commitment to “defensive Christianity” at the end of the 1990s , the new version, which was drawn up by Vice-Party Leader Norbert Hofer , refers to the “commitment to our home country Austria” and its affiliation on the "German language, people and culture community" to read. The “historically resident minorities” of Burgenland Croats , Slovenes, Hungarians, Czechs, Slovaks and Roma are seen as “enrichment” and “an integral part of Austria and our national people”. Furthermore, the FPÖ calls itself an advocate of a "Europe of free peoples and fatherlands", of "historically grown peoples and autochthonous ethnic groups" and rejects an "artificial harmonization" of these.
In the 1950s, the FPÖ spoke out in favor of Austria joining the forerunners of today's European Union and in November 1959 submitted an application to the National Council to take suitable steps for joining the European Economic Community (EEC). That is why they refused to join the European Free Trade Association (EFTA). In 1964, the FPÖ included the demand for EEC membership in the party program and at the federal party congress in 1976 they spoke out in favor of Austrian membership in the successor to the European Community (EC), although not much was done to put it on the political agenda put. In 1985, membership was included in the party program. In the public debate about accession to the EU, the FPÖ argued with the advantages of internal market integration and voted in the National Council in 1989 to start accession talks.
In 1991 Jörg Haider initiated a change of position within the party with critical remarks about the EC, which was more or less complete by 1994 and led to the separation of the liberal wing of the party. From then on, people spoke out against joining the EC. In addition to criticism of bureaucracy and alleged "centralism" in the EC, Haider made demands on the federal government in 1992. Only if these are met can he speak out in favor of joining. In addition to Haider, the then General Secretary of the FPÖ, Walter Meischberger , made critical statements, which led to opposing positions within the party. For Georg Mautner Markhof, for example, the change of position was incomprehensible and politically unwise, because the FPÖ was the driving force for joining the EC. The public dispute led in August 1992 to a decision by the FPÖ party executive that they "currently" refuse to join the EC. According to Haider, the federal government should first do its "homework" before approval from the FPÖ can be expected. With the decision, the internal party dispute over positioning was fully flared up and ultimately led to the party split and the establishment of the Liberal Forum (LF) in February 1993. But even after the party split, the internal party conflict could not be completely resolved. In February 1994, with one exception, all MPs of the Vienna FPÖ approved a “Vienna European Declaration” by the SPÖ / ÖVP in the Vienna Landtag. In the run-up to the referendum in Austria on joining the European Union, some top officials spoke out in favor of joining. However, the delegates at the special party conference on April 8, 1994 decided to vote 85.5 percent in the National Council against joining the EU, but not to make a recommendation for the referendum, because the citizens themselves should decide between the arguments of the government and the opposition. Jörg Haider's anti-EU membership line thus became the official party line of the FPÖ. It positioned itself as an opponent of accession, although it was less bothered by the economically liberal orientation of the EU, but by supposed external threats such as cross-border crime.
Today the Freedom Party is seen as skeptical of the EU and advocates a subsidiary Europe. In principle, however, you are against Austria's exit from the EU . If the EU accepts Turkey as a member or if the Union does not seek any reforms in the future with regard to more independence of the individual states, a referendum should decide on Austria's position on the EU. They advocate a common European defense and security policy that is in line with Austrian neutrality . They are in favor of referendums on treaty changes and a greater right of self-determination for the individual member states. In this context, an “artificial synchronization of the diverse European languages and cultures through forced multiculturalism , globalization and mass immigration” is rejected. At the European level, the party is in favor of a partnership agreement with Turkey and rejects its accession to the European Union. The FPÖ takes the view that Turkey is neither culturally nor geographically part of Europe and is not in a position to meet the Copenhagen criteria . The party also speaks out against joining military alliances such as NATO .
Home and Security Policy
The FPÖ is committed to the “protection of Austria's homeland, our national identity and independence”. Traditionally, the principle “Austria is not a country of immigration ” prevails . The implementation of Dublin III and a ban on immigration as well as the automatic deportation of foreigners who have become criminal are called for.
The "community of men and women with common children" is considered to be a family. It is seen as the “natural nucleus” of a “functioning society”. The FPÖ rejects same-sex marriage and a “separate legal institute for same-sex relationships”. In accordance with the principle “Austria is not a country of immigration”, a “birth-oriented family policy” is pursued. In quota regulation and gender mainstreaming , the FPÖ sees the “preference for one gender in order to eliminate actual or supposed inequalities” and rejects this as “an injustice to individual people”.
Environmental and industrial policy
For the then federal party leader of the FPÖ, Heinz-Christian Strache , it has not been proven that humans are largely responsible for climate change . There are scientific studies that see the percentage of human influence on it as so small that climate change does not depend on people. Rather, he referred to studies that said that there is also natural climate change. For the FPÖ regional party leader of Upper Austria , Manfred Haimbuchner , the climate protection requirements in Austria go too far. They would damage Upper Austrian industry and lead to “de-industrialization”. This would also make housing more expensive. For Harald Vilimsky , the Paris climate protection agreement was a "kneel in front of the nuclear lobby". The FPÖ rejects the use of nuclear power to generate energy. In 2019, the new chairman Norbert Hofer announced a change of direction in the liberal environmental policy and described man-made climate change as a major challenge of our time.
Predecessor party VdU
The Association of Independents (VdU) was an amalgamation of different interest groups: In addition to many former National Socialists who did not have the right to vote in the first National Council election after the war in 1945, supporters of the no longer existing Landbund and Greater German People's Party were represented " Third camp " next to the two major parties, the Social Democrats ( SPÖ ) and the Christian Socialists ( ÖVP ), aspired. Conflicts arose over the direction of the party, which led to splits.
Beginnings of the FPÖ
On June 5, 1955, a Freedom Party of Carinthia was founded out of the Carinthian VdU .
After several electoral defeats and internal turbulence, the FPÖ was founded in a constituent meeting on November 3, 1955. The Carinthian Freedom Party added itself to this structure and adapted its name, but remained an independent body. The founding party congress took place in Vienna-Josefstadt on April 7, 1956 , and Anton Reinthaller , a former SS brigad leader who was imprisoned from 1950 to 1953 because of Nazi activities , was elected as the first party chairman. Reinthaller, who had already joined the NSDAP before the “ Anschluss ” of Austria, in 1938 held the position of NS Agriculture Minister in the Anschluss cabinet of Seyß-Inquart and was then a member of the Reichstag until 1945 , declared in his inaugural address: “The essence of the national idea means nothing different as a commitment to belonging to the German people. ”In 1966 a conflict broke out in the party after the party chairman at the time, Friedrich Peter, wanted to strike a balance between national and liberal parts of the party. This endeavor met with criticism from right-wing extremists, especially fraternities in the party, as a result of which the National Democratic Party split off .
For many years the FPÖ only received around 6% of the vote, less than its predecessor VdU. Nevertheless, she was courted by both the SPÖ and the ÖVP as a possible “ tip on the scales ”. In 1970 the FPÖ, at that time under the leadership of Friedrich Peter , a former Waffen SS Obersturmführer, temporarily supported an SPÖ minority government . In the National Council election in 1971 , the SPÖ achieved an absolute majority. In return for the previous support, the SPÖ pushed for a new right to vote that put smaller parties less at a disadvantage. Under party chairman Alexander Götz , the FPÖ became a member of the Liberal International on October 5, 1979 .
At the party congress in 1980, the liberal wing prevailed in a voting vote . After the National Council elections in 1983 (the weakest result in its history: 5.0%), the FPÖ, with Norbert Steger as Vice Chancellor in an SPÖ-FPÖ coalition, was able to achieve government participation for the first time. Steger strove for a more liberal image of the party and wanted to win new groups of voters.
In the years that followed, the FPÖ remained stuck with its Pan-Germanic , German-national roots. Statements in this regard have been documented by both Defense Minister Friedhelm Frischenschlager and Justice Minister Harald Ofner . Frischenschlager also caused international irritation when he greeted the Nazi war criminal Walter Reder with a handshake when he returned to Austria in 1985, at that time Minister of Defense of the Republic . Norbert Burger , former federal chairman of the Ring of Freedom Students , FPÖ member until 1963 and first chairman of the Austrian NDP , which he co-founded in 1967 and banned in 1988 because of National Socialist re- activations , once said of Ofner: “Ofner is a man who [...] in nothing is contrary to our worldview, and who lives and represents what is in our party program, not because he is a secret NDP member, but because he is a real German. "
Profiling under Jörg Haider
Until then, the FPÖ had its strongholds in the fraternity milieu, but now it is increasingly turning to a new clientele. The FPÖ was able to attract new voters, especially in the traditionally socialist working class. Many of the means and slogans that helped Haider to his success were exposed to harsh criticism inside and outside Austria. His preference for the instrument of the popular initiative , xenophobic and racist slogans and, above all, statements about the Nazi regime earned him the reputation of a right-wing populist and demagogue . Haider's 1991 relativization of the National Socialist regime is rated as a key point of an ideological turn to right-wing extremism, in the course of which central positions in the party were filled with right-wing extremist to neo-Nazi people. Haider benefited from the scandalization of Kurt Waldheim's candidacy as Federal President by Austrian and international voices, which was perceived as illegitimate interference in Austria's internal affairs or as the pernicious influence of a “ Jewish world conspiracy ”.
The Austrian referendum, first of the FPÖ, then led to a split in the party in 1993 . Five MPs around Heide Schmidt broke away from the party after a dispute with Jörg Haider and founded the Liberal Forum . This development was preceded by a strengthening of the German national to right-wing extremist sections of the party, which marginalized the liberal wing. The Liberal Forum was represented in the National Council until 1999 . With the exit of the liberal wing, the FPÖ left the Liberal International in 1993 , not least to forestall a threatened exclusion. From 1994 the FPÖ campaigned for a concept called the Third Republic for the restructuring of the state.
From 1998 onwards, the Rosenstingl affair involving the member of the National Council and treasurer of the FPÖ parliamentary club, Peter Rosenstingl, led to a corruption scandal. Rosenstingl had become involved in obscure and non-profitable investments, to support which he sneaked loans from banks using his position and later embezzled funds from the party. Within the FPÖ, references to Rosenstingl's goings-on had been ignored for a long time. Heinrich Haltmeyer , the then vice regional party leader in Lower Austria, informed Haider and the party general secretary Walter Meischberger of his concerns about Rosenstingl and was removed from his offices shortly afterwards. An official working as a lawyer at a bank stated in an affidavit that he had already given a reference to Rosenstingl's malversations in 1997. The then Lower Austrian regional party leader Gratzer then removed the whistleblower from his functions. Haider himself had been informed of Rosenstingl's debts two months before he fled. After the affair became known, the party organs were ignorant, and Haider had it announced that he was in Asia. After his alleged return, Haider stated that he had not known anything about what had happened and, among other things, prompted Gratzer to resign.
Rise to the ruling party
Despite the split from the LF, the FPÖ continued to experience an enormous upswing as an opposition party and became the second strongest party in the 1999 National Council elections with 26.9%. In 2000, a coalition of ÖVP and FPÖ, led by Chancellor Wolfgang Schüssel (ÖVP), took over the government. With Susanne Riess-Passer , the FPÖ provided the Vice Chancellor.
The participation of the FPÖ in government provoked fierce criticism, which culminated in domestic policy in the Thursday demonstrations and in foreign policy in the so-called sanctions of the other 14 EU states against the Austrian federal government.
The FPÖ's thin staffing levels are proving to be a problem. Numerous ministers such as Elisabeth Sickl , Michael Krüger or Michael Schmid had to be replaced after a short time. Because of irreconcilable conflicts between the more moderate wing represented in the government and the supporters of Jörg Haider, who did not hold any government office, two members of the FPÖ government (Susanne Riess-Passer, Karl-Heinz Grasser ) and club chairman Peter Westenthaler resigned in autumn 2002 . This ultimately led to early elections. ( See also Knittelfelder FPÖ Assembly 2002 ).
The coalition passed numerous reforms such as pension reform, liberalization of the trade regulations and the expansion of child benefit. In terms of economic policy, the lead was the ÖVP. The common agenda included, among other things. the forced privatization, a dismantling of the welfare state and the weakening of the social partnership institutions .
Political Crash and Cabinet Bowl II
In the National Council elections in November 2002 , the FPÖ only achieved a 10% share of the vote and 18 members of the National Council (1999: 52). As the third strongest party, it was only just ahead of the Greens . The winner of this election was the coalition partner ÖVP, which has now received 42.3% of the vote. The FPÖ under the leadership of Herbert Haupt again entered into a coalition with the ÖVP, but had to make very large concessions in terms of both personnel and factual matters.
In the course of the second legislative period in particular, the FPÖ was often accused of deviating from its original goals under pressure from the ÖVP. Within the party there was a dispute over the direction of the party, especially after the disastrous election results (with the exception of the state elections in Carinthia ). At the end of October 2003 Herbert Haupt had to resign as Vice Chancellor and was replaced by Hubert Gorbach (Haupt remained Minister of Social Affairs and nominal party leader).
In the 2004 European Parliament elections, the FPÖ suffered the largest loss of votes in the Second Republic in nationwide elections. It fell from 23.4% (1999) to only 6.3%. This meant that she had only one mandate, Andreas Mölzer , who had ousted the top candidate Hans Kronberger in a preferential election campaign . A lawsuit brought before the Constitutional Court by Hans Kronberger, who wanted to take over the parliamentary seat in place of Andreas Mölzer, was unsuccessful for formal reasons (whether it would have been successful without formal violations is disputed, but is mostly denied by constitutional lawyers). Mölzer is considered a representative of the German national wing of the party. After the EU election, Herbert Haupt also had to resign as party leader. At a special party conference on July 3, 2004, Ursula Haubner was elected as the new FP chairwoman with 79 percent. She received the lowest approval of all FP supervisors since her brother Jörg Haider's candidacy against Norbert Steger in 1986.
As part of its participation in the Schüssel II cabinet, the FPÖ got involved in a series of economic scandals, including the BUWOG affair , the Tetron affair , the Eurofighter affair and the telecommunications affair .
On April 4, 2005, the previous top of the FPÖ, including the previous federal party chairwoman Ursula Haubner, Vice Chancellor Hubert Gorbach , parliamentary club chairman Herbert Scheibner and the Carinthian governor Jörg Haider, announced their transfer to a newly founded party called Bündnis Zukunft Österreich (BZÖ). The future of the FPÖ thus seemed uncertain. On an interim basis, the FPÖ's business was led by the Viennese club chairman Hilmar Kabas , who was the oldest member of the federal party executive for years.
On April 23, 2005, Heinz-Christian Strache was elected as the new party chairman. He received 90.1 percent of the vote at the party congress in Salzburg. The new chairman gained notoriety primarily through his conspicuous election campaigns, classified as xenophobic by critics of the FPÖ, which were expressed in posters such as “Vienna must not become Istanbul” or “German instead of understanding”. In addition to Strache, General Secretary Herbert Kickl was also responsible for the recent FPÖ election campaigns.
Most of the regional associations remained in the FPÖ. Only the Carinthian FPÖ Jörg Haiders became (almost) completely part of the BZÖ as Die Freiheitlichen in Kärnten . The FPÖ in Upper Austria under regional chairman Steinkellner initially decided to be independent as the Freedom Party of Upper Austria (FPOÖ), after Steinkellner's resignation in September 2005, however, reintegration negotiations with the federal FPÖ took place, which were successfully concluded in February 2006. The FPÖ in Vorarlberg had also declared itself independent from both the FPÖ and the BZÖ, but also reunited with the Federal FPÖ in spring 2006. In Salzburg , Lower Austria and Burgenland, the entire FPÖ top leadership remained in the party. In Vienna and Styria , the FPÖ state parliament clubs split up shortly after the BZÖ was founded. In Tyrol , the two members of the state parliament had initially converted to the BZÖ, but later founded a state parliament club of the free, which was equally independent of the FPÖ and BZÖ .
In the Styrian state parliament elections on October 2, 2005, the first election since the split , the FPÖ narrowly missed re-entry into the state parliament. Styria was the only federal state in which neither the FPÖ nor the BZÖ were represented in the state parliament. The state elections in Burgenland on October 9, 2005 halved the votes for the FPÖ, but it remained with 2 (previously 4) mandataries in the state parliament. The BZÖ did not take part in Burgenland.
In the 2005 Viennese municipal council election on October 23, 2005, the FPÖ and top candidate Strache received 14.9% of the votes (significantly more than expected in all election forecasts), while the BZÖ, with 1.2% of the votes, clearly failed to make it into the state parliament.
From March 6th to 13th, 2006 - during the Austrian EU Council Presidency - a referendum on EU issues initiated by the FPÖ took place under the title Austria stay free! instead of. It was characterized by the media predominantly as an "anti-EU referendum". The target was set comparatively low with 100,001 votes (with more than 100,000 votes, the referendum must be dealt with in the National Council). With 258,277 supporters or 4.28% of those entitled to register, this goal was exceeded, but landed in 21st place of the 32 plebiscites so far, i.e. in approximately the same strength as earlier plebiscites initiated by the FPÖ, such as in 1987: anti-privilege plebiscite against the amount of the politicians' remuneration - 250,697 / 4.57%, 1997: Schilling referendum against the introduction of the euro - 253,949 / 4.43%, 1997: Atom- free Austria - 248,787 / 4.34%, but z. For example, well before the referendum initiated in 1989 to secure freedom of broadcasting in Austria, which only reached 109,197 / 1.95%. Of the previous FPÖ-initiated referendums, only Austria was first (1993: against EU accession, also apostrophized as the “anti-foreigner referendum”) with 416,531 / 7.35%.
From March 9, 2006, the FPÖ was only represented by two members in the National Council: Barbara Rosenkranz and Reinhard Eugen Bösch . Helene Partik-Pablé , Max Hofmann and Detlev Neudeck left the party due to quarrels regarding the funding of the Freedom Academy (FPÖ educational workshop). By resolution of the federal government, the FPÖ should not receive the legally stipulated funding for the Freedom Academy , since in their opinion the stipulated limit of five members of the National Council was no longer reached. However, it was disputed whether this provision relates to the size of a parliamentary group when the National Council was constituted or whether it should be re-examined every year.
Resurgence in the opposition
In the 2006 National Council election on October 1, the FPÖ under Strache's leadership achieved 11% of the votes, which corresponds to a mandate of 21 members. The BZÖ under the leadership of Peter Westenthaler achieved a share of the votes of 4.1% or 7 mandates.
In the early National Council elections in 2008 , the FPÖ was able to increase its share of the vote to 17.5%.
On December 16, 2009, Uwe Scheuch and Heinz-Christian Strache announced in Vienna that the majority of the leadership of the Carinthian regional group was to be separated from the BZÖ and in future under the name " Die Freiheitlichen in Kärnten (FPK)" as an independent party There would be a cooperation with the FPÖ, as they could no longer support the neoliberal course of BZÖ chairman Josef Bucher . This cooperation was announced by Strache, Scheuch and the new managing Carinthian FPÖ state party leader Christian Leyroutz on June 22, 2010 after the previous chairman of the Carinthian state FPÖ Harald Jannach resigned as FPÖ state party executive because he “ the end of the independence of the FPÖ-Carinthia ”. The aim of this cooperation was to reunite the “liberal camp” and to work together on all levels, whereby the FPK retains its independence at the state and municipal level.
In the Vienna state and municipal council elections in 2010 , the FPÖ received 25.77% of the votes cast, making it the second strongest party. The top candidate was again Heinz-Christian Strache.
Following the example of other far-right parties , the FPÖ began to position itself as an anti-Islamic party. Criticism of Islam and the warning of the feared “ Islamization ” of Austria (according to its own statements, the fight against “Islamic extremism”) were an important topic in the election campaigns of recent years . After the attacks in Oslo and Utøya in 2011 , the FPÖ came under media pressure because some of its members such as Elisabeth Sabaditsch-Wolff, Susanne Winter and Werner Königshofer published anti-Islamic texts on the Internet or belonged to right-wing extremist Facebook groups. After the National Council member Königshofer, on his side, compared the Breivik terrorist attack with the abortion of children, he was expelled from the party.
In the state elections in Carinthia in 2013 , the FPK achieved the largest loss of votes by a party in the history of the Second Republic, with a loss of 28.74 percentage points. The election result led to a power struggle between the FPÖ and the FPK. The Federal FPÖ demanded that the FPK MPs Dörfler, Dobernig and Anton renounce their state parliament mandates. The three MPs refused, which led to a split in the FPK, which subsequently briefly lost its club status in the state parliament. On June 28, 2013, the FPK merged with the FPÖ.
Andreas Mölzer, next to Harald Vilimsky, the FPÖ's top candidate for the 2014 European elections , compared the European Union with the Third Reich during a panel discussion and spoke of a “Negro conglomerate” in this context. Because of these and other statements, Mölzer finally resigned as the top candidate on April 8, with Vilimsky becoming the sole top candidate. In the election on May 25, 2014, the FPÖ received 19.7 percent (+7.0) of the votes and was thus able to double its number of mandates to four.
In the state elections in Styria on May 31, 2015, the FPÖ more than doubled its share of the vote and thus almost caught up with the SPÖ and ÖVP. On the same day, the state elections were held in Burgenland , in which the FPÖ reached 15 percent. After the election, the SPÖ and FPÖ agreed to form a red-blue coalition under governor Hans Niessl , which was very controversial in the SPÖ . His deputy was the chairman of the Burgenland FPÖ Johann Tschürtz . Within the state government, the FPÖ provides two of a total of seven state councils.
In June 2015, after a conflict between Strache and Karl Schnell in Salzburg , there was a split in the party. The split led by Schnell, which initially appeared under the name Die Freiheitlichen in Salzburg , was joined by four of the five FPÖ MPs in the Salzburg state parliament, as well as two members of the National Council and one member of the Federal Council.
In the state elections in Upper Austria in 2015 , the FPÖ doubled its share of the vote and reached over 30 percent. After the election, the ÖVP and FPÖ agreed on a labor agreement within the Upper Austrian provincial government , which was based on the proportional system, and FPÖ provincial party chairman Manfred Haimbuchner was deputy governor. The FPÖ achieved a similarly high result as in Upper Austria two weeks later in the state and municipal council elections in Vienna , with 34 out of a total of 100 MPs, the FPÖ is entitled to appoint one of the two vice mayors, this position was taken over by Johann Gudenus .
In the federal presidential election in Austria 2016 , 35 percent of the votes fell on the FPÖ candidate Norbert Hofer in the first ballot . The FPÖ thus achieved first place or a relative majority in a nationwide election for the first time. In the runoff election, however, Norbert Hofer lost 49.7 percent to Alexander Van der Bellen , who was supported by the Greens and received 50.3 percent. However, after a challenge brought by the FPÖ by the Constitutional Court due to violations of the law in the counting of postal votes and possible influencing of voters through prematurely published partial results, the runoff election was canceled and was repeated on December 4, 2016. In this election too, Hofer was defeated by his opponent Van der Bellen, but the defeat was more pronounced than in the runoff election in May. Since no new Federal President could initially be sworn in after Heinz Fischer's term of office , the committee of the three National Council presidents , to which the liberal candidate Norbert Hofer belonged, carried out his duties on an interim basis until Van der Bellen was sworn in on January 26, 2017.
Election 2017 and renewed participation in government
In the early National Council election in 2017 , the FPÖ achieved the second-best result in party history with 26.0% and 51 mandates, but remained in third place behind the strengthened ÖVP under Sebastian Kurz and the stagnating SPÖ under Christian Kern . A participation of the Freedom Party in government was already considered likely in the run-up to the election.
Shortly after the election, the ÖVP began coalition negotiations with the FPÖ, and on December 18, 2017, the Federal Government Kurz I was appointed and sworn in by the Federal President. The FPÖ received six of fourteen ministries, including interior , foreign and national defense . Heinz-Christian Strache became Vice Chancellor.
In the following four state elections in spring 2018, the FPÖ was able to gain votes across the board. In Lower Austria, the company returned to the regional government, which was occupied according to the proportional system, and Gottfried Waldhäusl became the regional councilor . The election campaign had previously been overshadowed by the affair of the Germania zu Wiener Neustadt songbook around top candidate Udo Landbauer . In Salzburg, the gains were comparatively low, probably also due to the appearance of the Free Party of Salzburg , which narrowly failed to make it into the state parliament with 4.5%.
Ibiza affair 2019 and its consequences
After the publication of a video showing Heinz-Christian Strache and Johann Gudenus in the summer of 2017 while negotiating the questionable award of state contracts and circumventing the party financing law as well as being ready for corruption, they resigned from their government or party offices. As a result, Chancellor Sebastian Kurz declared the coalition with the FPÖ to be over and announced new elections . After the FPÖ had lost almost ten percentage points in the National Council election at the end of September 2019 with a share of the vote of 16.17 percent and allegations against Strache for payments he had received from the party (10,000 euros per month and 2,500 euros in rent subsidy per month), and because of suspected wrong accounting of expenses had become loud, Strache ended his political career on October 1 and left his party membership - which is not possible according to the party statutes. In a meeting of the party executive, Strache was suspended on the same day. After further controversial statements made by Strache on Facebook or during public appearances, he was expelled from the party on December 13, 2019.
On December 12, 2019, the three Viennese councilors and state parliament members Karl Baron , Dietrich Kops and Klaus Handler resigned from the FPÖ and founded the party Die Allianz für Österreich (DAÖ) as well as their own state parliament club.
After the resignation of Norbert Hofer , Herbert Kickl was elected federal party chairman with 88.24 percent of the votes at an extraordinary party congress on June 19, 2021 . Udo Landbauer became the new deputy .
State party leaders currently in office, as of June 2021:
- Burgenland: Alexander Petschnig
- Carinthia: Erwin Angerer (executive)
- Lower Austria: Udo Landbauer
- Upper Austria: Manfred Haimbuchner
- Salzburg: Marlene Svazek
- Styria: Mario Kunasek
- Tyrol: Markus Abwerzger
- Vorarlberg: Christof Bitschi
- Vienna: Dominik Nepp
Freedom Parliamentary Club
The Parliamentary Club of the FPÖ brings together the members of the National Council, Federal Council and European Parliament. Club director is Norbert Nemeth . From 2017 the club chairman was Walter Rosenkranz, the managing club chairman was Johann Gudenus until May 18, 2019, who resigned his political functions after the Ibiza affair and resigned from the party. There are five deputies or area spokespersons. On May 27, 2019, Norbert Hofer was elected as club chairman and Herbert Kickl as managing club chairman.
The FPÖ has a number of apron organizations , all of which have a federal organization, but not necessarily a nationwide presence in all federal states. Membership in one of these organizations does not necessarily include party membership.
- Action Group for Independent and Freedom Party (AUF)
- Christian-liberal platform for a free Europe of sovereign peoples (CFP)
- FPÖ educational institute
- Free peasantry
- Freelance workers (FA)
- Freedom Family Association (FFV)
- Freedom of the Austrian Teachers Association (FLV)
- Freedom Association of Community Representatives
- Initiative of Freedom Women (IFF)
- Austrian Senior Citizens' Ring (ÖSR)
- Ring Freedom Youth Austria (RFJ)
- Ring of Freedom Students (RFS)
- Ring of Freedom of the Economy (RFW)
- Free student ring
The working group of the Freedom Academic Associations of Austria (FAV) and their regional associations are also close to the FPÖ . The General Austrian Farmers' Association was also close to the FPÖ.
As of the end of May 2018, three of these country (group) associations are co-owners of Aula-Verlag , Graz. (36.8% FAV Styria, 21.6% FAV W / NÖ / Bgld., Just under 9% FAV Carinthia = totaled around 67.2%). The FAV Steiermark acted (most recently) until the same point in time as the media owner of the magazine “ Die Aula ”, which appeared from 1951 to June 2018 . Statements in this magazine, including in articles written by FPÖ politicians, repeatedly received massive criticism, at the end of May 2018 also from the FPÖ up to Norbert Hofer . The FAV Steiermark is planning a successor magazine, which should appear from autumn 2018. The first edition of the “ Freilich ” magazine then appeared in December 2018.
Numerous members of the FPÖ with a university background are or were members of fraternities . In the 23rd legislative period (2006 to 2008) were of the 21 Members of Parliament of the Freedom Party, according to the Center of Austrian Resistance (DÖW) Documentation Archives ten member a beating student or student association , including Martin Graf and FPÖ club director Norbert Nemeth .
In the 26th legislative period after the 2017 National Council election , 20 of 51 of the FPÖ MPs (40 percent) were members of German national fraternities. Four of Strache's five deputies were corporates. They were represented in five ministries of the Republic of Austria.
“Under the FPÖ chairman Heinz-Christian Strache, the first fraternity member in this position since Jörg Haider, members of ethnic groups have probably acquired the greatest influence in the entire history of the party. An absolute majority of the members of the federal party executive (22 out of 37) belong to fraternities, corps, girls' associations or other German national connections. "( Alexandra Kurth, Bernd Weidinger : Federal Center for Political Education, 2017)
The participation of the Freedom Party in government goes hand in hand with the fact that "the actions of their exponents are being examined more closely," wrote Meret Baumann in a comment in the NZZ on the occasion of the discovery of anti-Semitic stanzas in a songbook of the fraternity Germania zu Wiener Neustadt , the leading representative of the FPÖ top candidate in Lower Austria, Udo Landbauer was. The fact is, according to Baumann, “that racist , anti-Semitic and allusions that glorify the Nazi regime are repeatedly made public in connection with the fraternities in Germany . When Strache always argues that one is orienting oneself on the liberal ideals of the fraternities in the revolution of 1848, it is being played down. His latest statement that fraternities have nothing to do with the FPÖ is simply wrong. The party has had a loyal electorate in its connections for decades and uses it as a personnel reserve, ”as Strache himself would have explained in an interview.
Voters and members
Some political scientists and opinion pollers comment on the sociological composition of the FPÖ's voters as follows:
According to Anton Pelinka , the voters of the FPÖ are made up of those who allow themselves to be addressed by national-conservative ideas and who do not belong to the winners of modernization and globalization. These “ modernization losers ” are said to be more susceptible to right-wing extremist ideas, especially in connection with migration. After the split in the party, the FPÖ and BZÖ have been fighting for this group of voters since 2005 .
Fritz Plasser is of the opinion that only 40 percent of the FPÖ voters are so-called “core voters” who feel ideologically stable as belonging to the Third Camp . The majority of voters are protest voters who vote for the FPÖ because of its populist politics.
According to the political scientist Peter Filzmaier , people with compulsory schooling and apprenticeships as well as men are disproportionately represented in the FPÖ electorate. Increasingly, parts of the formerly classic SPÖ workforce would migrate to the FPÖ.
The FPÖ appeals to a disproportionate extent to young voters, some of whom have distanced themselves from the party in the course of the increasing radicalization of the party.
The social and opinion researcher Eva Zeglovits from the social research institute SORA also confirmed the fact that the proportion of votes for the FPÖ is lower, the higher the level of education of the voters. She added that "those young people who are themselves less educated or come from a poorly educated family tend to vote for the FPÖ."
According to a survey of 2000 people in 2010, the FPÖ was voted more often than the average by immigrants from the former Yugoslavia, for whom it received 27 percent. This makes the party the second strongest force behind the SPÖ in this group. This can be traced back to the fact that Heinz-Christian Strache had specifically advertised for voters of Serbian origin in his election campaigns. Since the mid-2000s, he has been wearing a brojanica , a Serbian Orthodox prayer chain, on public appearances and in election posters. According to the social researcher Christoph Hofinger , the value for 2010 is comparatively low, as this migrant group is normally a stronghold for the FPÖ. In all other migrant groups, the FPÖ is well below the overall result of the 2008 National Council election.
National Council election results since 1956
|year||Number of votes||Share of votes||Seats|
|federal state||Share of votes||Seats||Provincial Councils|
European election results since 1996
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In the standard work right-wing extremism in Austria after 1945 from 1981 (5th edition ) published by the Documentation Archive of the Austrian Resistance (DÖW) , the historian and right-wing extremism researcher Wolfgang Neugebauer examines the extent to which the FPÖ has developed "from right-wing extremism to liberalism" At that time, in addition to “national right-wing to right-wing extremists”, there were also “democratic and liberal forces”. Although the FPÖ has “right-wing extremist origins”, it was integrated into the “parliamentary-democratic system” in the 1960s. However, the party never got rid of the “right-wing extremist forces and tendencies” and so the “breakthrough of liberalism” examined could only be answered with a wait-and-see and indifferent yes (in the 3rd edition 1979 the subject of the investigation was Neugebauer: “Between right-wing extremists and liberal"). Following this, Wolfgang Neugebauer and Brigitte Bailer , also a historian, in an article published in 1993 in the Handbook of Austrian Right-Wing Extremism , detailed the development of the FPÖ "From Liberalism to Right-Wing Extremism": In it, the authors come to the conclusion that after 1986 the " German national right to right-wing extremist forces clearly achieved hegemony ”. The "mainstream of the FPÖ represented by Haider [was] to be qualified as right-wing extremists". The FPÖ is "by far the most important force in the spectrum of Austrian right-wing extremism" and "the strongest and most successful right-wing extremist party" at European level. Bailer & Neugebauer speak (with many examples) of a “right-wing extremist environment” of the FPÖ, the party “integrates” right-wing extremists, functionaries attract attention through “right-wing extremist statements and actions” or have “contacts  with right-wing extremism”. Later (2000) - in the course of the FPÖ's participation in government (see Federal Government Schüssel I ) - the authors confirmed their classification of the early 1990s in a joint article and described the FPÖ as a “right-wing extremist and xenophobic party”.
The FPÖ is listed in the right-wing extremism manual by the German criminalist and right-wing extremism expert Bernd Wagner (1994). Since 1986 the party has represented a “ national community ideology ”. The “populist” Haider with his party, which had turned his back on liberals, “has become a role model and bearer of hope for right-wing extremists and right-wing extremists in Europe”.
The Italian political scientist Piero Ignazi , who slightly renamed his classification system for extreme right-wing parties in 1994, classified the FPÖ, which had previously moved on the borderline, into the category of “post-industrial extreme right parties”; In doing so, he distinguished them from the second category, “Traditional extreme right parties”.
Christopher C. Husband (1996), British political sociologist, assigns the party to right-wing extremism in a special right-wing extremism issue of the Political Quarterly , and even describes it as the “most successful example in Western Europe”.
According to the historian and political scientist Doris Sottopietra (1998), who wrote a study on right-wing populism, the FPÖ under Haider was a “right-wing populist right-wing extremist party”.
In the same year the article Women and Right-Wing Extremism in Austria appeared , in which the social scientist Brigitte Bailer and the political scientist Karin Liebhart identified the FPÖ as “the central force of Austrian right-wing extremism”.
The German political scientist Harald Bergsdorf (2000) argues that the FPÖ under federal party leader Jörg Haider could be called “populist” and “right-wing extremist”. In particular, their "way of agitation" is significant.
In 2001, the sociologist Max Preglau came to the conclusion in a specialist article on the Haider-FPÖ that the party was “apparently” postmodern-populist in style, ideologically and socio-politically but also in the wake of the black-blue government coalition as “tending to be right-wing extremists Party ”must be understood.
Oliver Geden (2004), German social scientist and right-wing populism researcher, explains the classification in a qualitative-empirical study of “constructions of masculinity” in the FPÖ: “Depending on the respective analysis and conceptual framework, it will either be right-wing populist, right-wing extremist or part of a new one radical right ”. He also makes it clear that "according to the determining elements of right-wing extremist ideology", even after Haider's term in office, it was "justified to classify the FPÖ from an ideological point of view as a right-wing extremist party". The FPÖ is ultimately to be judged as "right-wing extremist and right-wing populist"; Geden alludes to Cas Mudde , who sees strong overlaps in the terms.
The German right-wing extremism researchers Siegfried Jäger and Alfred Schobert (2006) from the Duisburg Institute for Linguistic and Social Research (DISS), which works with discourse analysis, assess the party's classification in right-wing populism as "trivializing" in a contribution on Griffin's concept of fascism. Rather, the FPÖ pursues völkisch-nationalist goals or is right-wing extremist.
The right-wing extremism researcher Heribert Schiedel , employee of the DÖW, already identified the FPÖ in an article written in 2003 together with the social scientist Samuel Salzborn in right-wing extremism. Schiedel then went into his book The Right Edge: Extremist Minds in Our Society (2007) in the course of the spin-off of the BZÖ, the question "The FPÖ: Between right-wing extremism and neo-Nazism?" First he referred to a regression towards right-wing populism at the end of the 1990s. Until before the party broke, the FPÖ was "a reservoir [...] of differently oriented political currents on a German national or ethnic basis, which moved between the [...] Poles of right-wing extremism and [...] liberalism". Both currents were not equally strong, however, and liberalism primarily meant economic liberalism. At that time, Schiedel classified the FPÖ as a “modernized  variety of right-wing extremism”. Haider, who also tried to "expand the political spectrum" out of tactical considerations, led the party in an authoritarian manner; in the end there was a dispute over the direction and a split. The party made a “shift to the right” and has become a “fraternity party”. In several examples, Schiedel showed an "increasing blurring of boundaries between organized right-wing extremism and neo-Nazism", with the FPÖ publicly distancing itself from neo-Nazis. In 2014, Schiedel stated: Today the FPÖ can only be described as “right-wing extremist”, even “tactical electoral straightening of the front” did nothing to change that. In 2017, Schiedel attested to the party “fueled irrationalism ”, “ neurotic scare tactics” and “authoritarian-rebellious irritation”.
The German political scientist Richard Stöss (2010) also classifies the FPÖ as right-wing extremist in his study right-wing extremism in transition . It was a border area between “nationalistic and xenophobic, more in line with the system” and “nationalistic and folkish, more critical of the system”, but then developed further to the right. As early as 2006, in a joint article with the German political scientists Oskar Niedermayer and Melanie Haas, he described the party as right-wing extremist. There has been a development from national conservative to right-wing liberal to right-wing extremist.
The political scientist Philipp Mittnik (2010) examined radicalization tendencies in the FPÖ under the federal party leader Strache and came to the conclusion that this would be "clearly a right-wing extremist party".
The German political scientists Eckhard Jesse and Tom Thieme (2011) classify the FPÖ as right-wing extremist in the overview work Extremism in the EU countries . According to an analysis by Florian Hartleb , the party was oriented “radically right-wing populist” by Haider; Hartleb assigns it to a “soft right-wing extremism” in the Jesse & Thieme volume.
While the German political scientist Michael Minkenberg , who attributes the FPÖ to the right-wing radical party family, still focused on the “authoritarian-populist right” in 2011, he classified the party as early as 2013 with the right-wing “ ethnocentric right”, which was racist or xenophobic for him , but not fascist.
According to the political scientist Anton Pelinka (2013), the FPÖ represents the “continuation of the German-ethnic tradition”. It can be characterized as both “right-wing extremist” and “right-wing populist” because it combines both elements. Pelinka therefore classifies Austrian right-wing extremism (not prepared to use violence) as “particularly strong”.
The social scientist Samuel Salzborn classifies the FPÖ as a “right-wing extremist party with an emphatically populist image”, which “has long since established itself as a force of anti-democrats in Austria's democratic system”.
Until 2009, the FPÖ followed an anti- Israel course and expressed itself on various occasions in a pro-Arab or pro-Palestinian manner. 2010 marked the turning point and the beginning of a pro-Israel stance on the part of the FPÖ. This new course, according to Embacher / Edtmaier / Preitschopf, caused by the attempt to demonstrate "salon" and / or government ability , could be accused of anti-Semitism against Muslims and parts of the left "in an ideal way with anti-Muslim campaign rhetoric connect ”, but“ in no way led to a departure from anti-Semitic and revisionist provocations ”. This new role of the party is rejected by the Israelitische Kultusgemeinde Wien with references to the anti-Semitic and NS-relativizing past and present of numerous party functionaries and members.
Examples of the orientation of the party
Links to right-wing extremism, documented in the Handbook of German Right-Wing Extremism published by Jens Mecklenburg in 1996: In 1986 the then editor of the FPÖ weekly newspaper Kärntner Nachrichten , Andreas Mölzer , appeared as an author in the publication NHB-report of the right-wing National Democratic University Association (NHB) . In 1993 the sociologist and right-wing extremist author Robert Hepp from Germany gave a lecture at the Freedom Education Center of the FPÖ.
According to specialist literature, the FPÖ foreigners' initiative “ Austria first ” of 1992/93 was “actively” supported by the “entire right-wing extremist  or neo-Nazi  scene”, such as the Deutsche National-Zeitung .
In the so-called “ Wise Report ”, which examined the “development of the political nature of the FPÖ” after the controversial entry into government of the FPÖ in 2000 on behalf of the “EU-14” , it is described as a “right-wing populist party with extremist language” .
On the occasion of a special party conference on May 6, 2006, the former FPÖ district councilor Walter Sucher, old man of the Olympia fraternity and chairman of the ring of popular associations , caused criticism from political opponents with his speech, as he demonstratively greeted his party colleagues with " Heil " . Both the Olympics and the ring of popular associations are classified as right-wing extremists by the documentation archive of the Austrian resistance .
The FPÖ caused a stir at the constituent meeting of the National Council after the 2006 election, when all mandataries of the Freedom Party wore the cornflower (the mandataries of the Social Democrats wore red carnations , those of the Christian Democratic People's Party wore white roses). Of the cornflower, already at the time of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy as a symbol flower of the Pan-German movement of Georg von Schönerer the traditional insignia of the "third camp" was created by the illegal Nazis in Austria in the period 1933-1938 because of the swastika chosen -Verbotes as a substitute symbol . It is also the symbol of the right-wing extremist BDJ ( Bund Deutscher Jugend ).
On November 7th, 2006, the member of the National Council, Wolfgang Zanger (FPÖ) , caused a stir with his statement "Of course there were good sides to the Nazi regime, but we all no longer hear them" . The FPÖ party leader then made it clear that Zanger had been “washed his head” because of his statement . Zanger made a clarification and distanced himself from the Nazi era. Strache: "We take note of the apology, such a statement must never occur again."
In 2006 the Federal Councilor John Gudenus (former FPÖ member) was convicted for questioning the existence of gas chambers in the Third Reich. Gudenus had also played down the conditions in the Mauthausen concentration camp during the time of National Socialism .
During a TV discussion with SPÖ boss Werner Faymann on September 16, 2008, Strache demanded the abolition of the prohibition law , by which National Socialist re-engagement is a punishable offense. He argued that "in a democracy, one cannot fight idiot and crazy opinions with an unconditional punishment, but must fight with arguments."
In September 2008, a delegation from the FPÖ led by General Secretary Harald Vilimsky and the EU MP Andreas Mölzer took part in a European anti-Islamization congress in Cologne , which was organized by the extreme right-wing citizens' movement pro Cologne .
On October 21, 2009, the FPÖ, like the BZÖ, voted in the National Council against the repeal of Nazi judgments against deserters of the German armed forces and other victims of Nazi justice.
The former 3rd President of the National Council, Martin Graf, is a member of the Vienna Academic Fraternity Olympia, which the DÖW classifies as right-wing extremist . The orders of two of his office employees in the office of the 3rd President of the National Council during the extreme right-wing riot dispatch sparked criticism from the Greens.
According to right-wing extremism researcher Andreas Peham (DÖW), 15 members of the FPÖ National Council were active in fraternities in 2009 that operate “at the interface between right-wing extremism, legal German nationalism and (neo) Nazism”.
In August 2017, the Mauthausen Committee Austria published a brochure entitled “The FPÖ and right-wing extremism: Loud individual cases?”, In which 59 right-wing extremist incidents within the FPÖ from 2013 to July 2017 were documented. The committee answered the eponymous question with: “Individual cases, yes. But not rare or atypical. Right-wing extremist statements and actions occur constantly and at all levels in the FPÖ. ”Eight weeks after the publication of the brochure, the Mauthausen Committee reported nine further“ individual cases ”.
The list of right-wing extremist and neo-Nazi incidents in the FPÖ shows the individual cases documented by the Mauthausen Committee and others from renowned media.
International relations with parties and political groups
The FPÖ maintains contacts with various European parties and political groupings from the right-wing and far-right political spectrum. The strongest cooperation is currently with the South Tyrolean sister party die Freiheitliche , which also has a seat and vote in party committees of the FPÖ, the Vlaams Belang in Belgium and the pro-movement in Germany. A central networking body was the Identity, Tradition, Sovereignty group in the European Parliament , which also included the French Front National and the Koalizija Ataka . Loose contacts also exist with the Swiss People's Party , whose campaigns and forms of action are increasingly geared to the FPÖ.
In autumn 2010 the European Alliance for Freedom was founded with the participation of the FPÖ , which was officially recognized as a political party at European level in February 2011 . The FPÖ has been working with the Slovak National Party since summer 2011 .
In 2012 a delegation of the FPÖ visited the Chechen President Ramzan Akhmatovich Kadyrov and denied the existence of human rights violations in Chechnya. In 2014, delegates from the FPÖ took part as observers in the vote on the annexation of Crimea by Russia. In May 2014, Strache and Gudenus took part in a conference with Alexander Dugin and Konstantin Malofejew in Vienna , at which the expansion of Russian influence in Europe was discussed. In June 2014, the FPÖ declared its support for Russia's position in relation to the Crimean crisis . In September 2014, Johann Gudenus took part in a conference in Moscow, organized by people close to the United Russia party , at which he criticized the EU's policy towards Russia and the activities of a “gay lobby”.
In 2013 the FPÖ and the Front National presented a “Manifesto” in the European Parliament for a joint group of MPs from right-wing parties, including MPs from the Vlaams Belang . The FPÖ is connected to the Front National through a "long-standing friendship". In autumn 2014, Strache took part in a party congress. In October 2014 the FPÖ, Front National, Vlaams Belang and politicians from the Lega Nord founded a European party with the Movement for a Europe of Nations and Freedom ( Identity and Democracy Party since 2019 ) . In June 2015, the members of these parties, together with members of the Dutch PVV von Geert Wilders and the Polish Congress of the New Right, founded a parliamentary group in the European Parliament called Europe of Nations and Freedom (ENF).
In December 2016 in Moscow, the top of the FPÖ signed a cooperation agreement with the United Russia party that was agreed in November with the aim of "strengthening friendship and educating the young generation in the spirit of patriotism and the joy of work".
- Well-known (former) members of the FPÖ
- FPÖ member of the Austrian National Council (26th legislative period)
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- Farid Hafez : From “Judaization” to “Islamist Party”. New Islamophobic discourse strategies of the FPÖ in the context of the Vienna election campaign . In: Yearbook for Islamophobia Research 2011: 83-98.
- Oliver Geden: Discourse strategies in right-wing populism. Freedom Party of Austria and Swiss People's Party between opposition and government participation . VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften 2006. ISBN 3-531-15127-4 .
- Oliver Geden: Constructions of masculinity in the Freedom Party of Austria. A qualitative empirical study . Leske + Budrich, Opladen 2004. ISBN 3-8100-4100-9 .
- Stephan Grigat (ed.): AfD & FPÖ. Anti-Semitism, ethnic nationalism and gender images . Nomos, Baden-Baden 2017, ISBN 978-3-8487-3805-2 .
- Reinhard C. Heinisch : The FPÖ - a phenomenon in international comparison. Success and failure of right-wing populism . In: Austrian Journal for Political Science 3/2004: 247-261.
- Lothar Höbelt : From the fourth party to the third force. The history of the VdU . Leopold Stocker Verlag , Graz 1999. ISBN 3-7020-0866-7 .
- Kurt Richard Luther: The Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ) and the Alliance for the Future of Austria (BZÖ) . In: Herbert Dachs et al. (Ed.): Politics in Austria. The manual. Manz: Vienna 2006, 364-388.
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- Web presence of the FPÖ
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