Holocaust denial

A memorial of the Holocaust: Photo of the gatehouse of the Auschwitz-Birkenau concentration camp , view from the inside after the liberation by the Red Army on January 27, 1945. Photo by Stanisław Mucha

As a Holocaust denial is referred to the denial or substantial trivializing the Nazi genocide of European Jews . Holocaust deniers coined the expression "Auschwitz lie" , which became a synonym for their denial. The name of the largest extermination camp, Auschwitz, stands for the entire Holocaust.

Contrary to the established historical facts, the deniers claim that the murder of about six million Jews planned and systematically carried out by the Nazi regime and aimed at extermination did not take place. At most a few hundred thousand Jews were killed in World War II as opponents of the war or died from accidental war circumstances, such as epidemics . At the same time, the deniers deny or keep silent about the genocide of the Roma ( Porajmos ).

Holocaustleugnung since 1945 is an integral part of the extreme right ideologies and closely related to the present antisemitism and the NS-time -related revisionism connected. Some French representatives of negationism were originally left-wing. Like the Islamists, they represent radical, anti-Semitic anti - Zionism . The deniers call themselves “revisionists” and present their texts as research contributions, but present pseudoscientific historical falsification in the service of hate propaganda against Holocaust victims and their descendants . They have become increasingly networked since the 1970s and also run international propaganda campaigns.

The New Right is putting the Holocaust into perspective, making use of some of the methods and arguments of the deniers. Both sometimes support each other in order to gain a sovereignty to interpret the Nazi past. Right-wing authors create respect for right-wing extremist pseudo-rationality by blurring the lines between fact and fiction.

The Holocaust Research rejects open-ended debates on with deniers about their evident false claims, so as not to enhance research contributions. She confronts them with clarification of the facts.

Some states tolerate Holocaust denial as part of the freedom of expression they define . In other countries, including all German-speaking countries, it is a criminal offense . For the respective state legal situation see laws against Holocaust denial , for persons see list of Holocaust deniers .

Motives and goals

Hitler's order to keep the Holocaust secret, July 11, 1943

During the Holocaust itself, the perpetrators began to hide the crime so that they could later deny it. From 1942 onwards, the Nazi regime deliberately had the evidence destroyed in order to cover up the perpetrators and to erase the memories of them with the victims. It also ordered and used a camouflage language, such as “evacuation” for deportation, “special treatment” for murder and “final solution” for the extermination of all accessible European Jews. After the German Wehrmacht was on the defensive in 1943, the Nazi regime feared that advancing Soviet troops would soon encounter evidence of the Nazi murders. From June 1943, the large-scale " Special Campaign 1005 " began. Corpses at sites of mass murder in the Soviet Union were dug up, cremated and the ashes removed. Orders for mass murder were often only given orally, and written documents on this were deliberately destroyed on the orders of the Nazi regime. From November 1944 the crematoria and gas chambers in the Auschwitz-Birkenau concentration camp were destroyed. All of this made it difficult to reconstruct the Nazi crimes and to punish the perpetrators after the war.

According to Primo Levi , perpetrators of the Waffen-SS mocked the inmates of an extermination camp:

“However the war ends, we have won the war against you; none of you will be left to testify; but even if someone were left, the world would not believe him. There may be suspicions, discussions, historical research, but there will be no certainty because we are destroying the evidence with you. And even if there is evidence here and there and some of you survive, it will be said that the events you describe are too monstrous to be believed. They will say that it is an exaggeration of Allied propaganda and we will be believed because we will deny everything. We will be the ones who dictate the history of the camps. "

Most of the deniers did not experience the Nazi era , but they represent similar or identical ideologies. Their common characteristic is anti-Semitism. According to historians and educationalists in the USA, their main goals are: to reduce public sympathy for Jews, to gain approval and legitimacy for their own extreme ideas, to rehabilitate racial theories of the "Aryan race" , to destroy the state of Israel . Neo-Nazis openly acknowledge that they deny the Holocaust in order to make National Socialism politically acceptable again.

Holocaust denial is not necessarily right-wing extremist, but can only argue with classic anti-Semitic stereotypes and conspiracy theories . It is based on the fiction of a “ world Jewry ” that staged a worldwide historical fraud and maintained it in order to implement its dark agenda. Some deniers claim that Jews planned and directed the Holocaust themselves in order to obtain reparations and increase Western support for Israel. Anti-Semitic conspiracy theories, pseudoscience, historical revisionism, and extremism belong to every variant of denial. Many deniers refer to the anti-Semitic inflammatory pamphlet " Protocols of the Elders of Zion " from 1918.

In the perpetrators' countries of origin, such as Germany and Austria, the Holocaust deniers are concerned with defending against and reversing guilt. In addition, they claim that Jews brought about or invented their own extermination in order to morally blackmail the world and exploit it financially. They used the Holocaust for political advantages, tabooed criticism of it and thus caused anti-Semitism itself. These stereotypes adapt well-known images such as that “the Jew” is a “greedy parasite ” and “cunning liar” to the current situation. German right-wing extremists in particular represent a backward-looking, aggressive nationalism . They see the Nazi crimes as an obstacle to “German identity” and national pride, and excuse their perpetrators, pioneers and helpers. They deny the extent and special features of the Holocaust in order to end reparations and claim former eastern territories of the German Reich .

The Holocaust relativization equates the Holocaust with other mass crimes or mass deaths in order to assert moral equivalence. The Allies had constructed the singularity of the Holocaust in order to divert attention from their own crimes and to make criticism of them taboo. Like Nazi propaganda , right-wing extremist Holocaust relativists invent or exaggerate allied war crimes and mass murders. To offset and reverse guilt, they refer to the air raids on Dresden as a “bomb holocaust” against the Germans, and to this end they adhere to historically refuted, far excessive numbers of victims. You speak of a " victorious justice " after 1945, deny the legality of all Nazi trials and your own criminal prosecution. They assume that their opponents represent a permanent collective guilt of the Germans, which can only be shaken off by denying the Holocaust. They claim that the culture of remembrance of the Nazi crimes is a " guilt cult " that the Allies imposed on the Germans in order to permanently weaken their self-confidence, to fear other states from them and to be able to control them better. Anyone who then remembers the Holocaust appears as a “nest defiler” with a disturbed relationship to their own people. Behind this is the “ healthy public sentiment ” propagated by the National Socialists , which does not sympathize with the victims, not even the German Jews among them, and does not raise any critical distance from the perpetrators.

The suppression of the Nazi era, the “line of sight” mentality and the defense against memory favor this. The scope and implementation of the Holocaust were so extraordinary that it remains unimaginable for many that humans were capable of it. This psychological motif follows on from claims made by many Germans after 1945, such as the phrase “We didn't know anything about it” , and it is also determined by later generations with little knowledge of the Nazi era. According to a global study by the Anti-Defamation League from 2013 and 2014, only 54 percent of those surveyed knew the term Holocaust . Almost a third of them doubted that it actually happened.

Many deniers follow an anti-Zionist argumentation: The victorious powers of World War II were ruled by Jews and invented the Holocaust to create the State of Israel. This propagates the Holocaust to justify its (alleged) goals of conquest and extermination in the Middle East . You are thereby denying Israel's right to exist as a state founded to protect Holocaust survivors. Israel-related anti-Semitism is also widespread in Islamic and Arab countries. The 2006 Holocaust Denial Conference in Iran provided the denial scene with state support and international attention. It showed that denial is intended to prepare for new genocidal crimes, namely the extermination of the Jews living in Israel. The denial, trivialization and relativization of the Holocaust is therefore no longer seen as a relatively insignificant marginal phenomenon, but as a current threat to the same group of victims that the Holocaust aimed at.

For comparative genocide research , denial, like removing evidence, is an integral part of the genocide process. She accompanies the crime and continues it by first covering up and prolonging the ongoing genocide, then denying the memories of the victims and survivors, thereby denying them recognition and compensation. If it gains influence on the public image of history, then it destroys the sense of justice and future opportunities for the living. So it affects the long-term effects of the genocide. If it did not exist, according to the deniers, then the absence of the murdered means that they, their culture, their social and economic influence never existed. They want to strip the survivors of all historical, cultural and social connection to the murdered and to revise the outcry against the anti-Semitism that the Holocaust caused. They want to keep Jews in the social role assigned to them by the murderers and attack them again by showing solidarity with their murderers. "Every denial of the Holocaust contains an invitation to repeat it".

Central allegations

Holocaust deniers primarily deny:

• the plan of Adolf Hitler and the Nazi regime to exterminate all European Jews: the National Socialists had always only been concerned with the deportation of the Jews;
• the existence of gas chambers built specifically for mass murders in extermination camps ;
• the total number of around six million Jews murdered in the Holocaust: at most a few hundred thousand were killed, fewer than Germans in the Allied air war ;
• the evidence of the millions of mass murders committed by the National Socialists against Jews: all documents relating to this from the war were produced by the Allies after the war;
• the legitimacy of the State of Israel and reparations: Jews upheld the made-up "Holocaust myth" in order to obtain political and financial support for Israel and themselves.

Holocaust deniers often emphasize that they do not deny that the Nazi regime persecuted certain groups, including Jews. They also admit the deprivation of civil rights, the existence of ghettos and concentration camps for Jews and mass deaths. However, they deny targeted, systematically planned and carried out mass murders of Jews with the aim of exterminating them. They claim, for example, that the extermination camps were only transit camps or labor camps, that only opponents of the regime and war were interned there. Mass deaths are due to epidemics and the coincidental consequences of war.

Destruction target

→ Main article : section Making decisions about the Holocaust in the article Holocaust

Göring's commission for the “total solution to the Jewish question”, July 31, 1941

From the fact that no written order from Hitler to annihilate all European Jews has been received, deniers conclude: 1. There was no systematic extermination policy against the Jews; 2. Hitler and other leaders of the Nazi regime did not follow this policy significantly. The Holocaust researcher Peter Longerich calls this fallacy a "simple sleight of hand": "Accordingly, what is not in the files does not exist."

In Holocaust research, however, there is consensus on Hitler's central role (“without Hitler, no Holocaust”) because of the abundance of direct and indirect evidence: he was clearly “the engine and constant driver behind the radicalization of the persecution of the Jews” and used his room for maneuver as dictator. At the same time, the Holocaust was only possible with the help and cooperation of many power groups and significant sections of the population, so that a written Holocaust order from Hitler would not be a great explanation for their cooperation. The deniers' fixation on this reflects their false assumption that the Holocaust was solely dependent on Hitler and that it was decided on a single date. In doing so, they ignore or deny the many evidences of the main perpetrators' anti-Semitic will to annihilate and their continuous appeal to Hitler's authority.

Some evidence for the Nazi extermination policy and Hitler's central role in it are:

• On January 30, 1939, he announced for the first time the "annihilation of the Jewish race in Europe" in the event of a new world war. From 1942 he kept coming back to this threat.
• In October 1939 he ordered the racist mass murder of people with disabilities (" Aktion T4 "), which was largely carried out with gas and is considered an organizational "test run" of the Holocaust. Probably because of the protests against it, Hitler did not issue any written Holocaust orders.
• Hitler's Führer decrees of March 3 and May 13, 1941 ( commissioner order ) ordered the " Operation Barbarossa " , which had been in preparation since December 1940, to be carried out as a war of annihilation and to murder the Soviet leadership elites. These were identified with Jews.
• With the attack on the Soviet Union (June 22, 1941), the previously established task forces of the Security Police and the SD began the Holocaust on the "special order of the Führer". On July 8, 1941, Heinrich Himmler ordered every Jew to be regarded as a partisan. On July 16, Hitler demanded that every resisting Soviet citizen be shot. On July 30th, Himmler ordered: “All Jews must be shot.” ​​From August onwards, the task forces also shot Jewish women and children. With regular "incident reports", many of which have been received, they informed Hitler of their murders as ordered.
• On December 12, 1941, one day after Germany and Italy declared war on the United States , Hitler ordered the ongoing Holocaust to be extended to all Jews in Europe that the Nazis could reach. According to Joseph Goebbels , he recalled his threat of January 30, 1939: “He prophesied to the Jews that if they were to bring about another world war they would experience their annihilation. The world war is here, the annihilation of Judaism must be the necessary consequence. ”Diary notes by Alfred Rosenberg and Himmler's notes (“ Jewish question: as partisans exterminate ”) on Hitler's orders confirm this.
• With the Wannsee Conference of January 20, 1942, the Nazi regime involved almost all administrative authorities in the overall program of the Holocaust. The record that has been received confirms the goal of deporting eleven million Jews from Europe to the east and murdering them there through forced labor or directly.
• After the " Aktion Reinhardt " was concluded, Himmler referred in his speeches in Poznan on October 4th and 6th, 1943 to Hitler's verbal orders for these Jewish murders and named their goal of extermination.
• After the lost battle of Stalingrad and the uprising in the Warsaw ghetto, Hitler tightened his extermination rhetoric and, around April 1943, demanded that the Hungarian Jews be exterminated like bacilli.
• Hitler's political will (April 29, 1945) on the day before his suicide confirms his responsibility for the Holocaust. Its central role in this is therefore historically undisputed.

Methods of destruction

→ Main article : Gas chambers and crematoria of the Auschwitz concentration camp

In order to make the numerous documents for the systematic murder intent of the Nazi regime implausible, deniers try to prove the technical impossibility of mass murders with gas. Because the gas chambers symbolize the Holocaust, they deny their existence (as already Paul Rassinier 1950) or purpose (as in pseudoscientific texts from 1980):

• They were only built after the war to propagate the mass murder invented by the victors,
• they had no ventilation and sealing necessary for gassing,
• they were shelters for prisoners threatened by Allied bombing attacks,
• they were only delousing of concentration camp inmate clothing have been determined,
• the Zyklon B had not been enough to kill people,
• it should have left certain traces in the gas chamber walls,
• the crematoria were far too small for the mass cremation of corpses,
• the required large amount of fuel (coke) is unoccupied,
• a small number of typhus victims were burned to protect against an epidemic,
• a brothel and a swimming pool (actually an extinguishing water basin) on the grounds of Auschwitz showed that it could not have been a death camp.

The Leuchter Report of 1988 was supposed to exclude the mass murder purpose of the gas chambers. Fred A. Leuchter had taken some chunks of wall from the Auschwitz-Birkenau crematorium without permission and had their cyanide content measured by a laboratory later. Only samples from the wall surface and controlled direct measurements would have been meaningful. In addition, Leuchter ignored the fact that far less cyanide gas is sufficient to kill humans than lice, so that his measurement tended to confirm the gas murders. Several experts refuted the report, including the forensic institute in Krakow. It had proven the expected residues in the gas chamber ruins of Auschwitz-Birkenau as early as 1945 and confirmed this again in 1994.

The Rudolf report , written in 1991, claimed that Berlin blue should have been found in these remains of the wall, as in the delousing chambers . Because there was no such thing, mass murder was legally ruled out there. The chemist and court expert Richard Green refuted it: the gas was almost completely inhaled and the wall material was different, so that no Berlin blue was formed there.

The former denier Jean-Claude Pressac wanted to refute the gas chambers and crematoria of Auschwitz, but the files of the SS-Zentralbauleitung and their correspondence with all other available evidence convinced him otherwise. In two extensive works ( Auschwitz: Technique and Operation of the Gas Chambers , 1989; Les Crematoires d'Auschwitz , 1993, German 1994) he demonstrated their origin, construction and use.

The Auschwitze expert Robert Jan van Pelt summarized in a detailed court opinion 1999 all evidence "beyond reasonable doubt" for the gas chambers and crematoria:

• The documents of the SS-Zentralbauleitung, the forensic measurements of gas residues in the ruins walls and the corresponding testimony proved the existence and the systematic use of the gas chambers in Auschwitz for mass murder.
• Transport documents and an abundance of matching witness statements proved the purpose of the camp for the systematic mass extermination of people.
• All available documents and testimony proved the deliberate murder of around 90 percent of the Jews deported there in those gas chambers shortly after their arrival and excluded other, unintentional and accidental causes of death for them.

In addition, van Pelt demonstrated the mutual dependence of the deniers, their errors, mistakes in reasoning, misinterpretations and deliberate misleading.

Original documents refute any of the common false claims:

• The gas chambers had ventilation shafts visible on building plans and ruins. In December 1945, the Kraków Forensic Institute found cyanide residue on the ventilation grilles, hair and metal objects of victims.
• The five crematoria, which were completed by June 1943, were able to burn a total of 4,756 corpses per day (142,680 per month) according to a letter from Karl Bischoff (head of the central construction management). The letter is not a Soviet forgery, as it invalidates the excessive total Soviet number of victims for Auschwitz.
• The crematoria should be at least four-fifths full. Had they been intended for epidemics, the Nazis would have had to burn up to 120,000 camp inmates who died of typhus instead of Jews deported to Auschwitz.
• Despite secrecy, the construction workers involved knew that the gas chambers and crematoria were supposed to be used for mass murder.
• The crematoria should run for at least 21 hours a day and burn many bodies at the same time to save energy. Testimony confirms that this happened.
• In the event of overload, corpses were also burned in open pits, as evidenced by Allied aerial photographs and statements by those involved.

Casualty numbers

→ Main article : “Total numbers of Jewish victims” in the Holocaust article

Research has included Eastern European archives since 1990 and systematically compared all available documents with each other. This confirmed the minimum estimate of 5.3 million Jewish Holocaust victims, which was valid until 1990, and made a maximum estimate of more than six million probable.

Deniers traditionally deny this secure overall estimate with expressions such as “6 million lie” in order to make them linguistically implausible from the outset. Expressions related to the entire Holocaust such as “Auschwitz lie”, “Auschwitz myth” or “Auschwitz hoax” show that it is about denial. They always refer to the same made-up evidence. The German neo-Nazi newspaper “Die Anklage” claimed a total of 300,000 Jewish victims in 1955 and appealed to the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC). The tabloid "Das Grüne Blatt" included the information in a list of all war victims. In response to inquiries, the editors admitted that the false information had been copied from another sheet of paper without checking. The ICRC wrote to the Institute for Contemporary History (IfZ) on August 17, 1955 that it had not given either this or any total number. They do not compile statistics, do not have the necessary means and methods and only have incomplete reports on concentration camp prisoners . In 1965 right-wing extremists again appealed to the Red Cross for their misstatement. The ICRC thereupon again rejected the false information in a detailed letter to the IfZ. All the major daily newspapers and many local newspapers printed the letter. Nevertheless, Heinz Roth claimed in 1973 without any evidence that the UN had only found 200,000 Jewish war victims after the war. Such misrepresentations are continued so that they appear as a permanent part of the source and are accepted without being checked.

Often deniers claim that the Jewish world population stayed the same or increased after the war. The World Almanac of 1947/48 gave almost the same number as in 1938 because no new demographic data had yet been collected. According to the updated and corrected edition of 1949, the world Jewish population had declined by around 5.4 million since 1939.

Following Walter N. Sanning ( The Dissolution of Eastern European Jewry , 1983), deniers often claim that fewer than six million Jews lived within the Nazi regime's reach. Most German Jews emigrated before the war, most Eastern European Jews fled to distant East Asia from 1941, emigrated from there to other countries or "went missing". Every detail has been refuted based on demographically reliable sources.

For the Auschwitz concentration camp , Soviet memorial plaques erected after the end of the war named four million victims. When the memorial corrected the number to 1.1 million (including at least 900,000 Jews) according to research by Franciszek Piper in 1991, the deniers interpreted this as evidence that the total number of Holocaust victims was also wrong and was only upheld as a political dogma. Western researchers had presented far lower, often approximately correct estimates for Auschwitz since 1945 and also corrected the number of victims of other mass murders of Jews upwards so that the total number of victims remained almost the same.

Deniers also rely on incomplete "death books" from the Auschwitz camp administration with the year numbers of the inmates who died and their types of death. However, the vast majority of the Jews deported to Auschwitz were murdered immediately after their arrival and were not registered as inmates. In addition, all the German authorities involved destroyed the transport lists on Himmler's orders and did not keep any numbers of those murdered in gas chambers. In 1946, the historian Nachman Blumental added up the number of people deported to Auschwitz by country and realistically estimated them at 1.3 million. The camp commandant Rudolf Höss corrected his first inflated estimate later; Piper then proved the sum of his statements (≈1.13 million Jews arriving at the camp) to be correct. Holocaust research compensated for missing camp statistics with largely preserved deportation lists from the countries of origin, timetables and destinations of death trains.

Evidence documents

The Holocaust is one of the most thoroughly researched events in contemporary history . The evidence for the millions of murders and sufferings is overwhelming and well documented, for example in the collection of sources " The persecution and murder of European Jews by National Socialist Germany 1933–1945 ". In addition, the documents have been meticulously checked in numerous large legal proceedings under legal conditions.

The deniers, on the other hand, always claim that there is no evidence. This requires a comprehensive denial of reality: They ignore and discard the vast majority of the historical evidence, reinterpret them manipulatively and selectively, present them as falsified and invent alleged counter-evidence. They follow a scheme of interpretation that is intended to pretend that their claims are fact-based. Their conclusions are already clear before any impartial empirical research: The Holocaust could not possibly have taken place as it has historically been proven. This prejudice guides their use of the sources:

• Every direct testimony of a Jew is either falsified or fabricated.
• Every testimony or document from the Nazi era before the end of the war is forged or just a rumor.
• Every source with first-hand information on the methods of extermination used by the Nazis was falsified or manipulated.
• Every National Socialist document that testifies to the Holocaust in the usual cover language is taken literally, but blunt language for the murders is reinterpreted.
• At the same time, any evidence of racism in allied prisoner-of-war camps is taken in the strictest form.
• Every testimony of Nazi perpetrators for the Holocaust since the end of the war, for example in Nazi trials, is explained as being torture and intimidation.
• A wide range of pseudo-technical material is being produced to prove the impossibility of mass gassings.
• Everything that makes the Holocaust appear credible and explains its origin is not recognized or falsified.

This arbitrary exclusion and systematic cognitive distortion of the available sources reflects the anti-Semitic and pro-Nazi attitude of the deniers and serves them to consistently block any evidence.

Initially, on the orders of Himmler, the Nazi perpetrators photographed their murders and the torture of prisoners in order to demonstrate to future generations the “extermination of the Jewish race” under Hitler as a service to humanity. Deniers like Udo Walendy ( Falsified Pictures , 1967) therefore concentrated on portraying these perpetrator photographs as falsified. In 1988 John Ball tried to reinterpret Allied aerial photographs of the Auschwitz camp complex as counter-evidence. Deniers attribute mountains of corpses in liberated camps to starvation or epidemics caused by the Allied warfare. They regularly portray the confession of the Auschwitz commandant Rudolf Höss in the Nuremberg Trial in 1946 as being forced through torture.

Because Anne Frank's diary tore the Holocaust out of its impersonal abstraction and strongly influenced the historical awareness of younger readers, neo-Nazis and other right-wing extremists have been denying its authenticity for decades and have tried to portray it as a fake of their father. By trying to withdraw the credibility of a world-wide known Holocaust victim, they want to prove the reality of Jewish suffering under the National Socialists as a "hoax". The fact that historians have refuted and rejected these claims is explained by deniers in turn from their dependence on their financiers and from manipulating public opinion with prearranged lies. Behind this is the anti-Semitic stereotype of Jewish media control.

Israel-related theses

Again and again, deniers claim that the State of Israel is using the Holocaust to morally and financially blackmail Germany and the world. Often they exaggerate the actual reparation sums (738 million US dollars) immeasurably and omit the fact that these were only intended for Holocaust survivors who settled in Israel. If Israel had wanted to earn money from it, it would have had an interest in the lowest possible death toll in order to be able to report as many Jews as possible who had fled to Israel.

The former literature professor Robert Faurisson formulated the dogmas of all negationists in a radio interview in 1980: “Hitler's alleged gas chambers and the alleged genocide of the Jews form one and the same historical lie that has allowed gigantic political and financial fraud. Its principal beneficiaries are the State of Israel and international Zionism . Their principal victims are the German people, with the exception of their leaders, and the entire Palestinian people. "

In the field of Islam it is often argued that the Jews lie about the Holocaust, which never happened; if so, they would have committed it; if it was Hitler, he was an instrument of the due punishment of Allah . The anti-Semitic thesis that “the Jews” invented the Holocaust also became attractive to intellectual and political leaders of the Sunnis and Shiites because it radically attacks the historical and moral foundations of the State of Israel.

The equation of Zionism with National Socialism, of Israel's treatment of the Palestinians with genocide, indirectly denies the Holocaust by grossly belittling and distorting its historical reality. Islamists equate “the Jews” with “the Nazi”, i.e. Holocaust victims and their descendants, with the perpetrators, project a policy of extermination onto them and thus allow it to be carried out on them. By identifying "the Jews" with the cause of all evil in the world, they make their killing and Holocaust denial a religious duty.

Methods

The first deniers were National Socialists or their helpers. They only contrasted Holocaust documents with their own experiences from the Nazi era and mainly attacked Holocaust survivors. Their eyewitness accounts could not long serve as "evidence" or "sources". Therefore, they increasingly relied on alleged scientific experts, doctors and professors, even though they consistently lacked specialist knowledge. In a division of labor, right-wing extremist propagandists write pseudo-scientific writings, hold lectures, conferences and seminars in specially founded "institutes" in order to simulate a scientific discourse. Neo-Nazis then spread these texts and arguments in their countries. Starting in 1970, the denial scene began to expand and network internationally, particularly from France and the USA.

In the 1980s, the deniers tried harder to pass their texts off as "research" and to establish them as a serious but largely suppressed part of science. They always disguise their denial as legitimate doubts about the hegemonic view of history and appeal to freedom of opinion and speech, often in the gesture of breaking taboos with the pseudo-naive question of why these doubts are (supposedly) not allowed or possible. Your essays or books are peppered with footnotes and quotations like a scientific paper, but repeatedly quote each other so that a self-referential system arises. Some deniers use many aliases to cover up the fact that they are quoting themselves. They created their own "division" with their own publishers, whose books were sold under different categories, for example in religious bookstores. They publish their texts in their own magazines under innocuous names or allow themselves to be interviewed. They sell sound recordings of their lectures and send them to public libraries for free.

→ Main article : Right-wing extremism on the Internet

Since 1990 the World Wide Web has become the most important medium for deniers, first in the USA. Certain websites on foreign servers distribute scripts that are prohibited in some countries and thus undermine their laws. Before 2000, when searching for terms such as "Auschwitz concentration camp", "Gaskammer", "Jews extermination", "gassing" or "Wannsee conference", denial pages appeared in the top places in popular search engines , as the Federal Testing Office for Media Harmful to Young People (BPjM) demonstrated in 1999. As a result, the search patterns in German search engines were changed. Deniers and other hate groups have networked via the Internet, link their materials to one another and agree on a joint approach. As a result, the resonance effect of the Holocaust deniers has increased enormously compared to the 1990s, when their propaganda was still passed on in person at conspiratorial back-room meetings.

The Facebook guidelines categorize denial as statements about historical events, not as hate speech and threats. Founder Mark Zuckerberg has repeatedly refused to block deniers and denier sites until 2019: Anyone can be wrong, and he does not believe that they are “deliberately wrong”. Holocaust researcher Deborah Lipstadt strongly contradicted this : Holocaust denial is based on such a robust set of illogical untruths that it is only possible on purpose. Not to exclude them means to leave open that deniers may be right: That is completely irresponsible in social media with the reach of Facebook.

Counter-strategies

enlightenment

Due to the abundance of documents from the Holocaust, historians do not consider the publications of deniers worthy of discussion. At first they largely ignored them. In 1979, 34 French historians declared against the negationists: Everyone is free to interpret the Holocaust in different ways or to imagine that it did not take place. But no one can deny its reality "without violating the truth". Because it took place, it was pointless to ask how it was technically possible. "The reality of the gas chambers is not up for discussion and can never be put up for discussion."

Since the wave of right-wing extremist assassinations in the 1990s, historians have dealt more closely with the phenomenon and have published works that on the one hand clarify the deniers, their ideology, contacts and media, on the other hand refute their pseudo-arguments with direct evidence, and thirdly the handling of politics and analyze justice with Holocaust denial. Deborah Lipstadt's standard work on this ( Denying the Holocaust , 1993) summarizes the facts about the gas chambers in the final part. She explains: One does not have to refute every single allegation of the deniers, but rather destroy “the illusion of a rational research methodology” and uncover which extreme views are hidden behind it. She rejects direct debates with deniers so that they do not dictate the questions and are not included in the scientific discourse. However, she advocates arming young people in history lessons in several ways against the false arguments of the deniers:

• One “follow the footnotes”, ie the sources given by the deniers. The defense in the Irving-Lipstadt Trial took this path successfully: It showed that David Irving had literally invented, fabricated, grossly misinterpreted or distorted every one of his sources, and thus convicted him as a liar and forger.
• Think about who would have to be wrong if the deniers were right: survivors, villagers near the camps who witnessed the smell of burned corpses, the train drivers who arrived with fully occupied trains and drove back empty, witnesses such as Jan Karski , Eduard Schulte , Kurt Gerstein , who smuggled reports of the gas murders abroad, and the perpetrators involved: No defendant denied the Holocaust himself in a Nazi trial, but only claimed emergency orders or subordinate aid for himself. It is illogical that the perpetrators should have made confessions under duress, because they would not have been able to soften their sentence. Germany would hardly have accepted responsibility for the Holocaust without its indisputable reality. The opposite can only be asserted with the delusion of a tremendous Jewish power to manipulate entire peoples.
• Think through to the end of how the Holocaust could have been faked. The many pieces of evidence for the mass shootings and gassings in the Nazi authorities could hardly be forged, contrary to the information provided by the deniers, because they bore a number of unambiguous marks. It would have taken a huge amount of effort to smuggle copies with the same fonts, file numbers, addresses and purpose information into other authorities and to exchange them for existing files.

Leading educators in the USA emphasize that denial should not be dealt with in the study of the Holocaust, in order not to waste time on grotesque and completely deceptive theses. Contrary to their claims, the deniers are not historians, but spread open lies that do not deserve the attention of clearly thinking individuals. Because they are anti-Semites, they should not be given publicity. Refuting them with specially drafted lesson plans is counterproductive, because that already includes every serious discussion of the Holocaust itself. Students who wanted to know more about deniers should be referred to Lipstadt's book and the Anti-Defamation League website .

Others, however, recommend teaching students about the deniers' goals and appropriate counter-arguments so that they can practice rejecting denial propaganda. Attacking deniers as a person without refuting their arguments can give students the impression that there is no evidence of the Holocaust. The mere ban on denial texts only increases the attraction for students to get them on the net. Addressing their arguments in class and refuting them reduce this stimulus and avoid a fighting situation in which students challenge their teacher unprepared with arguments of denial. The danger of upgrading this to a legitimate research position can best be countered by carefully examining these arguments. In this way, students can become aware of the lack of stability and at the same time the danger of the denial movement.

refutation

To directly combat denial on the Internet, Kenneth McVay founded the Nizkor Project (Hebrew: "We will remember") in 1991 . It offers a comprehensive archive of thousands of original documents, first-hand accounts and history books on the Holocaust, and point-by-point refutation of denial materials. McVay considers the public confrontation with the deniers, the exposure of their lies, identities and private communication to be the only promising way of fighting. Others have followed, such as the side Hate on the Web of the University of Montreal .

In Germany, memorials and scholars offer reputable websites that directly or indirectly invalidate denial texts and arguments. The Holocaust Reference page is used as a source in standard works on anti-Semitism, as is the information service against right-wing extremism , which was discontinued in 2006, and The Holocaust History Project in the English-speaking world .

International ostracism

Criminal trials against prominent Holocaust deniers have gradually limited their scope. But the further the Nazi crimes move into the past and the last survivors of the Holocaust die, the greater the danger that historians assess that denial will increase internationally and in the middle of society.

Since 1995, the culture of remembrance during the Nazi era has increasingly become a political field for transnational organizations. The Council of Europe embeds them in educational work on human rights, the OSCE in programs against anti-Semitism, and the UN in genocide prevention. The International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA), founded in 1998, is specifically dedicated to transnational Holocaust remembrance . The EU combats Holocaust denial with legislative processes, the promotion of human rights (for this purpose it founded the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights in 2007 ) and remembrance politics, for example through the Holocaust Era Assets Conference (2009). In 2008 the EU Commission adopted a guideline for the uniform and cooperative fight against anti-Semitism, racism and xenophobia . It suggests a ban on Holocaust denial to all EU member states, but does not specify the criteria for this. For Great Britain, the historian Timothy Garton Ash rejected the ban as an ineffective endangerment of the freedom of science. Baltic states also wanted to ban the denial of the crimes of Stalinism across Europe.

In 2005 the UN General Assembly decided on an international day of remembrance for the victims of National Socialism (January 27, the day of the liberation of Auschwitz in 1945). On January 26, 2007, 103 UN member states approved a US resolution banning Holocaust denial without a formal vote: This was tantamount to consenting to genocide in all its forms and should therefore be condemned without reservation. These steps advanced the institutionalization of Holocaust memory.

After almost ten years of proceedings, the European Court of Human Rights ruled as the last instance on October 3, 2019: Holocaust denial is not a free expression of opinion that is covered by the European Convention on Human Rights . The plaintiff Udo Pastörs (NPD) had deliberately represented untruths in order to slander the Jews and to deny their persecution. He was lawfully convicted after a fair trial under German law.

Germany

post war period

As a result of the targeted removal of traces by the Nazi regime, the Nuremberg trial of the main war criminals from 1946 often initially lacked concrete evidence to convict individual perpetrators. Many murder sites and pieces of evidence were as yet unknown or not found, there were no surviving witnesses and inspections in the known extermination camps did not reveal enough evidence. This benefited the defendants. They consistently denied their knowledge of the Holocaust, functionaries and commanders of the extermination camps who planned themselves played down, relativized and denied its extent.

Even Germans not directly involved denied the Nazi crimes and their knowledge of them after the end of the war. In order to counter the usual excuses, British parliamentarians visited German concentration camps a few weeks after the end of the war (May 8, 1945) and documented the mass murders that took place there. Her documentary film Holocaust uncovered closed with the words: Let no one say these things were never real (“Let no one say that these things were never real”). The British decided to show such films to the local German population and to force them to retrieve the bodies from the camps.

In the 1950s, former National Socialists primarily denied the German war guilt and established a genre of literature that falsified history in a serious and academic manner. The post-war situation favored their endeavors: the memories of Holocaust survivors were damaged by the most severe trauma , only a few executing Nazi perpetrators had been caught and referred to gaps in memory in Nazi trials , most of the murder sites and archives of the Holocaust were behind the Iron Curtain and were withdrawn from western research, and the first federal governments promoted the widespread loss of memory through a policy of "deliberate forgetfulness", which, according to today's social scientists, founded social consensus and the stability of the Federal Republic.

The German Democratic Republic (GDR) punished some Nazi criminals, but denied the collective responsibility of the Germans for the Nazi crimes, rejected reparations to Israel and largely ignored the anti-Semitic persecution of Jews during the Nazi era in its culture of remembrance. In doing so, it promoted an attitude among the population to see themselves more as the victors of history or victims of Western imperialism and to reject joint responsibility for the suffering of Jews. The state-decreed anti-fascism later favored a gradual turning away from the SED and susceptibility to right-wing extremist ideas, especially among young people (see right-wing extremism in the GDR ).

1960-1990

Since the Auschwitz Trials (from 1963) and the founding of the Dachau Concentration Camp Memorial (1965), former National Socialists in the vicinity of the NPD (founded in 1964) have published “memories” that masquerade as “sources” and legends about allegedly positive sides of the NS- Brought barbarism into circulation. In an essay in 1965, Armin Mohler , a pioneer for the German New Right , questioned the “big taboos” that were used to prevent a “fair investigation” of the Nazi past, and questioned the extent of the Holocaust. He later wrote positive reviews for books by deniers and promoted them in his magazine Criticón . In 1987 he claimed that the “dogma” of the singularity of the Holocaust and the legal prohibition against denying it were a means “to silence any research that would exonerate Germany”.

From 1970, Holocaust denial was given a major role in the right-wing extremist goal of "decriminalizing" Nazi crimes and rewriting German history. The former SS-Sonderführer Thies Christophersen published his work "The Auschwitz Lie - An Experience Report" in 1973. He described everyday camp life in Auschwitz-Birkenau as taking a vacation and claimed that he had not noticed any gassings and had checked all the rumors about it himself. This made the denial of the gas chambers a strategic tool of international neo-Nazism. The phrase "Auschwitz Lie" became synonymous with Holocaust denial. Manfred Roeder claimed in the preface: More Germans were killed in Dresden's bombing than Jews during the entire Nazi era. "Diseased brains" invented Hitler's intention and orders to murder Jews and the gas chambers. These lies are "spread by certain world domination cliques". Those who stand up, however, fulfill “God's commission”. In 1973 he admitted his intention to propaganda, and in 1976 he was convicted of sedition. But the pamphlet has been translated into many languages, given new prefaces and reprinted five times. Christopherson wrote other denial texts, including "The Auschwitz Fraud" (1974). From 1977 he claimed that he only wanted to present contemporary ignorance of the Holocaust. In 1978, German courts withdrew its first paper for sedition, and in 1993 the BPjM indexed it.

Gerhard Frey's Deutsche National-Zeitung (with headlines such as "Jews gassing refuted") and the former Nazi Erwin Schönborn helped with the distribution . In the 1970s he wanted to hold an "Auschwitz Congress" twice in Frankfurt am Main against exhibitions about the extermination of the Jews. A leaflet written by Schönborn for the “Kampfbund Deutscher Soldiers” in 1975 offered “10,000 DM reward [...] for each perfectly proven gassing in a gas chamber of a German concentration camp” and also concluded “Concentration camp witnesses from Poland, Israel or the USA who like in the Nazi trials who swore perjuries ”. In May 1978, Hamburg neo-Nazis around Michael Kühnen had themselves photographed in public with donkey masks and slogans such as "I donkey still believe that Jews were gassed in Auschwitz". This provocation got the newly founded Action Front of National Socialists / National Activists (ANS) the desired attention.

Heinz Roth (1912/1913? –1978), in several of his brochures with collages of quotations, questioned the number of victims, murder methods, the function and use of gas chambers in concentration camps on German soil. With the title Why Were We Fathers Criminals? and what should we fathers have known? he made himself the spokesman for the Nazi generation towards the 68 movement . He relied on other deniers. In 1975 he presented Anne Frank's diary as a “hoax” of her father. After the latter reported him, Roth was convicted.

Udo Walendy (NPD) started disseminating denial texts from around 1970 through his publishing house for folklore and contemporary history research. He translated the work The Hoax of the Twentieth Century by the American electrical engineer Arthur Butz (1976) into German and, from 1980, became a close associate of the California Institute for Historical Review (IHR). In 1996, he was sentenced to two years in prison, and then stopped his denial activities. The former Wehrmacht officer Wilhelm Stagh first appeared in Nation Europe in 1973 with an article of denial and then wrote his book The Auschwitz Myth (1979). In response to this, the federal German sedition paragraph was tightened.

Based on forerunners (Franz Scheidl: Geschichte der Ververung Deutschlands , 1967; Emil Aretz: Witches-Once-One of a Lie , 1970) published denier texts by Austin App ( Six Million Swindle , 1973), Paul Rassinier ( Debunking the Genocide Myth , 1978), Richard Harwood ( Did Six Million Really Die?, 1974), and others. Christopherson's magazine “Critique” distributed such texts until 1994.

The Erlangen historian Hellmut Diwald depicted the gas chambers installed in the Dachau concentration camp in 1978 as mock-ups, which the US Army had forced prisoners of the SS to build. Alfred Schickel called the number of those murdered in Auschwitz in 1980 “the most controversial figure in contemporary history” and the number of around 500,000 murdered Sinti and Roma “fictional numbers”. He, Diwald and Alfred Seidl founded the Contemporary History Research Center Ingolstadt (ZFI) in 1981 in order to question central Holocaust documents in a pseudo-scientific manner and to discredit the renowned Institute for Contemporary History .

The former Nazi Otto Ernst Remer and Lisbeth Grolitsch founded the Ulrich von Hutten Circle of Friends in 1983 with the aim of reviving National Socialism, to excuse and play down its crimes. To this end, the association also maintains contacts with deniers. From 1983 Ursula Haverbeck opened the right-wing esoteric Collegium Humanum, founded in 1963 by the National Socialist Werner Georg Haverbeck , for appearances by deniers and neo-Nazis. The Collegium was recognized as a non-profit organization and was funded from tax revenues until shortly before it was banned in 2008.

In 1980 the historian Ernst Nolte adopted David Irving's thesis of a “Jewish declaration of war”, which led Hitler to believe that his opponents were willing to destroy. Since 1986, Nolte declared the German concentration camps to be copies of the Soviet gulags . Only the “technical detail” of the gas chambers differentiated National Socialist from Soviet mass murders. The extermination of the Jews was preventively motivated. In the German historians' dispute , these theses were rejected, but Nolte found national conservative and right-wing extremists supporters. In 1987 (The European Civil War) he wrote without any evidence: In Auschwitz, more “ Aryans ” than Jews were murdered. This has been ignored because most of the Holocaust research comes from Jews. The Wannsee Conference may not have taken place. The motives of some non-German deniers are "honorable". In 1993 he wrote: The “investigations” of the “radical revisionists” would “after mastering the source material and especially in source criticism, presumably surpass those of the established historians in Germany.” In 1994 he “did not want to rule out” that the Leuchter Report was partially true. One must take into account the "apparently indubitable fact", "that these traces of cyanide are almost indestructible". Several historians had previously thoroughly refuted the Leuchter Report. Nolte's statements are an attempt to give deniers access to serious historical research and to upgrade their theses as worthy of discussion.

The West German New Right took up Nolte's theses in order to replace Holocaust remembrance as an indispensable starting point and component of German identity with a new “national self-confidence”. According to Alexander Ruoff, she denies "not Auschwitz itself, but the 'meaning' of this crime for the formation of a 'self-confident nation'" because it hinders the desired "völkisch version of national self-assurance".

Since 1990

The German reunification in 1990 used deniers for new initiatives. For example, the neo-Nazi Bela Ewald Althans organized the 101st “ Führer Birthday ” in Munich's Löwenbräukeller, the Truth makes you free . The title alluded to the cynical concentration camp motto “ Work makes you free ”. David Irving was the keynote speaker. The 800 or so participants from all over the world marched to the Feldherrnhalle in Munich the following day, following the analogy of the Hitler coup . Althans told the attending documentary filmmaker Michael Schmidt that the Holocaust was the main obstacle to widespread acceptance of National Socialist ideas. Christopherson admitted that he had not written about gassings because he wanted to "exonerate and defend us." He could "not do with what we actually did". Schmidt's film showed how strategically bourgeois and terrorist neo-Nazis use Holocaust denial to recruit new supporters and to network in order to overthrow democracy.

In June 1990 David Irving traveled through the still existing GDR and gave dozens of historical revisionist lectures entitled “An Englishman fights for the honor of the Germans”, in which he also denied the Holocaust.

The SS-Veteranenverein Silent Help for Prisoners of War and Internees provided legal assistance to Althans and other deniers, as did the successor association, Aid Organization for National Political Prisoners and their relatives .

The expert opinion prepared by Germar Rudolf to exonerate Otto Ernst Remer was rejected by the court as unsuitable evidence. In 1993, Remer published it with Rudolf's permission. He was convicted of incitement to hatred in 1995, fled abroad in 1996 and published further holocaust-denying writings from there.

The then NPD chairman Günter Deckert had Fred Leuchter perform in November 1991, translated his speech into German, spoke of a “gas chamber lie” and intensified Leuchter's anti-Semitic statements. He was initially convicted for this, but the Federal Court of Justice overturned the judgment in 1994: The mere denial of the gas chamber murders was not incitement to hatred, because attacks on human dignity would have to be added and this was not sufficiently explained by Deckert. After a renewed trial, the Mannheim judge Rainer Orlet Deckert acquitted of sedition : As a highly intelligent man "with clear principles" he wanted to strengthen "the forces of resistance in the German people against the Jewish claims derived from the Holocaust" and actually only represented one opinion that Germany is still "exposed to far-reaching political, moral and financial claims from the persecution of the Jews", "while the mass crimes of other peoples went unpunished". Orlet later stated that he could imagine being friends with Deckert, and compared his trial with the Hitler trial of 1924: In both cases, there was "unselfish behavior" to mitigate the penalty . This justification caused an international scandal and led to the fact that the criminal offense of sedition in Section 130 of the Criminal Code was expanded to include denial of the Holocaust.

According to a Forsa survey from 1994, an estimated 1.9 million Germans agreed to the Holocaust denial. 53 percent of those questioned wanted to draw a line under the Nazi past.

The new right-wing magazine Junge Freiheit (JF) officially represents a national conservative course, but continuously allowed right-wing deniers to cooperate and defend them. Alfred Schickel was a permanent JF author. On the ten-year existence of its ZFI, the JF ruled: It had helped the "historiography from the ghetto of winning historiography", exposed "alleged historical sources" as "high-percentage historical falsification" and was thus an effective "corrective to eternally valid truths". In 1993 Germar Rudolf claimed under the pseudonym Jakob Spranger in the JF that a “graduate chemist employed at the Max Planck Institute” (he himself) had verified “the Leuchter Report in its factual, cool work”. When Rudolf was accused of sedition, JF regular author Thorsten Hinz attacked the revised Paragraph 130 of the Criminal Code as an alleged milestone towards totalitarianism , which gave the "holders of interpretive sovereignty" and "taboo watchers" a barely controllable "priestly and at the same time political power". In 1995, Josef Schüßlburner , following Ernst Nolte's entourage, said that one could “speak of Auschwitz socialism in addition to GUlag communism” because Hitler's anti-Semitism was primarily “socialist”. In 2004 he called the Berlin memorial for the murdered Jews of Europe a “temple of coping and the victory memorial of the American civil religion”. JF regular author Günter Zehm questioned § 130 StGB and the reasons for the verdict against Germar Rudolf in 1996: “What is trivialization? Is it about certain numbers of victims that have to be named ...? [...] Will you be punished if you make certain assumptions on the basis of certain investigations? "In 1998, Zehm polemicized again against § 130 StGB and shortened the criteria for the offense without mentioning the word" Holocaust ":" You have 'denied' something, something ' played down ', any numbers' not publicly believed'… ”. The proceedings against the denier Hans-Dietrich Sander (Ole Caust) were “dishonorable” to the political situation in Germany. The experts Wolfgang Gessenharter and Thomas Pfeiffer rate such polemics as "clear signals from 'Junge Freiheit' to the entire right-wing extremist scene".

Lea Rosh's support group advertised in July 2001 with a large poster of an idyllic mountain landscape, on which was written in large letters and quotation marks: “The Holocaust never happened.” Below it was in small print: “There are still many who claim that. There could be more in 20 years. So donate to the Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe. ”The action was often criticized as trivializing and contradicting means and end:“ Remembering can even be advertised with the Holocaust lie. ”A neo-Nazi group around Manfred Roeder mocked the action by demonstrating on August 7, 2001 at the Brandenburg Gate in front of the Holocaust denial poster. Rosh let it hang two days later.

The particularly active neo-Nazi Ernst Zündel distributed denial texts worldwide, including in Germany. In 1994, German authorities indexed his smear film "German and a Jew investigate Auschwitz". In 1996, they blocked German internet access to the Zundel site and to a web space provider that offered them. In 2005, Zündel was deported from Canada to Germany and put on trial there. In 2007 the Mannheim Regional Court sentenced him to a maximum of five years in prison for sedition.

At the annual congress of the Society for Free Journalism in 2005, JF author Andreas Molau recommended not to believe the “historical lies of the winners and their German accomplices” and not to read “school literature”. In 2007 he defended Zündel publicly: He only denied "a 'truth' poured into law by politics". JF authors who defended deniers also wrote for other right-wing and / or right-wing extremist papers, which in turn also provided a stage for deniers, including Criticón , Die Aula , German History , Germany Past and Present , German Military Magazine , German Voice , Nation and Europe , Ostpreußenblatt , quarterly books for free historical research , at present and others.

Ingrid Weckert , a former friend of Michael Kühnen and Thies Christopherson, had represented the anti-Semitic reversal of guilt since 1981 (fire sign) , according to which Jews declared war on Germany, collaborated with Hitler and brought about the November 1938 pogroms themselves. In the 1990s, she specialized in depicting Holocaust documents such as the minutes of the Wannsee Conference or the Gerstein report as forged. Your theses have been refuted in detail.

Horst Mahler had already spoken out anti-Semitic in the 1960s and emerged as a right-wing extremist from 1998. He praised Martin Walser 's peace prize speech at the time because it exposed the singularity of the Holocaust as an “intellectual occupation regime” by allies and “intellectuals willing to collaborate”. The deniers “only wanted to keep unsullied something that is sacred to them. By viewing the Holocaust as a defiling event, they stand up against evil - and thus prove to be 'people of good will'. ” Ignatz Bubis must soften his accusation of anti-Semitism against Walser, otherwise anti-Jewish feelings would only arise. In doing so, Mahler represented the anti-Semitic cliché that the individual Jew was responsible for the hatred of “the Jews”. From 2003 he took part in a right-wing extremist campaign to mock the prosecution of deniers with self-indictments, invoking the false numbers of Auschwitz victims by Spiegel editor Fritjof Meyer . Mahler wanted to call for an "uprising of the truth" at the Auschwitz Memorial, which German authorities prevented. He then carried a banner on the Wartburg with the slogan “The Holocaust did not exist”. Since then he has been one of the particularly fanatical deniers. His German College , which emerged from a group of JF readers, serves as a propaganda platform.

At Mahler's initiative, prominent German-speaking deniers founded the Association for the Rehabilitation of Those Persecuted for Contesting the Holocaust (VRBHV) on November 9, 2003, the anniversary of the 1923 Hitler coup and the 1938 November pogroms . This should reopen all court cases in which deniers were convicted with reference to the obviousness of the Holocaust, and provoke new trials in order to use them to deny the Holocaust and to propagate the ideology of the Reich Citizens ' Movement. According to Mahler, this should prepare a “general popular uprising [...] against the Auschwitz lie as the foundation of foreign rule”. Only a few of the around 120 members followed these guidelines. Nine members attended the 2006 Holocaust Denial Conference in Iran. After media reports on tax money for right-wing extremist organizations and ongoing protests, Interior Minister Wolfgang Schäuble banned Bauernhilfe , the Collegium Humanum and the VRBHV on May 7, 2008 .

David Irving had called the 1986 air raids on Dresden a "Holocaust". With reference to him, representatives of the NPD in Saxony ( Jürgen Gansel , Holger Apfel ) brought up the catchphrase of the Allied “bomb holocaust” in 2005, which serves the anti-Semitic perpetrator-victim-reversal. Right-wing extremists used it on their annual “funeral march” on February 13th to portray the air strikes on Dresden as a war crime and the Germans as victims, to compare the Holocaust with it and thus downgrade it to a mere war crime. The then NPD chairman Udo Voigt said in 2007: “Six million cannot vote. A maximum of 340,000 could have perished in Auschwitz. Then the Jews always say: Even if only one Jew perished because he is a Jew, that is a crime. But of course it makes a difference whether we pay for six million or for 340,000. And then at some point the uniqueness of this great crime - or allegedly great crime, is gone. "

The lawyer Sylvia Stolz defended numerous deniers in their criminal proceedings and became a denier herself through reading their writings, but above all through her client and at times fiancé Horst Mahler. In 2007 she used the Zündel trial for anti-Semitic and Nazi propaganda: the Holocaust was "the greatest lie in world history", the Jews were "children of the devil" who ruled the world with their monetary and media power, the Reich Criminal Code was still before 1945 in force. She then threatened the lay judges with the death penalty for “favoring the enemy” if they were to convict Zündel, and tried to read out Mahler's pamphlets as evidence of “Jewish influence” on the German legal system. She was expelled from the trial, convicted of sedition in 2008 and lost her license to practice as a lawyer for five years. In part of the denial scene she is considered a heroine and martyr. Zündel's other lawyers Jürgen Rieger and Ludwig Bock also denied the Holocaust in his trial. After her release from prison in 2011, Sylvia Stolz gave lectures, including in 2013 at the anti-censorship coalition of sect founder Ivo Sasek . There she claimed that there were no corpses, no evidence of perpetrators, or weapons to prove the Holocaust in court. She was indicted under Swiss law and sentenced to prison again in 2018.

The right-wing populist party Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) has been actively delimiting right-wing extremist positions since summer 2015, relativizing the Holocaust, tolerating anti-Semites in the party and their references to Holocaust deniers. Wolfgang Gedeon, for example, describes Horst Mahler and Ernst Zündel as "dissidents" and attacks Holocaust remembrance and prohibitions of denial as a "Holocaust religion". He attributes this to an alleged dominance of Zionism in the sense of the “Jewish world conspiracy”. Gunnar Baumgart distributed a denial text in 2015 and then left the AfD. AfD groups provocatively questioned details of the Holocaust when they visited concentration camp memorials. The former state chairman Doris von Sayn-Wittgenstein had Ursula Haverbeck's association "Gedächtnisstätte eV", friends of the Waffen SS and other right-wing extremist associations in her email distribution list and invited her to their events. According to the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution (2019), such contacts, as well as statements by leading AfD representatives such as Alexander Gauland and Björn Höcke , who excuse Holocaust perpetrators and discredit the coming to terms with the Nazi era as “anti-German”, create a “connection” with right-wing extremist historical revisionism and could “in final consequence up to war guilt and Holocaust denial ”.

Rest of Europe

Belgium and the Netherlands

The Nazi collaborator and Rexist leader Léon Degrelle and his partner Florentine Rost van Tonningen offered a meeting place for deniers, old and neo-Nazis from all over Europe in Velp , the Netherlands . Degrelle used Pope John Paul II's visit to Auschwitz in 1979 for an open letter in which he denied the gas chamber murders: The Pope should not support the "legend of massive exterminations". The Allied air war claimed countless "terribly charred" victims. Israel's air force is committing a "massacre" of Palestinians.

In 1985 Herbert and Siegfried Verbeke , a militant neo-Nazi ( Vlaams Belang ) , founded the “Foundation” Vrij Historisch Onderzoek (VHO) based in Berchem (Antwerp) for the creation and international dissemination of Holocaust-denying materials. From 1995, Germar Rudolf joined in on the run from German prosecutors and developed the VHO website into one of the largest international denier portals. From 1997 the VHO distributed Udo Walendy's magazine Historische Tatsachen and Rudolfs Vierteljahreshefte for free historical research. In 1998 Rudolf founded Castle Hill Publishers in Hastings , England , to which he affiliated the German-language VHO website. The VHO was banned in 2002, its internet portal existed until 2005.

During the Goldhagen debate , the VHO distributed leaflets such as Answer to the Goldhagen and Spielberg lies and the Holocaust and revisionism. 33 questions and answers about the Holocaust in Germany. This showed the problem of criminal offenses from abroad.

France

In France, too, old Nazis and Nazi helpers were the first to deny the Holocaust. Maurice Bardèche, for example, claimed in 1947 (Nuremberg or the Promised Land) that some of the evidence of the Holocaust presented at the Nuremberg trial were forged. The gas chambers were said to have been disinfection chambers. Most of the Jewish concentration camp inmates died of hunger and disease. They were arrested for supporting the Versailles Peace Treaty (1919) and thus sparking the Second World War.

The former Resistance fighter and concentration camp survivor Paul Rassinier founded French negationism . From 1945 he denied Jewish eyewitness reports as exaggerated, from 1950 also the number of victims, and attacked Jews as forgers for "unlawful gain". From 1960 he spoke of the "Holocaust myth" invented by the "Zionists", described the Nazis as benefactors and praised the SS as "humane". In 1964 (The Drama of the European Jews) he denied the existence of the gas chambers and then joined forces with France's neo-Nazi scene. Based on his impressions from Buchenwald Concentration Camp , which had no gas chambers, he concluded that all eyewitnesses had invented the gas chamber murders and deliberately lied. Thus, the total number of Holocaust victims is also far exaggerated. As early as 1948 he made “the Jews” responsible for murders in the camps, excessive numbers of victims and rumors about gas chambers. In 1978 he described the entire Holocaust as an invention of "the Zionists" in the interests of Israel.

Since 1955, the neo-Nazi Henry Coston in France and the former SS officer Karl-Heinz Priester in Germany published Rassinier's denial texts. The National Socialist Johann von Leers , who lived in Egypt , had it translated into Arabic. Rassinier brought together Nazi, left and Arab anti-Semitism under the guise of anti-Zionism. After his death in 1967 the negationists gathered around the neo-fascist historian François Duprat . This transferred the Ordre Nouveau to the Front National party . In 1976 he translated Christopherson's “Auschwitz Lie”, and in 1978 Richard Harwood's “Did Six Million Really Die?” Into French.

Louis Darquier de Pellepoix had coordinated the deportation of French Jews to death camps for the Vichy regime until 1945 and after 1945 fled to Spain before the death penalty. In 1978 he declared in the weekly newspaper L'Express : “Only lice were gassed in Auschwitz.” The Holocaust was a “typically Jewish invention” to “make Jerusalem the world capital”. The interview sparked a nationwide scandal.

Shortly afterwards Robert Faurisson denied the existence of the gas chambers in the newspaper Le Monde . In 1981 he published a pamphlet for which Noam Chomsky wrote a foreword. The latter later stated that he had not read Faurisson's text before, but denied that it contained anti-Semitic and directly Holocaust-denying content. Faurisson's theses found their way into left-wing intellectual circles. He specialized in reinterpreting documents from the Nazi era, such as Wehrmacht orders from 1941 that made "excesses" against civilians a criminal offense. In doing so, he kept silent about the murder orders to the "Einsatzgruppen" at the time.

Faurisson's student Henri Roques received his doctorate in 1985 from the University of Nantes with a thesis that presented the Gerstein report as a forgery. It was only after sustained protests and evidence of irregularities that the French Minister of Education canceled his doctorate in 1986. Faurisson's lawyer Éric Delcroix had called gas chambers and the extermination of Jews in court a "myth" and affirmed in his book "The Thought Police Against Revisionism" that the Nazis only used gas for disinfection, not for murdering Jews. He was sentenced for this in 1996 under the Loi Gayssot Penal Act of 1990. His statement that "revisionists" deny the extermination policy of the Nazi regime was allowed. That is why deniers began to disguise their own theses as mere reproduction of other people's views.

From 1980 the Trotskyist group La Vieille Taupe published texts by deniers, including the essays and letters of Faurissons collected by Serge Thion . Its director, Pierre Guillaume, described the anti-Semitic motives of the Nazi murder of Jews on leaflets against the film Shoah as a hoax. This course should destroy the anti-fascist consensus of the French left. It followed from the fact that the group equated Western and Soviet crimes with Nazi crimes and only allowed capitalist, not specifically anti-Semitic and racist causes to apply to the latter. In 1996, Guillaume founded the Association des anciens amateurs de récits de guerre et d'holocauste (AAARGH) website . It was banned in France in 2000, but the Californian IHR took it over.

In 1995, the former neo-Marxist Roger Garaudy published his work "The Founding Myths of Israeli Politics" on La viel Taupe , which represents the perpetrator-victim reversal. He described biblical Judaism as the origin of the genocide ideology and condemned the Nazi regime, but denied its intention to annihilate the Jews: "Final Solution" only meant expulsion. To this end, he relied on David Irving and Robert Faurisson. He also claimed that Zionists and National Socialists worked together in the Nazi crimes, linked them to the expulsions of Palestinians by Israel and equated Zionism with National Socialism. He was given a suspended sentence under the Loi Gayssot Penal Act in 1998 . During the trial he traveled to Beirut and Cairo twice and used the wave of Arab solidarity to spread Holocaust denial in the Arab world. By systematically linking their theses with the rejection of Israel, the few negationists achieved that parts of the French left view their view as legitimate and at least deny the singularity of the Holocaust.

The former chairman of the Front National Jean-Marie Le Pen continually used anti-Semitic attacks as a means of provocation. In 1987, in response to an interview question, he said he had not seen the gas chambers and could not judge whether they existed. But they were only a "minor detail" in the course of World War II. He was fined for this in 1990. Two members of the National Front who had resigned testified: Holocaust denial was often discussed in the leadership group; Le Pen actually believes the Holocaust did not take place. In 2004, Vice-Chairman of the Front National, Bruno Gollnisch , declared that he was not questioning the German concentration camps, but that the existence of the gas chambers and the number of Holocaust victims had yet to be established by historians. He was sentenced to three months probation and used his method to attack the Loi Gayssot . In 2005, Le Pen emphasized that he only referred to the gas chambers as a “detail”, not the Holocaust, in order to point out other methods of killing the Nazis during the war. But in 2015 he repeated his statements from 1987 in the presidential election campaign of his daughter Marine Le Pen , who tried to detach the Front National from its right-wing extremist image. Younger French right-wing extremists also deny the involvement of the Vichy regime under Philippe Pétain with the extent of the Holocaust .

The comedian Dieudonné M'bala M'bala attracted attention with anti-Semitic statements in his stage shows since 2000 and was approaching the Front National , which he had previously fought. He was convicted several times according to the Loi Gayssot , among other things for the statement that the Shoah was a "pornography of memory". On December 26, 2008, he had Robert Faurisson appear on his show. On the stage, a man disguised as a Jew in concentration camp clothing with a Jewish star presented Faurisson with a prize for “imperturbability and impertinence”. Then Dieudonné and Faurisson performed an anti-Semitic sketch. Dieudonné presents his polemics as anti-Zionism.

Italy

In Italy, the classical language and philosophy student Carlo Mattogno became a Holocaust denier in the 1970s. From 1985 he published numerous pseudoscientific writings, including The Myth of the Extermination of the Jews and The Gerstein Report. Anatomy of a fake . He publishes in the neo-fascist publishers “Sentinella d'Italia” and “Edizioni di Ar”, the VHO magazine, Germar Rudolfs Verlag Castle Hill, Grabert Verlag, on the websites AAARGH and “Radio Islam” by Ahmed Rami . He and his brother regularly write a column for the right-wing extremist magazine “Orion”, which presents “revisionism” as a “counter-story” to “exterminationism” (Holocaust research). He is a member of the IHR advisory board, co-publishes its magazine and participated in its annual meetings in 1989 and 1994. From 1998 to 2003 he wrote “Studies” with Jürgen Graf on Majdanek, Stutthof, Treblinka and Auschwitz. His book Holocaust: Dilettanten in Gefahr (1996) tries to refute researchers like Deborah Lipstadt in a pseudoscientific way.

In October 2001, well-known deniers, Islamists and right-wing extremists met in Trieste on the subject of "Revisionism and the dignity of the vanquished". Neo-fascists from the Movimento Fascismo e Libertà (MSL) prepared the meeting. The speakers Fredrick Toben (Australia), Russ Granata, Robert Countess (USA) and Ahmed Rami (Sweden) used the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001 for anti-Semitic attacks on Israel: It wanted “total war”. The attacks would not have happened without US support for Israel. The "alleged Holocaust" should justify the pro-Israel stance of the USA. That is why the Islamic and Arab states should pay due attention to and promote “the research work of the revisionists”. Western media paid little attention to the meeting.

Such meetings of deniers took place more often in Italy because the authorities tolerated them and until 2016 only pursued Holocaust denial if they were actively incited to racial hatred. An attempt by Justice Minister Clemente Mastella in 2007 to introduce a separate offense for this was rejected. 200 Italian historians signed a petition against it. After further advances, the Italian parliament passed a law in June 2016 with a two-thirds majority, according to which proven holocaust-denying propaganda can be punished with up to six years in prison.

Croatia

The later first President of Croatia , Franjo Tuđman , published the book Wastelands - Historical Truth in 1988 . In it he claimed that no more than 900,000 Jews were murdered in the Holocaust. The Ustaša killed at most 70,000 Serbs (historically it was around 400,000). In doing so, he played down the mass murders of Croatian Jews and Roma in the fascist independent Croatia and justified state discrimination against Serbs who were previously equal.

Croatia's Roman Catholic Church has been participating in commemorations of the Bleiburg massacre since 1991 , at which some of its priests worship Nazis with impunity and deny the Holocaust. State agencies cover this by ignoring legal bans on inciting hatred against minorities and genocide denial.

Croatian history revisionists often deny the proven mass murders of at least 83,000 Serbs, Jews and Roma in the Jasenovac concentration camp . The government put the 2017 murders into perspective with a plaque for veterans of the Balkan Wars 1991–1995, which they had posted on a wall of the concentration camp. The plaque bore the inscription Za dom spremni (“Ready for home”). Ustaša fascists used this slogan in World War II analogous to the Hitler salute. After months of protests by Holocaust survivors and objections from historians, the plaque was moved to a neighboring town.

Austria

Forged Lachout document from 1987

In Austria , the former NSDAP representative Erich Kern (The Tragedy of the Jews. Fate Between Propaganda and Truth) and in 1980 the neo-Nazi Gerd Honsik with his magazine “Halt” emerged as deniers. In 1987, Honsik published the Lachout document to prove the non-existence of gas chambers in 13 German concentration camps. However, the documentation archive of the Austrian resistance (DÖW) quickly proved that it was a crude forgery. In 1988, Honsik published interviews with former Nazis who denied the gas chambers (acquittal for Hitler? 36 unheard witnesses against the gas chambers) . In 1992 he was sentenced to prison, fled to Spain and then worked closely with Spanish deniers around the CEDADE group. In 2007 he was delivered to Austria.

In 1991, 53 percent of Austrians questioned in a Gallup poll believed the time had come to "put the Holocaust on record".

The then President of the Austrian Federal Chamber of Engineers , Walter Lüftl , wrote a pseudoscientific report (Holocaust, Faith and Facts) based on the Leuchter Report in 1992 , which presented the gas chamber murders as technically impossible. He sent it to politicians, judicial officers and journalists, but only the neo-Nazi newspaper “Halt” printed it. The IHR translated the “Lüftl-Report” into English and distributed it on the Internet without authorization. German neo-Nazi papers then also printed it. Lüftl had to resign and received a criminal complaint, but was later accepted back into the engineering association.

Because of these cases, Austria's parliament tightened the Nazi re-activation ban that had been in force since 1945 . Since then, denying, belittling, approving or justifying the Holocaust can be punished with one to ten years in prison. From then on, Austrian deniers mostly preferred to doubt, trivialize and indirectly whitewash Nazi crimes. Jörg Haider , leader of the FPÖ from 1986 to 2000 , called the SS “decent comrades” and the extermination camps “penal camps”, as if their inmates had been rightfully interned. He praised many policy approaches of the NS regime and used NS vocabulary.

In 1994, Herwig Nachtmann praised Lüftl's pseudo-report in his magazine Die Aula as a “milestone on the way to truth”. He was sentenced in 1995 for re-activating the Nazis. The magazine lost press subsidies, at times also some FPÖ employees, and, influenced by Jürgen Schwab , continued to approach right-wing extremism. The FPÖ MP John Gudenus questioned the gas chambers in 1995 and then resigned because of the criticism. In 2005 he demanded again that the existence of the gas chambers should be “seriously debated”. For this he received a suspended sentence.

The former Viennese district councilor Wolfgang Fröhlich, FPÖ member until 1994, denied the Holocaust in 2001 with his pamphlet The Gas Chamber Swindle . He repeated this in public over and over and was sentenced to five imprisonment terms until 2018. Other active deniers in Austria are the neo-Nazis Walter Ochensberger, Benedikt Frings, Hans Gamlich and Herbert Schaller.

In 2006, FPÖ MP Barbara Rosenkranz defended the denial of gas chambers as freedom of expression in the Gudenus case and, since she ran for the federal presidential election in Austria in 2010, has again demanded that the 1947 Prohibition Act be repealed. When asked whether she wanted to allow Holocaust denial, she implicitly affirmed by declaring laws against personal defamation to be sufficient. When asked whether she believed in the existence of the extermination gas chambers, she replied that she had the typical school knowledge from 1964 to 1976 and did not intend to change this. These statements agree with legal avoidance strategies of deniers and were therefore interpreted as a coded message of solidarity. At the time in question, the Holocaust was barely dealt with in school books and portrayed as a crime of others.

Poland

Despite the traditional Catholic-Polish anti-Semitism, many Christian Poles offered support and solidarity to the Jews of Poland during the Nazi era. Other Poles took advantage of the situation, denounced their Jewish fellow citizens or helped the German occupiers with the Holocaust. The communist regime under Władysław Gomułka had repressed this part of the Nazi era since the 1950s with new anti-Semitic campaigns and a targeted nationalization of Holocaust memory: in school books there was talk of the murder of six million Poles, not Jews. Although Polish historians publicly contradicted this historical falsification from 1981 onwards, the national Polish narrative remained present after 1989. In 1998, right-wing extremist Poles set up Christian crosses at the Auschwitz Memorial. Since then, the anti-Semitic broadcaster Nasz Dziennik by Tadeusz Rydzyk has presented the Holocaust commemoration as an attack on the martyrdom of Christian Poles during the Nazi era and justified Polish collaboration with the Nazis with an alleged Jewish Bolshevism . In 1999 the historian Dariusz Ratajczak denied the Nazi regime's plan to exterminate the Jews. He was convicted as a denier under Polish law, but supported by right-wing extremists around Ryszard Bender and the League Polskich Rodzin . Their Radio Maryja dealt with the "Auschwitz lie" in January 2000. Polish Holocaust survivors countered this with educational films.

The Institute of National Remembrance Act 1998 prohibits Holocaust denial. In March 2018, a paragraph was added that threatened the implication of the Polish nation's joint responsibility for the Holocaust, explicitly the expression “Polish death camps”, with up to three years in prison. The Polish historian Jan T. Gross , Holocaust survivor and the governments of Israel and the USA saw this as an attempt to end the ongoing debate about Polish accomplices in the Holocaust and to intimidate those who want to continue it. Gross' book “Neighbors” about the Jedwabne massacre (July 1941) had intensified the debate, whereupon Polish prosecutors investigated him. Before that, trials against the media (including Germans) who inadvertently or negligently wrote about “Polish death camps” had failed. The constitutional lawyer Tomasz Tadeusz Koncewicz saw the amendment as a resentment- laden historical policy that tried to state a nationalist Polish victim identity. In June 2018, the Polish government surprisingly defused the amendment and lifted the threat of detention.

Switzerland

The Swiss fascist Gaston-Armand Amaudruz was one of the first and most active negationists in Europe. In 1946, he described the Nuremberg Trial as a "winning story" with allegedly falsified statements and evidence. One shouldn't judge too quickly what happened to the Jews during the Nazi era. By 1949 he expanded this polemic into a book. From then on he disseminated many Holocaust-denying texts and tried to organize a neo-fascist international with the Nouvel Ordre europeen (NOE). German deniers like Thies Christopherson attended their meetings. In his magazine Courrier du Continent and in his books, Amaudruz propagated a rebirth of the "white race". In 2000 he was sentenced to imprisonment under the Swiss racism penal code for denying the Holocaust.

The former language teacher Jürgen Graf became the most active Swiss denier from 1991. His mentors were Arthur Vogt and Gerhard Förster. In 1993 Graf and Robert Faurisson published Der Holocaust-Schwindel , 1994 with Carlo Mattogno Auschwitz. Confessions of perpetrators and eyewitnesses to the Holocaust . He translated the writings of other deniers, including those of Ahmed Rami, and appeared several times at the IHR, where he got in touch with all prominent deniers. Together with Vogt and Andreas Studer, he founded the working group for the removal of taboos in contemporary history (AEZ) and published their magazine Aurora . He also headed the now banned association “Vérité et Justice” (V&J), a Swiss counterpart to IHR. In 1995 Graf was sentenced to imprisonment and fines in Germany and 1998 in Switzerland. He then fled first to Iran and later to Russia. From there he played a key role in organizing the international conference of deniers planned for March 2001 in Beirut , which was canceled after protests. In 2002 he was the main speaker at Oleg Platonov's two-day conference of deniers in Moscow. Graf's book about the Holocaust researcher Raul Hilberg was published in 2000 by Germar Rudolfs Verlag, further graft texts were offered as downloads in several languages ​​from relevant deniers websites (VHO, IHR, Zündel, Russ Granata). Graf's witness Wolfgang Fröhlich translated his first book into French and received a heavy fine in France in 1999.

Bernhard Schaub is also an active denier in Germany . He co-founded the VRBHV in Vlotho in 2003 and headed it until 2008. In 2006 he spoke at the deniers conference in Iran and in 2010 at Ivo Sasek's anti-censorship coalition .

Slovakia

In the run-up to the separation from the Czech Republic , right-wing nationalist separatists declared the war criminal Jozef Tiso to be the model of an independent Slovakia . The Holocaust and the involvement of Slovaks in it were also denied.

Spain

As before the death of the dictator Francisco Franco († 1975), Spain served many criminally prosecuted old and neo-Nazis (such as the former Wehrmacht officer Otto Ernst Remer) as a retreat. From 1978, Pedro Varela Geiss turned the neo-Nazi Círculo Español de Amigos de Europa (CEDADE) and his department Centro de Estudios Historicos Revisionistas (CEHRE) with two publishers ( Nothung , Libreria Europa ) into the international propaganda center for Holocaust denial. In 1993 the CEDADE was dissolved, but its members continued their activities in the Instituto de Estudios Sociales, Políticos y Económicos (IES) in Madrid.

Until November 2007, Holocaust denial in Spain was threatened with up to two years in prison. Then the Spanish Constitutional Court overturned the criminal law as incompatible with freedom of expression.

United Kingdom

The first non-German Holocaust denier was the Scot Alexander Ratcliffe , a Protestant anti-Semite. In his pamphlet The Truth about the Jews (1943) he speculated that the British government was run by Jews and needed a Hitler. The German concentration camps were invented by the “Jewish spirit”, mountains of corpses in Bergen-Belsen and elsewhere were forged in Jewish cinemas. In late 1945 and 1946 he claimed in his newspaper Vanguard that “the Jews” invented the Holocaust. British right-wing extremists spread Ratcliffe's quotes around the world. It was not until 1998 that the original texts were rediscovered.

The British journalist Douglas Reed believed Hitler was an agent of Zionism in the service of Wall Street and the murder of Jews was faked. Right-wing extremists critical of Hitler often referred to Reed's thesis. The right-wing British National Party (BNP) sent over 30,000 copies of its Holocaust News to Jewish communities and celebrities in 1988 : In it, the Holocaust was portrayed as a "myth" by Jews for the exploitation of peoples.

The Hitler biographer David Irving had denied Hitler's knowledge of the Holocaust and participation in it until 1988. As an expert for Ernst Zündel in his Canadian trial, he said when asked that a maximum of 100,000 Jewish deaths in the Nazi camps could be proven. He later published the Leuchter Report and wrote an approving preface. Since then, Irving and Leuchter have often appeared together, for example in April 1990 at the “International Revisionist Congress” in Munich . There Irving stated that there were “never gas chambers” in Auschwitz, that the buildings presented to the “tourists” were “dummies” for which the German state had paid a “16 billion mark fine”. Irving often attended DVU annual meetings.

In the UK, Holocaust denial is not a criminal offense. After Deborah Lipstadt called Irving "one of the most dangerous Holocaust deniers," he charged her with defamation in 1996, sparking a four-year trial. Court reports by Richard J. Evans , Robert Jan van Pelt, Peter Longerich and others once again proved the Holocaust, Hitler's leading role in it and the purpose of the gas chambers to be destroyed as irrefutable facts. The London High Court of Justice ruled that Irving was not a historian at all, but a history falsifier, liar, Holocaust denier and right-wing Nazi polemicist who shared many of the racist and anti-Semitic views of neo-Nazis. Irving also lost the appeal process in 2001. In February 2006 he was sentenced to three years imprisonment in Austria for a previous denial, but was deported to Great Britain in December. He is banned from entering several countries, including Germany and Austria.

BNP chairman Nick Griffin is a right-wing denier convicted of racial hatred. In 2000 he presented himself to Irving as the better Holocaust expert and in 2009 tried to cast off the image of the denier and anti-Semite, but at the same time admitted that his views were punishable under EU law.

In 2000 in London, the Islamist hate preacher Omar Bakri Mohammed declared six million Holocaust victims to be deceived for Zionist interests. The Nazis would have killed a maximum of 60,000 Jews in the war. The story of the Holocaust is full of myths and lies.

In a survey from January 2019, five percent of the British questioned (extrapolated 2.6 million) said the Holocaust had not happened.

Pius Brotherhood

The Society of St. Pius X. had separated from the Roman Catholic Church in 1970 mainly because of the recognition of Judaism in the Council Declaration Nostra Aetate . Its founder Marcel Lefebvre stood in the tradition of anti-modernism and had often attracted attention with anti-Semitic statements. Philippe Laguérie , a high-ranking member of the group, was close to the right-wing extremist Jean-Marie Le Pen and described the theses of the deniers Henri Roques and Robert Faurisson in 1987 as "absolutely scientific".

Lefebvre consecrated four clerics as bishops against papal authority in June 1988, including Richard Williamson from Britain . He denied the Holocaust in a sermon in Canada in 1989: not a single Jew died in gas chambers. They are all lies. The Jews invented the Holocaust in order to blackmail the Gentiles into recognition of the State of Israel. In 1991 he attributed the second Gulf War to Jews in the United States and quoted approvingly the Protocols of the Elders of Zion : Jews fueled hatred and revolts against governments in all countries in order to subjugate non-Jews to their world rule of money. In 2005, in a seminar letter, he spoke of “scientific evidence” that “certain famous Holocaust gas chambers” could not have served this purpose. On January 19, 2009 he said in an interview in Zaitzkofen (Schierling), the seat of the German section of the Pius Brothers: The historical evidence speaks against six million deliberately murdered Jews. A maximum of 200,000 to 300,000 Jews perished in German concentration camps, but none in gas chambers. To do this, he referred to the Leuchter Report. A few days earlier he had visited its editor, David Irving.

Although Williamson's statements were known on the Internet, Pope Benedict XVI. the four Pius Bishops returned to the Catholic Church on January 21, 2009. Williamson's interview aired in Sweden the same day. In view of the strong international reactions, he regretted his statements without departing from them. In May 2009, he affirmed that God had given the Protocols of the Elders of Zion to the people so that they could see the truth. He thereby undermined a prohibition of his superior Bernard Fellay to comment on politics.

After strong protests, Pope Benedict remembered his previous visits to Auschwitz on January 28, 2009. The Shoah must be a warning against “forgetting, denial and reductionism”. However, Federal Chancellor Angela Merkel said on February 3, 2009: "If a decision by the Vatican gives the impression that the Holocaust can be denied, this must not remain without consequences." The Vatican then made it clear the next day that the Pius Bishops had only been accepted back into the church, not into offices. Williamson must distance himself absolutely unequivocally from his denial. This was not known to the Pope when the excommunication was lifted. As a gesture of reconciliation, the Pope visited Yad Vashem on May 12, 2009 , but retained his decision and did not comment on possible omissions by the Vatican during the Nazi era.

In 2012 the Pius Brotherhood excluded Williamson, who took nothing back, and the Italian priest Floriano Abrahamowicz. He had also questioned the gas chambers and the number of Holocaust victims. Several German courts fined Williamson for sedition. The judgment became final in 2014. The European Court of Human Rights rejected Williamson's complaint in January 2019 and declared the German judgments to be lawful.

The French sedevacantist Vincent Reynouard also advocates a Catholic fundamentalist form of denial in his magazine Sans Concession .

North America

Canada

In Canada, it was revealed by a parent complaint in 1986 that the mayor and history teacher James Keegstra in Alberta the Holocaust in the classroom for years represented an exaggeration of a "Jewish lobby", while anti-Semitic deniers texts used as sources and opposition had negative censored. He challenged his release, but the Constitutional Court upheld it in 1988.

The German neo-Nazi Ernst Zündel , who has been living in Canada since 1957, translated Christopherson's “Auschwitz Lie” into English in 1974 and from 1976 onwards distributed many other denial texts, Hitler speeches and other propaganda material in many countries through his samizdat publishing house. In 1980 he published Richard Harwood's font. In 1981 he sent audio cassettes with denial presentations worldwide free of charge. A 1985 court sentence of 15 months probation for "spreading false news" was overturned due to formal errors. Zündel used the second trial in Toronto in 1988 for a large number of deniers as witnesses. Fred Leuchter posed as a chemist and engineer specializing in execution techniques and presented what was later known as the Leuchter Report to prove that there were no mass murders involving gas in the Auschwitz and Majdanek extermination camps . He was convicted in the process as a technically unqualified impostor. Zündel was sentenced to nine months in prison but acquitted in 1992 because Canada's Constitutional Court overturned the law on which the sentence was based.

During and after both cases, neo-Nazi hate propaganda grew sharply in Canada. The Holocaust was hardly or not at all dealt with in school education. Many teachers were unsettled by pseudorational denial texts. That is why the Canadian section of B'nai B'rith developed an advanced training course for teachers on the subject, which is considered exemplary.

For years, Zündel continued to spread Holocaust denial unhindered on the Internet. His wife Ingrid Rimland , who ran the Zundel site from the USA, helped . She was an anti-Semite who regarded “the tribe” (the Jews) as the secret backers of Josef Stalin , whose mass murders and masterminds of a New World Order . In 1992, Zündel's Canadian lawyer Barbara Kulaszka published all of the testimony in Zündels Verlag. The 900-page compilation under the title Did six million really die? has been translated into many languages ​​and sold more than a million times.

United States

In the USA , the historian Harry Elmer Barnes , an isolationist who was recognized before 1933, first denied the German war guilt from 1945, and from 1965 also mass murders by the Nazi regime. Following him, David L. Hoggan in his doctoral thesis “The Forced War” (1961) blamed the British and the Poles for the Second World War. From 1969 he also denied the Holocaust (The Myth of the six million) . Willis Carto published Hoggan's book with the publishing house of the anti-Semitic Liberty Lobby . Carto argued that Jewish bankers threatened the “racial heritage” of the white West; he should have allied himself with Hitler against communism directed by Jews. From 1966 his anti-Semitic monthly magazine American Mercury began to publish denial texts. From 1967 Carto published under the pseudonym EL Anderson Paul Rassinier's books.

Founded in 1979 by Carto and David McCalden , IHR in California was the most important denial center in the world until 1994. Disguised as an independent educational and research institute, it maintains international networking with annual congresses and disseminates its publications. They claim to do research on the Nazi era as a critical outsider, but consistently try to justify the Nazi regime and refute the Holocaust. In 1979, the IHR promised the $ 50,000 who could conclusively prove the Auschwitz gas chambers, but then ignored the valid evidence submitted by Auschwitz survivor Mel Mermelstein . In response to his lawsuit, the California Supreme Court ruled for the first time in the United States in 1985 that the Holocaust was indisputable and did not require any evidence. The IHR had to pay Mermelstein $ 90,000 and publicly apologize to all Holocaust survivors.

Nevertheless, the IHR remained active. Among the deniers were old Nazis, neo-Nazis and hitherto inconspicuous people. In addition to the usual historical revisionist theses, the IHR attributed noble, honorable intentions to Josef Mengele and the SS and presented Nazism as a progressive, environmentally conscious movement that had rightly interned and executed Jews as potential allies of the Communists. It heroized Hitler as a selfless statesman who was the only one who faced the danger of communism. It said US President Franklin D. Roosevelt had a conspiracy for the US to enter the war .

The Leuchter Report gave the pseudo-scientific denial of the Holocaust a boost despite multiple refutations. After 1988, Leuchter published three more "reports" of the same style, which also tried to deny the murders of Jews in other extermination camps. He often appeared at international denier meetings and was arrested in Germany in 1993 after appearing on a talk show, but was able to flee to the USA. Rudolf, Leuchter and Faurisson published a “critical edition” of the four “expert reports” in 2005, which was reprinted three times by 2012. However, these attempts at denial received less attention.,

Carto worked with the anti-Semite and black nationalist Robert Brock and published his denial paper The Holocaust Dogma of Judaism . Brock founded the United for Holocaust Fairness group in 1992 , hosted a conference, and in 1993 was the only African American to participate in protests against the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum (USHMM). He was a frequent guest speaker at the DVU in Munich and advised Khalid Mohammed from the Nation of Islam . This also denied the Holocaust or blamed Jews for it as well as for the slave trade . Mutual contacts developed between white and African-American deniers.

Gary Lauck , founder of the NSDAP structural organization , denied the Holocaust and once said that Hitler was still too humane. He was convicted of sedition in Germany in 1976, but continued his denial propaganda from the USA. The former Ku Klux Klan leader David Duke became a denier around 1988 through contacts with IHR and then began a career in politics. In 1990 he received 60 percent of the white vote as a GOP candidate for senatorial office in Louisiana . After serving a prison sentence (2004), he moved to Ukraine and intensified his anti-Semitic denial activities.

The new IHR leader Mark Weber proclaimed in 1995 that Holocaust denial is currently rather a hindrance in the fight against the superior “Jewish-Zionist power”. Long-term employees such as Robert Faurisson and Bradley Smith then separated from IHR. In 2002 it stopped its monthly journal and today it mainly maintains its website. In 2004 the IHR, the Adelaide Institute and the European American Culture Council held a joint conference for Ernst Zündel, who was accused in Germany, attended by many prominent deniers, including Horst Mahler.

Since the legal situation in the USA allows Holocaust denial as free expression of opinion, deniers could temporarily smuggle their theses into universities and academic discourses as supposed research. To this end, IHR representatives Mark Weber and Bradley Smith founded the Committee for Open Debate on the Holocaust (CODOH) in 1987 . From 1991 the CODOH started an advertising campaign in university newspapers in the USA with the aim of breaking an alleged research taboo on the Holocaust and bringing about an "open debate" about it. Initially, the universities debated whether it was constitutional to print the advertisements or whether it could be refused. From 2000 to 2003, Smith published The Revisionist magazine, which Germar Rudolf took over, but discontinued in 2005. In 2009, Weber separated from CODOH in order to bring the IHR on a more moderate political course. Smith appeared at a festival in Mexico with the Holocaust-denying film El Gran Tabu ("The Great Taboo"). CODOH's reputable website is still an important point of contact for deniers worldwide.

On February 1, 2007, denier Eric Hunt physically assaulted Holocaust survivor Elie Wiesel in San Francisco. Hunt wanted to force him to declare himself a liar on behalf of all Jews. He was sentenced to two years in prison and then continued to deny. The denier James von Brunn shot and killed a USHMM security guard in June 2009. He justified the attack with his book Kill the Best Gentiles from 1999. In it he had referred to David Irving, among others. Brunn died in custody. Robert Bowers, who killed 11 Jewish people on October 27, 2018, in his attempt to assassinate the Tree of Life Synagogue in Pittsburgh in 2018 , had previously posted constant anti-Semitic comments on the Gab network , including Holocaust denial.

An unclearly formulated survey by the Roper Institute in 1992 initially showed that 22 percent of those questioned doubted the fact of the Holocaust. In two surveys from 1994 with corrected question form ("Does it seem possible to you that the Nazis' extermination of the Jews never happened, or are you sure that it happened?") It was only one percent.

near and Middle East

In the Arab region in 1945 thousands of Holocaust perpetrators emerged after the war under and often found new well-paid employment as consultants and aid workers of secret police and propaganda media. The Nazi ideology and Holocaust denial experienced a second heyday in the Middle East region. This intensified as a reaction to the Middle East conflict , the German reparations to Israel and the Eichmann trial in 1961 as the Holocaust became more important for Jewish identity and Western discourse. From 1978 onwards, Arab-Islamic enemies of Israel adopted the pseudo-scientific theses of European and American deniers in their social discourse.

Up until the year 2000, most of the Arab states did not allow the Holocaust and the Nazi period to be dealt with in school lessons at all or hardly at all and rejected educational programs on the subject. Some Arab state broadcasters produce and broadcast anti-Semitic television series, but all Arab states ban internationally renowned films about Nazi crimes. The main reason is the hostility towards Israel that is deeply rooted in society.

Egypt

In Egypt , politicians and the media from 1950, like German right-wing extremists, questioned the justification of Israeli claims against Germany. In doing so, they ignored the Holocaust, distorted the historical course of the persecution of the Jews and attributed the reparations to Jewish allegations against Hitler, not the Nazi extermination policy. A dean of Azhar University indirectly denied the Holocaust in 1953 by depicting the expulsion of the Palestinians ( Nakba ) by Jewish settlers as the much larger catastrophe. After the Suez Crisis , Egypt demanded that the Federal Republic should stop reparations to Israel because they had stabilized its economy and made military attacks possible. That is why there was a growing interest in downsizing or denying the Holocaust as the basis for Israeli claims.

The study center on Zionism established by President Gamal Abdel Nasser in 1959 also employed old Nazis such as Johann von Leers , a former Goebbels employee, as propaganda experts. They made Holocaust denial part of Arab media propaganda.

In 1996, Roger Garaudy, who was accused in France, visited Egypt and was made an honorary member of the Writers' Association. In 1998, Egypt's Minister of Culture, Farouk Hosny, offered him a state reception at the Cairo Book Fair and a large stage.

The second intifada from 2000 and the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001 intensified this trend. In May 2002 a long anti-Semitic inflammatory article appeared in the state daily Al-Akhbar under the title “Cursed forever and ever”: Allah cursed the Jews from the beginning to the end of creation. Many French studies have shown that the Holocaust is only a forgery, a lie, a fraud. Hitler is completely innocent of what Jews accuse him of. The whole thing is nothing but a huge plan by Israel to exploit Germany and the countries of Europe. He complained to Hitler, "from the bottom of my heart, 'if you had only done it [the Holocaust], brother, it would really have happened so that the world could breathe a sigh of relief from its wickedness and sin."

Saudi Arabia and Syria

Anne Frank's diary is banned in Saudi Arabia . There, the number of victims of the Holocaust is officially presented as a Jewish exaggeration. In Syria's school books in 2000, the Holocaust was still denied, relativized and called for hatred and murder against Jews. Some state-sponsored research institutes also publish Holocaust denial.

Representatives of the Muslim Brotherhood such as Mohammed Mahdi Akef adopted the thesis in 2006 from the deniers appearing in Iran that the gas chambers were only there for disinfection.

Lebanon and Jordan

Anne Frank's diary is banned in Lebanon . The Jordanian university professor Ibrahim Alloush planned for March 2001 in Beirut with Jürgen Graf and the IHR an international conference of deniers on the subject of "Revisionism and Zionism". It was supposed to bring together European, Islamic-Arab and American deniers with the common enemy of Israel. The speakers were Roger Garaudy, Henry Roques, Horst Mahler, Fredrick Toben, Mark Weber and Oleg Platonow. Mahler's lecture was entitled “ Final Solution to the Jewish Question ”. When Lebanon's government banned the conference, the organizers wanted to move to Amman , but Jordan also banned the meeting. However, Alloush was able to hold a conference on "Revisionism" with the Jordanian Writers' Association. There he announced that he would found an Arab Committee of Historical Revisionism . Follow-up meetings took place in Trieste (October 2001) and Moscow (January 2002).

The terrorist organization Hezbollah active in Lebanon represents radical anti-Semitism. Its advocates mostly deny the Holocaust's goal of extermination, some deny its extent.

Palestinian Territories

The Arab UN representative for Palestine Issa Nakhleh was a close confidante of the Mufti and Holocaust aid worker Mohammed Amin al-Husseini († 1974). In 1978 he wrote to US President Jimmy Carter and Egypt's head of state Anwar as-Sadat : "The hoax of the six million Jews who allegedly died in Europe was used by the Zionists to gain sympathy for the Jewish occupation of the homeland of Palestine." That should make the Camp David agreement negotiated at the time more difficult.

The Fatah representative Mahmud Abbas wrote a doctoral thesis on contacts between the Nazi regime and leading Zionists in Moscow in 1982. It was published in 1984 as a book whose title claimed a "secret relationship between National Socialism and Zionism". In it Abbas accused the Zionists of inciting the German Jews against the Nazi regime in order to generate hatred and revenge and to expand mass extermination. After the war it was spread that six million Jews were among the victims and that the war of extermination was primarily aimed at them. In truth, nobody knows the number of victims; it could also have been less than a million Jews. The Zionists would have allowed the Nazis to treat the Jews in any way that would guarantee their emigration to Israel. Then he praised and lectured Robert Faurisson's "scientific work" on gas chambers. After Western criticism, he moved away from it in 1995 and emphasized several times that he did not deny the Holocaust.

Some Palestinian academics and officials publicly denied the Holocaust or its extent:

• Hassan al-Agha , Gaza Islamic University , 1997: "The Jews see it [the Holocaust] as a profitable tool, so they keep inflating the casualty rate ..."
• Seif ali al-Jarwan , Al Hayat al-Jadida, 1998: "They hatched horrific stories of gas chambers that Hitler used, they say to burn them alive ..." This, as well as press photos of it, are "a malicious invention of the Jews" .
• Ikrimeh Sabri , Mufti of Jerusalem, The New York Times , March 2000: “We think the figure of six million is an exaggeration. The Jews use the subject in many ways to blackmail the Germans financially. "
• Issam Sissalem , Palestinian TV, November 29, 2000: “And of course these [Holocaust reports ] are all lies and unsubstantiated claims. No Chelmno, no Dachau, no Auschwitz! They were disinfection sites. ”After 1945, the Jews propagated their persecution, murder and extermination in order to“ implant this foreign entity as a cancer in our country ”.
• Hiri Manzour , Al-Hayat Al-Jadida, April 13, 2001: “The Fable of the Holocaust”: “The Jewish defenders of the Holocaust constantly fear that attention will shift from the Holocaust fable to the particular historical Holocaust against the Palestinians. And is it not now evident that the victims of the Holocaust created it themselves? ”“ The number of six million Jews cremated in Auschwitz is a lie by Jews for their international advertising campaign. ”

Because such statements produce harsh reactions, they rarely appear in PNA media. Far more often, the Nazi crimes are equated with Israel's actions and the Holocaust is thus played down.

When the Palestinian Authority (PNA) was ready to include the Holocaust 2000 issue in their school plans, the Arab League strictly rejected it. In two speeches to the PNA in 2018, Abbas again represented anti-Semitic falsification of history: The social behavior of European Ashkenazim , especially money lending, caused the Holocaust; they are not descendants of the Israelites ; Hitler had made their emigration possible financially with the Ha'avara Agreement ; Israel was "planted" in Arab territory by European colonialists, not Jews.

The Hamas -Prediger Yusuf al-Qaradawi denies reduced or justify the Holocaust in his speeches often, it presents as evidence of a hateful character of the Jews and just as God's punishment is. Abdel Aziz al-Rantisi wrote in 2003 in the weekly Hamas: The Holocaust is "the greatest of the lies spread by the Jews". If it existed, then the Jews are its real authors and perpetrators. It is no longer a secret that the Zionists stood behind the murder of the Jews by the Nazis in order to force other Jews to emigrate to Palestine.

Iran

Iran's governments have been promoting radical anti-Zionism since the Islamic revolution in 1979, for example with calls to eradicate “Zionist cancer” from this planet. In May 2000, the Tehran Times wrote that the Holocaust was "one of the greatest scams of the 20th century". In 2001, Iran's chief clergyman Ali Khamene'i said: “There is evidence that the Zionists had close ties to the German Nazis and exaggerated all statements about the murder of the Jews in order to win over public opinion, to pave the way for the occupation of Palestine and to justify the Zionist crimes. ”President Ali Akbar Hāschemi Rafsanjāni said in 2001 that private investigations had convinced him that Hitler only murdered 20,000 Jews.

His successor Mahmud Ahmadineschād repeatedly referred to the Holocaust as a “myth” and “Zionist propaganda” from 2005 onwards and made denial a state campaign. On his first trip abroad to Saudi Arabia in 2005, he said: "Some European states insist on saying that Hitler killed millions of innocent Jews in ovens ..." He does not accept this, but if it is true, Europeans honestly have to "have some of their territories." in Europe - as in Germany, Austria or other states - give the Zionists so that they can establish their state in Europe ”. He also defended the right of deniers to publish their theses. Against international protests, the Iranian government denied that it had denied the Holocaust.

In a 2006 Spiegel interview, Ahmadinejad questioned the Holocaust and Israel's right to exist. If the Holocaust happened in Europe, "the Jews" would have to return there instead of punishing the Palestinians for it. The German people are guiltless today and should not be "the Zionists hostage" for an indefinite period of time. Europe's governments are banning free research on the Holocaust. Contrary researcher opinions (meant were imprisoned deniers) are to be examined openly. Of the 60 million war victims, not only “the Jews” should be “in the center”.

In response to the Danish Mohammed cartoons , a state institute hosted the 2006 Holocaust Denial Conference in Iran with more than 60 known deniers. Iran's Foreign Minister Mohammed Jawad Sarif made the purpose clear at the outset: If the “official version” of the Holocaust is questioned, the “identity and nature of Israel” will also be questioned. All speakers questioned the Holocaust and accused Israel of grossly manipulating it for its interests. The conference was organized and inspired by Mohammad-Ali Ramin , who had previously lived in Germany for 17 years and had established close contacts there with neo-Nazis and Turkish Islamists from the denier website Muslim-Markt . The invitation was aimed specifically at those prosecuted in Europe, including atheist deniers, some of whom had previously found refuge in Iran. In 2012, on April 19, the Israeli day of remembrance for the victims of the Shoah , Iranian state television broadcast ten cartoons denying the Holocaust.

In 2010, Grand Ayatollah Naser Makarem Shirazi , one of Iran's highest spiritual authorities, said the Holocaust was “nothing but superstition [...] The truth about the Holocaust is not clear. And whenever researchers want to find out whether it actually took place or whether the Jews merely invented it in order to pose as victims, they put the researchers in prison ”.

In September 2013, Foreign Minister Zarif moved away from Ahmadinejad on Twitter : Iran had never denied the Holocaust. The man who did it or was perceived to be so is now gone. He attributed the following competitions to Holocaust caricatures to a non-governmental private organization. At a meeting with EU representatives in 2013, he equated “the massacre of the Jews carried out by the Nazis” and “the massacre of the Palestinians carried out by the Zionists”. The new President Hassan Rohani replied to the interview question whether he considered the Holocaust to be a myth: As a non-historian, he could not say anything about the “dimension of historical events”. Head of State Ali Chamene'i again questioned the Holocaust in 2014. In the same year Iran invited the deniers Ahmed Ramin, Claudio Moffa, Front-National and BDS representatives to another anti-Israel conference. In 2016, Rafsanjani told his German visitor Stephan Weil : Maybe six million Jews perished during the Nazi era, but that is nothing compared to 20 million dead and eight million displaced people since Israel was founded. After protest, he broke off the meeting. Holocaust denial and hostility to Israel have therefore been considered constants of Iranian politics since 1979.

Turkey

In Turkey , the holocaust-denying book by the Hungarian nationalist Louis Marschalko, Die Weltteroberer, appeared in Turkish in 1971 ; its second edition in 1983. In 1995 Adnan Oktar published under the pseudonym Harun Yahya The Genocide Lie , a pseudoscientific publication based on European deniers. In 1998 the Turkish translation of Roger Garaudy's Founding Myths of Israeli Politics was published . Turkish Islamists attributed the trial of Garaudy in France to a “Jewish lobby” that suppressed any criticism of Israel. In response to readers' criticism, they referred to the CODOH denier website. Well-known author Alev Alatlı praised the speakers at the Iranian Conference of Deniers in 2006 as "famous academics" and defended the IHR. A columnist for the daily Akşam asked rhetorically whether a plan for genocide in which Israel would be the greatest victim was really conceivable or whether it was a "myth" hatched by Hollywood . Then he recited the deniers' arguments, characterizing them as heroes of the truth who bravely face persecution.

Australia and New Zealand

Australia's leading Holocaust denier is the German-born philosopher Fredrick Toben . In 1998 he founded the Adelaide Institute , which operates Holocaust denial under a scientific guise. He works closely with the IHR in the USA. In April 1999, Toben in Germany was sentenced to ten months' imprisonment for importing holocaust-denying writings, but was released after seven months of pre-trial detention in exchange for a fine. Material from its website was convicted in 2001 of violating the Australian Racial Hatred Act 1995. He used these processes for an autobiography to make himself known internationally as a denier.

In December 1999, Toben gave holocaust-denying lectures in Iran, which Iranian newspapers reported approvingly. In March 2001, he was due to speak at the deniers conference in Beirut that banned the Lebanese government. In 2003, Iran invited Toben to speak at an anti-Zionist conference, where it denied the Holocaust and at the same time called Israel's policy in the occupied territories of Palestine the Holocaust.

In 2003 the left-wing Melbourne Underground Film Festival screened films by David Irving and Robert Faurisson. Their articles or essays were reprinted in left-wing magazines such as Nexus .

Other Australian deniers are Michèle Renouf and Richard Krege. The League of Rights disguises itself as a human rights group, but actually unites Australian racists and anti-Semites and has influence far beyond narrow right-wing extremist circles. In the 1990s she organized lecture tours for well-known deniers through Australia and distributed their writings. Its chairman, John Bennett, describes the Holocaust as a "gigantic lie" for Israeli interests. A similar League of Rights also exists in New Zealand .

The Muslim conflict researcher Joel Hayward received a Master of Arts degree from the University of Canterbury in 1993 for a thesis that presented the theses of deniers positively and partly adopted their conclusions. After criticism, a commission examined the work and found many errors in it, whereupon the university publicly apologized.

Japan

In Japan , after the end of the war, the internment of Jews and the participation of Japanese in the Holocaust were suppressed. After many anti-Semitic books (from 1980), Holocaust denial appeared on Japan's media and book market in the vicinity of IHR supporters from 1990 onwards.

It was then that the doctor Nishioka Masanori wrote the article The greatest taboo in post-war history: There were no Nazi gas chambers . He denied evidence of a systematic murder of Jews, interpreted “Final Solution” as a resettlement plan and claimed that the Allies produced the Holocaust testimonies after the war. For years he offered the text to more than 60 magazines. In 1994 the editor-in-chief of the monthly magazine “ Marco Polo ” accepted the text, but did not publish it until early February 1995, shortly after the anniversary of the liberation of Auschwitz. Initially, he asked why the alleged taboo was "kept secret" and why the Japanese press did not report anything about it.

Jewish associations inside and outside Japan were very critical. The Simon Wiesenthal Center in Los Angeles called for a boycott of the publisher. He lost his advertisers and had to stop the magazine. Publishing director and editor-in-chief were fired. As a result of the affair, Japanese publishers published more serious books on the Nazi era and Jewish topics, and banned denial papers. At the same time, the successful pressure exerted by Jewish associations confirmed anti-Semitic clichés. Japanese deniers continued their activity on the Internet. The resigned editor-in-chief took over a right-wing extremist magazine that instead of the “Auschwitz lie ” spreads the “ Nanking lie ” as a form of Japanese historical revisionism.

Masami Uno, an anti-American and anti-Zionist author, declared the Holocaust to be an invention, the United States to be a “Jewish nation” and the diary of Anne Frank a collection of lies. He also denied Israel's right to exist as well as Japanese war crimes in World War II and war guilt.

Additional information

literature

Holocaust facts

• Holocaust # literature
• Holocaust research # literature
• Gas chambers and crematoria of the Auschwitz concentration camp # Literature

overview

• Maria Munzert: Revisionism / Denial of the Holocaust. In: Torben Fischer, Matthias N. Lorenz (Ed.): Lexicon of coping with the past in Germany. Debate and discourse history of National Socialism after 1945. Transcript, Bielefeld 2009, ISBN 978-3-89942-773-8 , pp. 87–91.
• Robert Wistrich : Holocaust Denial. In: Judith Tydor Baumel, Walter Laqueur (Ed.): The Holocaust Encyclopedia. Yale University Press, New Haven 2001, ISBN 0-300-08432-3 , pp. 293-301

Reference book

• Wolfgang Benz (Hrsg.): Handbuch des Antisemitismus # overview of the volumes (abbreviated HdA, publishing data ibid.)

bibliography

• Rivqā Knoller: Denial of the Holocaust: A Bibliography of Literature Denying Or Distorting the Holocaust, and of Literature about this Phenomenon. 3rd edition, Abraham and Edita Spiegel, Bar-Ilan University, 1992
• John A. Drobnicki: Holocaust-Denial Literature: A Fifth Bibliography. City University of New York, September 2002

Overall representations

• Joe Mulhall, Patrik Hermansson, David Lawrence, Simon Murdoch, David Williams: Rewriting History: Lying, Denying & Revising the Holocaust. Hope not hate Publishing, London 2018, ISBN 978-1-9993205-0-8 .
• Deborah Lipstadt: A Few Observations on Holocaust Denial and Antisemitism. In: Anthony McElligott, Jeffrey Herf (Eds.): Antisemitism Before and Since the Holocaust: Altered Contexts and Recent Perspectives. Springer VS, Wiesbaden 2017, ISBN 978-3-319-48866-0 (2nd chapter, pp. 23-49 ).
• Paul Behrens, Olaf Jensen, Nicholas Terry (Eds.): Holocaust and Genocide Denial: A Contextual Perspective. Routledge, London 2017, ISBN 978-1-138-67273-4 .
• Robert Wistrich (Ed.): Holocaust Denial. The Politics of Perfidy. De Gruyter, Boston 2012, ISBN 978-3-11-028821-6 ( review by Christian Mentel , H-Soz-Kult , June 19, 2013).
• Jean-Yves Camus: Holocaust-denial: New Trends of pseudo-scientific Smokescreen of Antisemitism. In: Uwe Backes, Patrick Moreau (Eds.): The Extreme Right in Europe. Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen 2011, ISBN 3-525-36922-0 , pp. 243-264
• Stephen E. Atkins: Holocaust denial as an international movement. ABC-Clio / Praeger, Westport / Connecticut 2009, ISBN 978-0-313-34538-8 .
• Tony Taylor: Denial: History Betrayed. Melbourne University Publishing, 2009, ISBN 0-522-85482-6 .
• Deborah E. Lipstadt: Subject: Denial of the Holocaust. (1993) 3rd edition, Rio, Zurich 1998, ISBN 3-907768-10-8 .
• Kenneth S. Stern:  Holocaust Denial. In: Encyclopaedia Judaica . 2nd Edition. Volume 9, Detroit / New York a. a. 2007, ISBN 978-0-02-865937-4 , pp. 493-495 (English).
• Kenneth S. Stern: Holocaust Denial. The American Jewish Committee, New York 1993.
• Pierre Vidal-Naquet: Assassins of Memory: Essays on the Denial of the Holocaust. Columbia University Press, New York 1993, ISBN 0-231-07458-1 .

Refutations

• James and Lance Morcan: Debunking Holocaust Denial Theories: Two Non-Jews Affirm the Historicity of the Nazi Genocide. Sterling Gate Books, 2016, ISBN 0-473-36228-7 .
• Günter Morsch , Astrid Ley: New studies on National Socialist mass killings using poison gas: historical significance, technical development, revisionist denial. Metropol, Berlin 2011, ISBN 3-940938-99-8 .
• Armin Pfahl-Traughber : Revisionist Claims and Historical Truth. To refute right-wing extremist historical legends. In: Christoph Butterwegge , Georg Lohmann: Youth, right-wing extremism and violence. Analysis and Arguments. Leske + Budrich, 2001, ISBN 3-8100-3222-0 , pp. 241-258. ( Text excerpt online )
• John C. Zimmerman: Holocaust denial: demographics, testimonies, and ideologies. University Press of America, 2000, ISBN 0-7618-1821-9 .
• Heiner Lichtenstein : Twenty-fourth picture: The Auschwitz lie. In: Julius H. Schoeps, Joachim Schlör (eds.): Images of hostility towards Jews. Anti-Semitism - Prejudices and Myths. Augsburg 1999, ISBN 3-8289-0734-2 , pp. 294-301.
• Robert Jan Van Pelt: The science of Holocaust research and the art of Holocaust denial. University of Waterloo, 1999, ISBN 0-921083-93-9 .
• Till Bastian : Auschwitz and the 'Auschwitz Lie'. Mass murder and falsification of history. Beck, Munich 1997, ISBN 3-406-43155-0 .
• Markus Tiedemann : “Nobody was gassed in Auschwitz.” 60 right-wing extremist lies and how to refute them. Mülheim / Ruhr 1996, ISBN 3-570-20990-3 .
• Hellmuth Auerbach: Auschwitz lie. In: Wolfgang Benz (Ed.): Legends, Lies, Prejudices. A dictionary on contemporary history. 5th edition, Deutscher Taschenbuch Verlag, Munich 1994, ISBN 3-423-03295-2 , p. 36 f. (11th edition 2000)
• Werner Wegner: No mass gassings in Auschwitz? On the criticism of the Leuchter report. In: Uwe Backes et al. (Ed.): The shadows of the past. Impulses for historicizing the past. Propylaeen, Berlin 1990, ISBN 3-549-07407-7 , pp. 450-476.
• Ino Arndt, Wolfgang Scheffler : Organized mass murder of Jews in National Socialist extermination camps. A contribution to the correction of apologetic literature. Quarterly Issues for Contemporary History 24, Issue 2, 1976, pp. 105–112 (PDF; 1.5 MB).

Holocaust denial in individual states

• Esther Webman, Meir Litvak: From Empathy to Denial. Arab Responses to the Holocaust. Hurst & Co, 2008, ISBN 1-85065-924-9 .
• Danny Ben-Moshe: Holocaust Denial in Australia. Vidal Sassoon International Center for the Study of Antisemitism (SICSA), Jerusalem 2005 (PDF; 605 kB)
• Florin Lobont: Antisemitism and Holocaust Denial in Post-Communist Eastern Europe. In: Dan Stone (Ed.): The Historiography of the Holocaust. Palgrave Macmillan, London 2004, ISBN 0-230-52450-8 , pp. 440-468 .
• Elke Mayer: Falsified past: On the emergence of Holocaust denial in the Federal Republic of Germany with special consideration of right-wing extremist journalism from 1945 to 1975. Peter Lang, 2003, ISBN 3-631-39732-1 .
• Michael Shafir: Between Denial and "Comparative Trivialization". Holocaust Negationism in Post-Communist East Central Europe. SICSA, Jerusalem 2002.
• Götz Nordbruch : The Socio-Historical Background of Holocaust Denial in Arab Countries. Reactions to Roger Garaudy's "The Founding Myths of Israeli Politics". SICSA, Jerusalem 2001.
• Valérie Igounet: Histoire du négationnisme en France. Éditions du Seuil, Paris 2000, ISBN 2-02-035492-6 .
• Pierre Vidal-Naquet, Limor Yagil: Holocaust Denial in France. The Project for the Study of Anti-Semitism, Tel Aviv 1994.

About Holocaust deniers

• Stephan Braun, Alexander Geisler, Martin Gerster (eds.): Strategies of the extreme right: Backgrounds - Analyzes - Answers. Springer VS, Wiesbaden 2009, ISBN 978-3-531-15911-9 .
• Juliane Wetzel: The Auschwitz Lie. In: Wolfgang Benz, Peter Reif-Spirek: History myths . Legends about National Socialism. Berlin 2003, pp. 27-42.
• Michael Shermer , Alex Grobman: Denying History: Who Says the Holocaust Never Happened and Why Do They Say It? University of California Press, 2002, ISBN 0-520-23469-3 ( excerpt online ).
• Ted Gottfried, Stephen Alcorn: Deniers of the Holocaust: Who They Are, What They Do, Why They Do It? Twenty-First Century Books, 2001, ISBN 0-7613-1950-6 .
• Richard J. Evans : The Forger of History. Holocaust and Historical Truth in the David Irving Trial. Frankfurt am Main 2001, ISBN 3-593-36770-X .
• Jürgen Zarusky : Denial of the Holocaust. The anti-Semitic strategy after Auschwitz. Federal Testing Office for Writings Harmful to Young Persons (Ed.): Official Bulletin, Bonn 1999, pp. 5–15.
• Ephraim Kaye: The desecraters of memory: Holocaust denial, a marginal phenomenon or a real danger? Yad Vashem, 1997
• Armin Pfahl-Traughber : The Apologists of the "Auschwitz Lie" - Meaning and Development of Holocaust Denial in Right-Wing Extremism. In: Uwe Backes, Eckhard Jesse (ed.): Extremismus und Demokratie 8, Bonn 1996, pp. 75–101.
• Brigitte Bailer-Galanda , Wolfgang Benz, Wolfgang Neugebauer (eds.): The Auschwitz deniers. 'Revisionist' historical lie and historical truth. Elefanten Press, Berlin 1996, ISBN 3-88520-600-5 .
• Wolfgang Benz: Refusal of Reality as an Anti-Semitic Principle: The Denial of Genocide. In: Wolfgang Benz (Ed.): Antisemitism in Germany. On the timeliness of a prejudice. dtv, Munich 1995, ISBN 3-423-04648-1 , pp. 121-139 ( full text online ).
• Klara Obermüller: The "Auschwitz Lie". In: Gudrun Hentges , Guy Kempfert, Reinhard Kühnl (Hrsg.): Antisemitismus. History, interest structure, topicality. Distel, Heilbronn 1995, ISBN 3-929348-05-5 , pp. 153-168.

Criminal law

• Holocaust Denial Laws # Literature

Web links

Holocaust facts

• Zukunft-bendet-Erinnerung.de: Holocaust

Arguments against Holocaust deniers

• Holocaust Reference: Arguments Against Auschwitz Deniers
• Teacher-online.de: Arguments against the deniers of the Holocaust. (registration and fee required)
• Nizkor.org: Techniques of Denial
• Emory Center for Digital Scholarship: Holocaust Denial on Trial
• Holocaust Controversies

history

• USHMM: Holocaust Denial: Key Dates
• Christopher Egenberger: Holocaust denial. Federal Agency for Civic Education, June 16, 2008
• Wolfgang Benz: Anti-Semitism and Holocaust Denial in Germany and Europe. Current findings and counter-strategies. Frankfurter Rundschau, March 7, 2007
• Wolfgang Ayaß , Dietfrid Krause-Vilmar : With arguments against Holocaust denial. (1998)

Other countries

• The Vidal Sassoon International Center for the Study of Antisemitism: Keyword Holocaust denial
• Documentation archive of the Austrian resistance
• Gal Ben-Ari: Jews and Israel in the Arab Media: The Seeds of Hatred.
• Pierre Vidal-Naquet: Les assassins de la mémoire.

Individual evidence

1. ↑ ^{a b} Robert Wistrich (Ed.): Holocaust Denial , Boston 2012, p. 2
2. ^ Deborah Lipstadt: Denying the Holocaust , 1993, p. 1; Wayne Klein: Postmodernism and the Holocaust. Rodopi BV Editions, 1998, ISBN 90-420-0581-5 , p. 54
3. ↑ Avraham Milgram, Robert Rozett: The Holocaust: FAQs - Frequently Asked Questions. Yad Vashem Memorial (ed.), Wallstein, 2012, p. 27f.
4. ^ ^{A b} Andrej Angrick: "Aktion 1005" - removal of traces of Nazi mass crimes 1942-1945 , Wallstein, 2018, ISBN 978-3-8353-4295-8 , pp. 9-12
5. ↑ Alvin H. Rosenfeld: The end of the Holocaust. Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen 2015, ISBN 3-525-54042-6 , p. 170 ; Primo Levi: I sommersi ei salvati. (1986) 2nd edition, Einaudi, 2007, ISBN 88-06-18652-3 , pp. 10f.
6. ↑ Michael Gray: Teaching the Holocaust: Practical Approaches for Ages 11-18. Routledge, New York 2015, ISBN 1-138-79100-8 , pp. 99-102
7. ↑ Ted Gottfried, Stephen Alcorn: Deniers of the Holocaust , 2001, p. 81
8. ^ Christian Mentel: Holocaust denial. In: HdA 3, p. 126
9. ↑ BDMIR (OSCE) / UNESCO (ed.): With educational work against anti-Semitism , Paris / Warsaw 2019, ISBN 978-92-3-000070-7 ( full text online , PDF p. 23)
10. ^ Simon Epstein: Roger Garaudy, Abbé Pierre and the French Negationists. In: Robert Wistrich (Ed.): Holocaust Denial , Boston 2012, p. 91 ; Mark Weitzman: Globalization, Conspiracy Theory, and the Shoah. In: Robert Wistrich (Ed.): Holocaust Denial , Boston 2012, p. 197 ; Klaus Faber, Julius Hans Schoeps, Sacha Stawski: New-old hatred of Jews: anti-Semitism, Arab-Israeli conflict and European politics. Verlag für Berlin-Brandenburg, 2006, ISBN 3-86650-163-3 , p. 108; Barbara Steiner: The Staging of the Jewish: Conversion of Germans to Judaism after 1945. Wallstein, 2015, p. 207
11. ↑ Monika Schwarz-Friesel, Jehuda Reinharz: The language of hostility towards Jews in the 21st century. De Gruyter, Berlin 2012, ISBN 978-3-11-027772-2 , p. 96 , p. 159 and footnote 57
12. ↑ Fabian Fischer: The constructed danger: enemy images in political extremism. Nomos, Chemnitz 2018, ISBN 978-3-8487-5149-5 , p. 121
13. ↑ ^{a b} Martin Clemens Winter: Air War. In: Martin Langebach, Michael Sturm (ed.): Places of remembrance of the extreme right. Springer VS, Wiesbaden 2015, ISBN 978-3-658-00131-5 , pp. 204-212
14. ↑ Michael Fischer: Horst Mahler. KIT Scientific Publishing, 2015, ISBN 3-7315-0388-3 , p. 346
15. ↑ Elisabeth Klamper: The power of images: Anti-Semitic prejudices and myths. Picus, Vienna 1995, ISBN 3-85452-275-4 , p. 372
16. ↑ Bernd Struß: "Ewiggestigte" and "Nestbeschmutzer": The debate about the Wehrmacht exhibitions - a linguistic analysis. Peter Lang, Frankfurt am Main 2009, ISBN 3-631-58736-8 , p. 252
17. ↑ Monika Schwarz-Friesel: Language and Emotion. UTB, 2013, ISBN 978-3-8252-4039-4 , pp. 328 and 347.
18. ↑ Peter Longerich: "We didn't know anything about it!" The Germans and the persecution of the Jews 1933-1945. 3rd edition, Siedler, 2009; Lars Rensmann , Julius H. Schoeps : Enemy Judaism: Anti-Semitism in Europe. Verlag für Berlin-Brandenburg, 2008, ISBN 3-86650-642-2 , p. 90
19. ^ Frank Schellenberg: Between global memory discourse and regional perspective. Ergon / Nomos, 2018, ISBN 3-95650-400-3 , p. 23f.
20. ↑ Omar Kamil: The Holocaust in Arab Memory: A Discourse History 1945-1967. 2nd edition, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen 2018, ISBN 3-525-35599-8 , p. 38
21. ^ Mark Weitzman: Anti-Semitism and Holocaust Denial. In: Thomas Greven, Thomas Grumke: Globalized right-wing extremism? Springer VS, Wiesbaden 2006, ISBN 3-531-14514-2 , p. 65
22. ↑ Paul Behrens et al. (Ed.): Holocaust and Genocide Denial , London 2017, p. 3
23. ↑ Lisa Pine: Debating Genocide. Bloomsbury Academic, 2018, p. 4f.
24. ^ Colin Tatz, Winton Higgins: The Magnitude of Genocide. ABC-Clio, 2016, ISBN 978-1-4408-3160-7 , p. 154
25. ^ Henry C. Theriault: Denial of Ongoing Atrocities as a Rationale for not Attempting to Prevent or Intervene. In: Samuel Totten (Ed.): Impediments to the Prevention and Intervention of Genocide. Routledge, 2013, ISBN 1-4128-4943-8 , pp. 47-76, especially pp. 48 and 58
26. ^ Matthias Küntzel , quoted in Alvin H. Rosenfeld: The end of the Holocaust. Göttingen 2015, p. 217
27. ^ Richard Evans: Telling Lies about Hitler , Verso, 2002, ISBN 1-85984-417-0 , p. 119 ; see. Deborah Lipstadt: A Few Observations on Holocaust Denial and Antisemitism. In: McElligott / Herf (eds.): Antisemitism Before and Since the Holocaust , Wiesbaden 2017, p. 24
28. ^ ^{A b} Ruth Wodak: The Politics of Fear: What Right-Wing Populist Discourses Mean. Sage, London 2015, ISBN 1-4462-4699-X , pp. 104f.
29. ↑ Nina Horaczek, Sebastian Wiese: Against prejudices , Czernin Verlag, 2017, ISBN 3-7076-0608-2 , p. 164
30. ^ Deborah Lipstadt: Watching on the Rhine. In: Roger Griffin, Matthew Feldman (Eds.): Post-War Fascisms. Routledge, London 2003, ISBN 0-415-29020-1 , p. 208
31. ↑ Peter Longerich: The unwritten order. Hitler and the way to the "final solution". Piper, Munich 2001, ISBN 3-492-04295-3 , pp. 10-12 and 16-19
32. ↑ Peter Longerich: The unwritten order , Munich 2001, p. 68f. and 138-142
33. ^ Peter Longerich: The unwritten order , Munich 2001, pp. 74-77
34. ^ Peter Longerich: The unwritten command , Munich 2001, pp. 91–93
35. ↑ Peter Longerich: The unwritten order , Munich 2001, pp. 94–112
36. ↑ Peter Longerich: The unwritten order , Munich 2001, pp. 138-142
37. ^ Peter Longerich: The unwritten command , Munich 2001, pp. 143-148
38. ↑ Peter Longerich: The unwritten order , Munich 2001, pp. 175-184
39. ↑ Peter Longerich: The unwritten command , Munich 2001, pp. 185–192
40. ↑ Stephen Atkins: Holocaust Denial as an International Movement , 2009, p. 80
41. ↑ ^{a b} Stephen Atkins: Holocaust Denial as an International Movement , 2009, p. 108
42. ^ Alain Goldschläger: The Trials of Ernst Zundel. In: Robert Wistrich (Ed.): Holocaust Denial , Boston 2012, pp. 120f.
43. ↑ Laurence Rees: Auschwitz , Random House, 2005, ISBN 0-563-52296-8 , pp. 253f.
44. ^ Richard Evans: Telling Lies about Hitler , 2002, p. 132
45. ^ Robert Jan Van Pelt: The Case for Auschwitz , pp. 354f. and 391; Brigitte Bailer-Galanda et al. (Eds.): Truth and "Auschwitz Lie" , 1995, p. 112; Jan Markiewicz et al .: A Study of the Cyanide Compounds Content in the Walls of the Gas Chambers in the Former Auschwitz and Birkenau Concentration Camps. In: Z Zagadnień Nauk Sądowych 30 (1994), pp. 19-27
46. ↑ ^{a b} Christian Mentel: Rudolf, Germar. In: HdA 2, p. 701
47. ↑ John C. Zimmerman: Holocaust denial , 2000, p. 363, fn. 63a; Robert Jan Van Pelt: The Case for Auschwitz , 2016, pp. 498 and 537, fn. 7–8; Richard Green: Report of Richard. J. Green, PhD. (Court opinion for the Irving-Lipstadt trial, 2000, PDF)
48. ^ Karen Bartlett: Architects of Death: The Family Who Engineered the Holocaust. Biteback Publishing, London 2018, ISBN 1-78590-357-8 , p. 175
49. ^ Robert Jan van Pelt: The Van Pelt Report. London, June 2, 1999 at Hdot.org
50. ↑ Brigitte Bailer-Galanda et al .: Die Auschwitzleugner , 1996, p. 108ff.
51. ^ Robert Jan Van Pelt: The Case for Auschwitz , 2002, pp. 343f.
52. ^ DD Guttenplan: The Holocaust on Trial , p. 172
53. ↑ Jörg Echternkamp et al. (Ed.): Germany and the Second World War, Volume IX / I: German Wartime Society 1939–1945. Clarendon Press, 2008, pp. 355f.
54. ^ Robert Jan van Pelt: The Van Pelt Report, IV Attestations, 1945-46.
55. ↑ Stephen Atkins: Holocaust Denial as an International Movement , 2009, p. 272
56. ↑ Wolfgang Benz (Ed.): Dimension of the genocide. The number of victims of National Socialism. 2nd edition, Oldenbourg, Munich 1991, p. 17
57. ^ Bernhard Pörksen: The construction of enemy images , Westdeutscher Verlag, Wiesbaden 2000, ISBN 3-322-93544-2 , p. 205
58. ↑ Wolfgang Benz (Ed.): Dimension des Genölkermords , 2nd edition, Munich 1996, pp. 5-7
59. ↑ Wolfgang Benz: Refusal of Reality as an Anti-Semitic Principle: The Denial of Genocide. In: Wolfgang Benz (Ed.): Antisemitism in Germany. On the timeliness of a prejudice. Munich 1995, p. 129
60. ^ Ken McVay (Nizkor Project): The World Almanac Gambit
61. ↑ John C. Zimmerman: Holocaust denial , 2000, especially pp. 4–10 and 41ff.
62. ↑ Michael Shermer, Alex Grobman: Denying History , London 2009, p. XVI
63. ^ Robert Jan Van Pelt: The Case for Auschwitz: Evidence from the Irving Trial. Indiana University Press, 2016, ISBN 0-253-34016-0 , pp. 105-125
64. ↑ Paul Behrens et al. (Ed.): Holocaust and Genocide Denial , London 2017, p. 1
65. ^ ^{A b} Maria Munzert: Revisionism / Denial of the Holocaust. In: Lexicon of coming to terms with the past in Germany, Bielefeld 2009, p. 90
66. ↑ Paul Behrens et al. (Ed.): Holocaust and Genocide Denial , London 2017, p. 57 f.
67. ^ Stephen Atkins: Holocaust denial as an international movement. 2009, p. 78
68. ^ Stephen Atkins: Holocaust denial as an international movement. 2009, p. 12 , p. 109 and 206
69. ↑ Kenneth Saul Stern: Holocaust Denial , 1993, pp. 3, 49 and more often.
70. ↑ Alvin H. Rosenfeld: The end of the Holocaust. Göttingen 2015, p. 139
71. ^ Deborah Lipstadt: Denying the Holocaust , 1993, pp. 94-96
72. ^ Richard Evans: The Pathology of Denial. In: Peter Hayes: How Was It Possible? A Holocaust Reader. University of Nebraska Press, 2015, ISBN 978-0-8032-7469-3 , p. 836
73. ^ Jean-Yves Camus: Holocaust-denial , in: Backes / Moreau (eds.): The Extreme Right in Europe. Göttingen 2011, pp. 252f.
74. ^ ^{A b} Alvin H. Rosenfeld: Deciphering the New Antisemitism , 2015, p. 335
75. ↑ Robert Wistrich (Ed.): Holocaust Denial , Boston 2012, pp. 19f.
76. ^ Deborah Lipstadt: Denial: Holocaust History on Trial. Ecco, 2016, ISBN 0-06-266330-5 , p. 26
77. ↑ Wolfgang Benz: The function of Holocaust denial and historical revisionism for the right movement. In: Stephan Braun et al. (Ed.): Strategies of the extreme right , Wiesbaden 2009, p. 212
78. ^ Maria Munzert: Revisionism / Denial of the Holocaust. In: Lexicon of Coping with the Past in Germany, Bielefeld 2009, pp. 87ff.
79. ↑ Bernhard Pörksen: The construction of enemy images , Wiesbaden 2005, p. 206
80. ↑ Thomas Grumke, Bernd Wagner: Handbuch Rechtsradikalismus , Leske + Budrich, 2002, ISBN 3-8100-3399-5 , p. 313
81. ↑ Lars Rensmann, Julius H. Schoeps: Feindbild Judentum , Berlin 2008, p. 47
82. ^ Danny Ben-Moshe: Holocaust Denial in Australia. In: Robert Wistrich (Ed.): Holocaust Denial , Boston 2012, p. 165
83. ↑ Brigitte Bailer-Galanda (Ed.): Das Netz des Hasses , Deuticke, 1997, ISBN 3-216-30329-2 , pp. 41 and 56
84. ↑ Bettina Brockhorst: Between freedom of expression and danger to young people. In: BPjM, special issue, 9./10. November 1999, p. 66.
85. ^ Eli Hacohen: Digital Hate , in: Hans-Liudger Dienel et al. (Ed.): Terrorism and the Internet , Ios Press, 2010, ISBN 1-60750-536-3 , pp. 5f.
86. ^ Samuel Salzborn : Global anti-Semitism. A search for traces in the abyss of modernity. Beltz Juventa, Weinheim, Basel 2018, p. 71.
87. ^ Raphael Cohen-Almagor: Confronting the Internet's Dark Side , Cambridge University Press, 2015, ISBN 1-107-10559-5 , p. 217
88. ↑ Lillian Vega-Castaneda, Mario Castaneda: Teaching and Learning about Difference through Social Media , Routledge, London 2019, ISBN 0-8153-7629-4 , p. 134
89. ^ Deborah Lipstadt: Subject: Denial of the Holocaust. 1994, p. 35
90. ^ Deborah Lipstadt: Subject: Denial of the Holocaust. 1994, p. 49
91. ^ Deborah Lipstadt: A Few Observations on Holocaust Denial and Antisemitism. In: McElligott / Herf (ed.): Antisemitism Before and Since the Holocaust , Wiesbaden 2017, pp. 24-27
92. ^ Samuel Totten, Stephen Feinberg: Teaching and Studying the Holocaust. Allyn & Bacon, Boston 2001, ISBN 1-60752-300-0 , pp. 20f.
93. ↑ Michael Gray: Teaching the Holocaust , New York 2015, pp. 102-105
94. ^ Robert L. Hilliard, Michael C. Keith: Waves of Rancor , Routledge, New York 2015, ISBN 0-7656-0131-1 , p. 250
95. ^ Jon Casimir: Postcards from the Net: An Australian's Guide to the Wired World. Allen & Unwin, 1997, ISBN 1-86448-233-8 , pp. 19f.
96. ↑ Erik Meyer: Culture of Remembrance 2.0: Commemorative communication in digital media. Campus, Frankfurt am Main 2009, ISBN 3-593-38917-7 , p. 151
97. ↑ juliane Wetzel: Did six million really die? (Richard E. Harwood, 1974). In: HdA 6, p. 154
98. ↑ Thomas Grumke, Bernd Wagner (ed.): Handbuch Rechtsradikalismus , p. 9 , p. 516f.
99. ↑ Stephen Atkins: Holocaust Denial as an International Movement , 2009, pp. 253 and 272
100. ^ Deborah Lipstadt: Subject: Denial of the Holocaust. 1994, p. 50.
101. ^ Elisabeth Kübler: European politics of remembrance: The Council of Europe and the memory of the Holocaust. Transcript, Berlin 2012, ISBN 3-8376-1787-4 , pp. 63 and 92-94
102. ^ Avner Falk: Anti-semitism: A History and Psychoanalysis of Contemporary Hatred. Praeger, 2008, ISBN 0-313-35384-0 , p. 151
103. ↑ Frank Schellenberg: Between global memory discourse and regional perspective , 2018, p. 159
104. ^ Hugo Miller: Holocaust Denial Not Protected by Human-Rights Law, Court Says. Bloomberg, October 3, 2019
105. ↑ Mark Bray: Antifa. London 2017, p. 39 and fn. 147; Holocaust Uncovered (1945)
106. ↑ ^{a b} Wolfgang Benz: The function of Holocaust denial and historical revisionism for the right-wing movement. In: Stephan Braun et al. (Ed.): Strategies of the extreme right , Wiesbaden 2009, p. 210
107. ^ Stephen Atkins: Holocaust denial as an international movement. 2009, p. 77 f.
108. ↑ Angelika Schoder: The mediation of the incomprehensible: Representations of the Holocaust in the museum. Campus, Frankfurt am Main 2014, ISBN 3-593-50096-5 , p. 159
109. ↑ Britta Bugiel: Right-wing extremism of young people in the GDR and in the new federal states from 1982-1998. LIT, Münster 2002, ISBN 3-8258-6155-4 , pp. 60ff.
110. ↑ ^{a b} Fabian Virchow: "Auschwitz must go". In: Jens Mecklenburg (Ed.): Antifareader. Anti-fascist manual and guide. Elefanten Press, Berlin 1996, pp. 208-210.
111. ^ Joachim Rohlfes: Anti-democratic attitudes in the Weimar state and in the Federal Republic. In: History in Science and Education 66, Issue 3/4, 2015, p. 213.
112. ^ Christian Mentel: The Auschwitz Lie (Thies Christopherson, 1973). In: HdA 6, p. 52f.
113. ↑ H. Joachim Schwagerl: Right-wing extremist thinking: characteristics and methods. Fischer, Frankfurt am Main 1993, ISBN 3-596-11465-9 , p. 60
114. ^ Fabian Virchow: Donkey mask campaign (1978). In: HdA 4, p. 107f.
115. ↑ Thomas Irmer: Roth, Heinz. In: HdA 2, pp. 696f.
116. ↑ Michael Shermer, Alex Grobman: Denying History , Los Angeles 2000, p. 40
117. ^ Jean-Yves Camus: Holocaust-denial , in: Backes / Moreau (eds.): The Extreme Right in Europe. Göttingen 2011, p. 248
118. ↑ Fabian Virchow: Criticism - The Voice of the People (since 1971). In: HdA 6, p. 420
119. ^ Anton Maegerle: Club of the Revisionists. In: Blick nach Rechts 25, December 11, 2006
120. ↑ Stephan Braun et al. (Ed.): Strategies of the extreme right , Wiesbaden 2009, p. 377 f. and 470
121. ↑ ^{a b} Christian Mentel: Collegium Humanum. In: HdA 5, p. 114 f.
122. ↑ ^{a b} Armin Pfahl-Traughber: The scientific dimension of the historians' dispute on the test bench. In: Steffen Kailitz (ed.): The present of the past , Springer VS, Wiesbaden 2008, ISBN 978-3-531-91045-1 , pp. 88–92
123. ↑ Robert Wistrich (Ed.): Holocaust Denial , Boston 2012, pp. 14f.
124. ^ Deborah Lipstadt: Watching on the Rhine. In: Roger Griffin, Matthew Feldman (Eds.): Post-War Fascisms , London 2003, p. 207
125. ↑ Wolfgang Wippermann: Concentration Camp: History, Post-History, Commemoration. Espresso, 1999, ISBN 3885207281 , p. 93
126. ^ Wolfgang Benz: Developments in hostility towards Jews. In: HdA 8, p. 34 ; Stephan Braun et al. (Ed.): Strategies of the extreme right , Wiesbaden 2009, p. 408 ; Christian Mentel: Revisionism. In: HdA 3, p. 292
127. ↑ Alexander Ruoff: Verbiegen, Verdrägen, Beschweigen , Unrast, 2001, ISBN 3-89771-406-X , p. 7
128. ↑ Christian Mentel: Truth makes you free (documentary by Michael Schmidt, 1991). In: HdA 7, pp. 528-531
129. ^ Jan Herman Brinks: Children of a New Fatherland: Germany's Post-war Right Wing Politics. Tauris, New York 2000, ISBN 1-86064-458-9 , p. 107
130. ↑ Oliver Schröm, Andrea Röpke: Silent help for brown comrades , Christian Links, Berlin 2012, p. 74
131. ^ Rudolf Kleinschmidt: HNG - the silent help for neo-Nazis. In: Stephan Braun et al. (Ed.): Strategies of the extreme right , Wiesbaden 2009, p. 362ff.
132. ↑ Thomas Grumke, Bernd Wagner (Ed.): Handbuch Rechtsradikalismus. Opladen 2002, pp. 312-314
133. ↑ From the grounds of the Mannheim judgment against Günter Deckert in: Die Zeit, August 19, 1994.
134. ^ Christian Mentel: Deckert case. In: HdA 4, p. 119 f.
135. ↑ Brigitte Bailer-Galanda et al .: Die Auschwitzleugner , 1996, p. 262
136. ^ ^{A b} Anton Maegerle: Political and journalistic career of authors of the "Junge Freiheit". In: Stephan Braun, Ute Voigt (ed.): The weekly newspaper "Junge Freiheit". Springer VS, Wiesbaden 2007, ISBN 978-3-531-90559-4 , pp. 199-213, quotation p. 212
137. ↑ Wolfgang Gessenharter, Thomas Pfeiffer (ed.): The New Right - a Danger for Democracy? Springer VS, Wiesbaden 2004, ISBN 978-3-322-81016-8 , pp. 219f.
138. ↑ Arne Hoffmann: Das Lexikon der Tabubrüche , Ubooks, 2018, ISBN 3-944154-58-4 , p. 46
139. ↑ Memorial poster: Investigations against neo-Nazi Roeder. FAZ, August 7, 2001.
140. ^ Ministry of the Interior of North Rhine-Westphalia: Right-wing extremist skinhead music. 2001, PDF p. 94; German Bundestag: 14th electoral term, printed matter 14/2638. February 3, 2000, PDF p. 19
141. ^ ^{A b} Robert L. Hilliard, Michael C. Keith: Waves of Rancor: Tuning into the Radical Right. Routledge, New York 2015, ISBN 0-7656-0131-1 , pp. 236-238
142. ↑ ^{a b} Christian Mentel: Zündel, Ernst. In: HdA 2, p. 907
143. ^ John C. Zimmerman: Holocaust denial , 2000, pp. 357 f.
144. ↑ Michael Fischer: Horst Mahler , 2015, p. 319ff. ; Fabian Virchow: Verden Manifesto (February 5, 2003). In: HdA 6, p. 726
145. ↑ Wolfgang Gessenharter, Thomas Pfeiffer (ed.): The New Right - a Danger for Democracy? Wiesbaden 2004, p. 108
146. ↑ Christian Mentel: Association for the rehabilitation of those persecuted for denying the Holocaust. In: HdA 5, pp. 628f.
147. ^ Wilhelm Schwendemann et al. (Ed.): May 1945: Perspectives of Liberation. LIT Verlag, Münster 2018, ISBN 3-643-14142-4 , p. 120
148. ↑ Fabian Fischer: The constructed danger: enemy images in political extremism. Nomos, 2018, ISBN 3-8452-9346-2 , pp. 121f.
149. ^ Rainer Erb: Stolz, Sylvia. In: HdA 8, pp. 124-126
150. ↑ Stephan Braun et al. (Ed.): Strategies of the extreme right , Wiesbaden 2009, p. 185
151. Jump up ↑ Sebastian Lipp: “Conviction offender” pride. Look to the right, February 15, 2018 (fee required)
152. ^ Andreas Speit: Bürgerliche Scharfmacher: Germany's new right center - from AfD to Pegida. Orell Füssli, 2016, ISBN 3-280-03940-1 , pp. 192, 351 and p. 379
153. ↑ Christoph Butterwegge et al .: Right-wing populists in Parliament , Westend, 2018, ISBN 3-86489-714-9 , p. 176
154. ^ AfD visitor group: Suspicion of Holocaust denial is confirmed. Berliner Zeitung, November 21, 2018; Concentration camp memorials: the provocation principle. SZ, December 28, 2018
155. ^ Andreas Speit: AfD boss in Schleswig-Holstein: A heart for "SS comrades". taz, December 17, 2018
156. ↑ BfV: Expert opinion on actual indications for efforts against the free democratic basic order in the "Alternative for Germany" (AfD) and its sub-organizations. 17th January 2019
157. ^ Deborah Lipstadt: Denying the Holocaust , 1993, p. 19
158. ↑ Dominique Trimbur: Degrelle, Léon. In: HdA 8, p. 54
159. ^ Christian Mentel: Vrij Historisch Onderzoek. In: HdA 5, p. 641
160. ^ Friedrich-Wilhelm Schlomann: Neo-Nazi propaganda from abroad to Germany. Hanns Seidel Foundation, 2000, p. 16; Bernd Nickolay: Right-wing extremism on the Internet , Ergon, 2000, ISBN 3-933563-84-4 , p. 157
161. ^ Deborah Lipstadt: Denying the Holocaust , 1993, pp. 61f.
162. ^ Robert Wistrich (Ed.): Holocaust Denial , Boston 2012, p. 8
163. ↑ Michael Shermer: Denying History , pp. 41 and 174
164. ↑ Mark D. Kielsgard: Responding to Modern Genocide. Taylor & Francis, 2015, ISBN 0-8153-5532-7 , pp. 188f.
165. ^ Jean-Yves Camus: Holocaust-denial , in: Backes / Moreau (eds.): The Extreme Right in Europe. Göttingen 2011, p. 250f.
166. ↑ Andreas Schmoller: Past that does not pass: The memory of the Shoah in France since 1945 in the medium of film. Studienverlag GmbH, 2010, ISBN 3-7065-4853-4 , p. 121
167. ↑ Robert Wistrich (ed.): Holocaust Denial , Boston 2012, p. 9
168. ^ Deborah Lipstadt: Denying the Holocaust , 1993, p. 17
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170. ^ Jonathon Green, Nicholas J. Karolides: Encyclopedia of Censorship. New edition, Facts on File, New York 2005, ISBN 978-1-43811001-1 , pp. 236f.
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172. ^ Philip Mendes: Jews and the Left: The Rise and Fall of a Political Alliance. Springer VS, Wiesbaden 2014, ISBN 978-1-137-00830-5 , p. 83
173. ↑ Paul Behrens et al. (Ed.): Holocaust and Genocide Denial , London 2017, p. 76
174. ^ Frank Schellenberg: Between global memory discourse and regional perspective , 2018, pp. 152–154
175. ↑ Alvin H. Rosenfeld: The end of the Holocaust. Göttingen 2015, p. 216
176. ↑ Michel Eltchaninoff: Inside the Mind of Marine Le Pen. Hurst, 2017, ISBN 1-84904-999-8 , p. 36
177. ↑ Jonathan Marcus: The National Front and French Politics. Springer VS, Wiesbaden 1995, ISBN 978-1-349-24032-6 , p. 126f.
178. ↑ Jose Pedro Zúquete: Missionary Politics in Contemporary Europe. Syracuse University Press, 2007, ISBN 0-8156-3149-9 , p. 52
179. ↑ Richard J. Golsan: The Vichy Past in France Today: Corruptions of Memory. Lexington, 2016, ISBN 1-4985-5032-0 , p. 10
180. ^ Björn Weigel: Dieudonné M'bala M'bala. In: HdA 2, pp. 173f.
181. ^ Juliane Wetzel: Mattogno, Carlo. In: HdA 2, p. 528f.
182. ↑ Claudia Dantschke: We come full circle. jungle world, December 19, 2001.
183. ^ Meeting of Islamists and neo-Nazis: Holocaust deniers swear by Italy. Spiegel Online, October 11, 2002.
184. ↑ Uladzislau Belavusau, Aleksandra Gliszczyńska-Grabias: Law and Memory: Towards Legal Governance of History. Cambridge University Press, 2017, ISBN 1-107-18875-X , p. 141
185. ↑ Saviona Mane: Italian Parliament Adopts 'Historic' Law Combating Holocaust Denial. In: Haaretz online. June 9, 2016, accessed November 4, 2019 . 
186. ^ Raymond Bonner: A Would-Be Tito Helps to Dismantle His Legacy. New York Times, Aug. 20, 1995; Deborah Lipstadt: Subject: Denial of the Holocaust. 1994, p. 22.
187. ^ Branislav Radeljić, Martina Topić: Religion in the Post-Yugoslav Context. Lexington Books, 2015, ISBN 1-4985-2247-5 , pp. 61-63
188. ^ Tamara Opačić: Selective Amnesia: Croatia's Holocaust Deniers. Jasenovac / Zagreb, November 24, 2017
189. ↑ Brigitte Bailer-Galanda et al .: Truth and "Auschwitz Lie" , 1995, p. 40
190. ^ Stephen Atkins: Holocaust denial as an international movement. 2009, p. 109f.
191. ^ Deborah Lipstadt: Subject: Denial of the Holocaust. 1994, p. 286, footnote 43
192. ↑ Brigitte Bailer-Galanda et al .: The Auschwitz Deniers. 1996, pp. 124-127 and 150f., Footnote 14; Brigitte Bailer-Galanda et al .: Truth and “Auschwitz Läge” , 1995, p. 97ff. and 274
193. ↑ Ted Gottfried: Deniers of the Holocaust , p. 95
194. ^ Philipp Rohrbach: The Aula (Austria, since 1952). In: HdA 6, p. 49
195. ^ R. Amy Elman: The European Union, Antisemitism, and the Politics of Denial. University of Nebraska Press, 2015, ISBN 0-8032-5541-1 , p. 42
196. ^ Hans-Henning Scharsach, Kurt Kuch: Haider: Shadows over Europe. Kiepenheuer & Witsch, 2000, p. 46f.
197. ↑ Horst Freires: Prison sentences for Holocaust deniers. Look to the right, April 13, 2018 (chargeable)
198. ↑ Bernhard Pörksen: The construction of enemy images , Wiesbaden 2000, p. 126
199. ^ Günter Morsch, Astrid Ley: New studies on National Socialist mass killings by poison gas. Metropol, Berlin 2011, ISBN 3940938998 , p. 392
200. ↑ Ruth Wodak: The Politics of Fear , London 2015, pp. 107–111
201. ^ John-Paul Himka, Joanna Beata Michlic : Bringing the Dark Past to Light , University of Nebraska Press, Nebraska 2013, ISBN 0-8032-2544-X , pp. 414-420
202. ^ Polish Holocaust Statements Act enters into force. Time online, March 1, 2018
203. ↑ Tomasz Tadeusz Koncewicz: On the Politics of Resentment, Mismemory, and Constitutional Fidelity , In: Uladzislau Belavusau, Aleksandra Gliszczyńska-Grabias (ed.): Law and Memory , 2017, pp. 263–280, especially p. 289
204. ^ Polish government defuses controversial Holocaust law. Time online, June 27, 2018
205. ^ Damir Skenderovic: Amaudruz, Gaston-Armand. In: HdA 2, pp. 15-17
206. ↑ Thomas Grumke, Bernd Wagner (Ed.): Handbuch Rechtsradikalismus. Opladen 2002, pp. 258-261
207. ↑ Ursula Caberta: Black Book Esoteric. 2nd edition, Gütersloher Verlagshaus, Gütersloh 2011, ISBN 3-641-05869-4 , p. 71
208. ↑ Deborah E. Lipstadt: Subject: Denial of the Holocaust. 1994, pp. 23 and 286, footnote 20
209. ↑ Michael Studemund-Halevy: CEDADE. In: HdA 5, p. 112
210. ↑ Denial of the Holocaust is no longer punishable in Spain. Spiegel Online, November 9, 2007.
211. ↑ Michael Shermer, Alex Grobman: Denying History: Who Says the Holocaust Never Happened and Why Do They Say It? Los Angeles 2000, p. 41
212. ↑ Paul Behrens et al. (Ed.): Holocaust and Genocide Denial , London 2017, pp. 15-18
213. ^ Deborah Lipstadt: Subject: Denial of the Holocaust. 1994, p. 24.
214. ↑ Robert Wistrich (Ed.): Holocaust Denial , Boston 2012, p. 4f.
215. ↑ Till Bastian: Auschwitz and the 'Auschwitz Lie' , 2016, p. 62
216. ^ Nigel Copsey, Matthew Worley: Tomorrow Belongs to Us: The British Far Right since 1967. Routledge, London 2017, ISBN 1-138-67517-2 , p. 41
217. ^ Konrad Kwiet, Jürgen Matthaus: Contemporary Responses to the Holocaust. Praeger, 2004, ISBN 0-275-97466-9 , p. 154
218. ↑ Chris Baynes: More than 2.6m Brits are Holocaust deniers, poll finds. The Independent, January 27, 2019
219. ^ ^{A b c} Alvin H. Rosenfeld: Deciphering the New Antisemitism. Indiana University Press, 2015, ISBN 0-253-01869-2 , pp. 247-250
220. ↑ Norbert Sommer, Thomas Seiterich: Roll backwards with Benedict: how a Pope obstructs the future of the Church. Publik-Forum, 2009, ISBN 3-88095-189-6 , p. 157
221. ↑ Alexander Kissler: Pope in contradiction: Benedict XVI. and his church 2005-2013. Pattloch, 2013, ISBN 3-629-02215-4 , p. 61
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223. ↑ Petra E. Dorsch-Jungsberger: Papal Church and People's Church in Conflict , LIT Verlag, Münster 2014, ISBN 3-643-12226-8 , s. 283f.
224. ↑ Benedict XVI. in Jad Vashem. Holocaust: Pope omits the role of the church. Süddeutsche Zeitung, May 12, 2009.
225. ↑ Juliane Wetzel: Priestly Society of St. Pius X. In: HdA 5, p. 501
226. ↑ Court of Human Rights: Richard Williamson fails with appeal. Jewish General, January 31, 2019
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228. ^ Geoffrey Short, Carole Ann Reed: Issues in Holocaust Education. Ashgate, 2004, ISBN 0-7546-4210-0 , p. 23
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230. ↑ Juliane Wetzel: Did six million really die? (Richard E. Harwood, 1974). In: HdA 6, p. 154 f.
231. ↑ Robert Wistrich (Ed.): Holocaust Denial , Boston 2012, pp. 5f.
232. ^ Deborah Lipstadt: Denying the Holocaust , 1993, p. 123
233. ^ ^{A b} Paul Jackson, A. Shekhovtsov: The Post-War Anglo-American Far Right: A Special Relationship of Hate. Palgrave McMillan, 2014, ISBN 978-1-137-39621-1 , p. 31
234. ^ ^{A b} Christian Mentel: Institute for Historical Review (USA). In: HdA 5, pp. 328-330
235. ^ Alvin H. Rosenfeld: Deciphering the New Antisemitism. Indiana 2015, p. 354
236. ^ Christian Mentel: Leuchter Report (Fred A. Leuchter, 1988). In: HdA 6, pp. 424-428
237. ↑ George Michael: Willis Carto and the American Far Right. University Press of Florida, 2008, ISBN 0-8130-3198-2 , p. 56
238. ^ Gerard Braunthal: Right-Wing Extremism in Contemporary Germany. Palgrave Macmillan, 2009, ISBN 978-0-230-25116-8 , p. 57
239. ^ Alan M. Dershowitz: The Vanishing American Jew: In Search of Jewish Identity for the Next Century. Little, Brown and Company, 2000, ISBN 0-684-84898-8 , p. 79
240. ↑ Stephen Atkins: Encyclopedia of Right-Wing Extremism In Modern American History. ABC-Clio, 2011, ISBN 1-59884-351-6 , p. 110
241. ↑ Stephen Atkins: Encyclopedia of Right-Wing Extremism In Modern American History , 2011, p. 53
242. ↑ Michael Funk: USA refuses Polish Holocaust denier entry for conference. Look to the right, April 1, 2004 (fee required)
243. ↑ Kenneth Lasson: Defending Truth. Holocaust Denial in the Twenty-First Century. In: Ludovic Hennebel, Thomas Hochmann (eds.): Genocide Denials and the Law. Oxford University Press, 2011, ISBN 0-19-987639-8 , p. 123
244. ^ Christian Mentel: Committee for Open Debate on the Holocaust (USA). In: HdA 5, p. 121 f.
245. ↑ Steven K. Baum: Antisemitism Explained. University Press of America, 2011, ISBN 0-7618-5578-5 , p. 201
246. ↑ Paul Behrens et al .: Holocaust and Genocide Denial , p. 49
247. ↑ Anti-Semitic social media posts may hold clues in fatal Pittsburgh shooting. Reuters, October 27, 2018
248. ↑ Herb Asher: Polling and the Public: What Every Citizen Should Know. CQ Press, 2017, ISBN 978-1-5063-5242-8 , p. 287
249. ^ Colin Tatz, Winton Higgins: The Magnitude of Genocide. 2016, p. 162
250. ↑ Meir Litvak, Esther Webman: From Empathy to Denial , p 156
251. ↑ ^{a b c d} Frank Schellenberg: Between global memory discourse and regional perspective , 2018, pp. 145–152
252. ↑ Meir Litvak, Esther Webman: From Empathy to Denial , p 83-87
253. ^ Stephen Atkins: Holocaust denial as an international movement. 2009, p. 211
254. ^ Alain Goldschläger: The Trials of Ernst Zundel. In: Robert Wistrich (Ed.): Holocaust Denial , Boston 2012, p. 106
255. ^ Stephen Atkins: Holocaust denial as an international movement. 2009, p. 219
256. ↑ Matthias Küntzel: Judeophobia and the denial of the Holocaust in Iran. In: Robert Wistrich (Ed.): Holocaust Denial , Boston 2012, p. 239; Full quote from Memri.org
257. ^ Stephen Atkins: Holocaust denial as an international movement. 2009, p. 218
258. ↑ Margret Chatwin: The role of anti-Semitism in right-wing extremism. In: Grumke / Wagner: Handbuch Rechtsradikalismus , Opladen 2002, pp. 185–187
259. ^ Joshua L. Gleis, Benedetta Berti: Hezbollah and Hamas: A Comparative Study. Johns Hopkins University Press, 2012, ISBN 1-4214-0614-4 , p. 56
260. ↑ David G. Dalin, John F. Rothmann: Icon of Evil: Hitler's Mufti and the Rise of Radical Islam. Random House, 2008, ISBN 1-4000-6653-0 , pp. 119f.
261. ↑ Jonathan Schanzer: State of Failure: Yasser Arafat, Mahmoud Abbas, and the Unmaking of the Unmaking of the Palestinian State. Palgrave Macmillan, 2013, ISBN 1-137-27824-2 , pp. 96f.
262. ^ Robert Wistrich (Ed.): Holocaust Denial , Boston 2012, p. 22
263. ↑ David K. Shipler: Arab and Jew: Wounded Spirits in a Promised Land. Broadway Books, New York 2015, ISBN 978-0-553-44751-4 , p. 469
264. ^ Fiamma Nirenstein: Terror: the new anti-semitism and the war against the West. Smith and Kraus, 2005, ISBN 1-57525-347-X , pp. 65f.
265. ^ Marvin Perry, Frederick M. Schweitzer: Antisemitic Myths: A Historical and Contemporary Anthology. Indiana University Press, 2008, ISBN 0-253-34984-2 , p. 329
266. ↑ Sariel Birnbaum: Historical Discourse in the Media of the PNA. In: Meir Litvak (Ed.): Palestinian Collective Memory and National Identity. Springer VS, Wiesbaden 2009, ISBN 978-0-230-62163-3 , p. 158
267. ^ Abbas says Jews' behavior, not anti-Semitism, caused the Holocaust. Times of Israel, May 1, 2018; Anti-Semitic speech: Abbas blames Jews for the Holocaust. Spiegel online, May 1, 2018
268. ↑ Shaul Bartal, Nesya Rubinstein-Shemer: Hamas and Ideology: Sheikh Yūsuf al-Qaraḍāwī on the Jews, Zionism and Israel. Taylor & Francis, 2017, ISBN 1-138-30039-X , p. 255
269. ^ David Patterson: Anti-Semitism and Its Metaphysical Origins. Cambridge University Press, 2015, ISBN 1-107-04074-4 , p. 184 ; Full citation online , Memri, August 27, 2003
270. ↑ ^{a b} Robert Wistrich (ed.): Holocaust Denial , Boston 2012, p. 21 and fn. 60
271. ↑ Stephan Grigat: Anti-Semitism in Iran since 1979. In: Marc Grimm, Bodo Kahmann (Ed.): Anti-Semitism in the 21st Century: Virulence of an Old Enmity in Times of Islamism and Terror. De Gruyter / Oldenbourg, Munich 2018, ISBN 3-11-053471-1 , p. 206 and footnote 33
272. ↑ Ray Takeyh: Guardians of the Revolution: Iran and the World in the Age of the Ayatollahs. Oxford University Press, 2011, p. 256 ; German translation: Iran on anti-Israel course: outrage over Holocaust statement. Stern, December 8, 2005
273. ↑ Iran Foreign Policy & Government Guide. International Business Publications, 2006, ISBN 0-7397-8300-9 , p. 147
274. ↑ Claus Leggewie: Historikerstreit - transnational. In: Steffen Kailitz (ed.): The present of the past , Springer VS, Wiesbaden 2008, ISBN 3-531-91045-0 , p. 66
275. ^ Conversation with Ahmadinejad. Spiegel Online, May 31, 2006
276. ^ Jean-Yves Camus: Holocaust-denial , in: Backes / Moreau (eds.): The Extreme Right in Europe. Göttingen 2011, p. 261
277. ↑ Stephan Grigat : "From delegitimization to eliminatory anti-Zionism." In: Samuel Salzborn (Ed.): Antisemitism since 9/11. Events, debates, controversies. Nomos, Baden-Baden 2019, p. 332.
278. ↑ Coronavirus: Ayatollah open to vaccine from Israel. www.juedische-allgemeine.de, May 1, 2020
279. ↑ Farhad Rezaei: Iran's Foreign Policy After the Nuclear Agreement , Palgrave Macmillan, ISBN 3-319-76789-5, p. 222 ; Christine Pelosi: Iran No Longer Led By Holocaust Denier, Foreign Minister Javad Zarif Tweets. Huffington Post, September 5, 2013
280. ↑ Stephan Grigat: Antisemitism in Iran since 1979. In: Grimm / Kahmann (Ed.): Antisemitismus im 21. Jahrhundert , Munich 2018, pp. 211-214
281. ^ RN Bali: Perceptions of the Holocaust in Turkey. In: Günther Jikeli, Joëlle Allouche-Benayoun (Ed.): Perceptions of the Holocaust in Europe and Muslim Communities. Springer VS, Wiesbaden 2013, pp. 65f.
282. ^ Danny Ben-Moshe: Holocaust Denial in Australia. In: Robert Wistrich (Ed.): Holocaust Denial , Boston 2012, p. 159 f.
283. ↑ Stephen Roth: Anti-semitism Worldwide, 1999/2000. University of Nebraska Press, 2001, ISBN 0-8032-5943-3 , p. 196
284. ↑ Thomas Greven, Thomas Grumke: Globalized right-wing extremism? Springer VS, Wiesbaden 2006, ISBN 3-531-90125-7 , p. 197
285. ↑ George Michael: The enemy of my enemy , University Press of Kansas, 2006, ISBN 0-7006-1444-3 , p. 158 and fn. 206
286. ^ Danny Ben-Moshe: Analysis of Current Trends in Antisemitism, Vol. 25: Holocaust Denial in Australia. Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 2005, ISSN  0792-9269 , p. 26.
287. ^ Deborah Lipstadt: Subject: Denial of the Holocaust. 1994, p. 29
288. ^ Judith E. Berman: Holocaust Agendas, Conspiracies and Industries? Vallentine Mitchell, 2006, ISBN 0-85303-711-6 , pp. 19f. and 114, fn. 46
289. ↑ ^{a b} Yuji Ishida: Japan. In: HdA 1, p. 179
290. ↑ Rotem Kowner: The Strange Case of Japanese "Revisionism". In: Robert Wistrich (Ed.): Holocaust Denial , Boston 2012, p. 187
291. ^ Deborah Lipstadt: Subject: Denial of the Holocaust. 1994, p. 30

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This version was added to the list of articles worth reading on December 18, 2005 .